著者

福島 惠

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.76, no.4, pp.651-690, 2018-03

著者

上田 早苗

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.28, no.4, pp.19-41, 1970-03

著者

莵原 卓

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.2, pp.p321-362, 1982-09

---

This essay investigates the actual conditions of the vizirate during the latter half of the Fatimid dynasty and systematically comprehends its character in an attempt to consider its historical significance. When one traces the transition of the latter vizirate, the following points are confirmed : first, that all the viziers had come from the military class ; secondly, that in most cases they had had direct or indirect recourse to military force in establishing their accession ; and thirdly, that the entire climate of the political process during the latter period mostly evolved around the vizier. Speaking from an institutional perspective, the vizier controlled the highest authorities of the army, the administrative organization and the organization for religious affairs. The vizier was the actual controller of the state. Their supreme position is also verifiable from other aspects, including their exceptional remuneration, supervision of the mazalim, high status in ritual ceremonies, hereditary political position, and title of malik. The latter viziers who possessed such a great jurisdiction, occupying such a supreme position, threatened the supreme spiritual authority of the caliph. So the rule of the Fatimid dynasty based on the ideology of Isma'iliyya became nominal by degrees. At the same time, however, there was also a limit to their power ; namely, their having established their economic base in a deteriorating traditional system of tax collection. For this reason, the control of the Fatimids was not yet completely overturned and was able to continue to exist, despite the viziers having seized actual political power until Salah al-Din had put the military iqta' system into effect to the extent of establishing a new state organization.

著者

中 純夫

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.3, pp.464-502, 2008-12

---

Yun Geun-su 尹根壽 was involved in arguments with Lu Guangzu 陸光祖 over the differences between the Zhu and Lu 朱陸 (or Zhu and Wang 朱王) schools in the 21th year of the Myeong-jong 明宗 era (Jiajing 嘉靖 45 or 1566) during his mission to Beijing as Bu-yeon envoy 赴燕使. The contents of the arguments are recorded in the "Zhu-Lu ron-nan" 朱陸論難 chapter of the Ueol-jeong jip 月汀集. Yun Geun-su argued from a position firmly grounded in the school of Zhuxi and criticized the Lu-Wang school. In contrast, Lu Guangzu took the opposite side, affirming the Lu-Wang school and criticized the school of Zhuxi. During the reign of Seon-jo 宣祖 in the period between the Japanese invasions of the Im-sin oaeran 壬辰倭亂 and Jeong-yu jae-ran 丁酉再亂, there were some who came from China to Joseon and who had been involved in Zhu-Lu or Zhu-Wang disputations, and there were also those who gone to China from Joseon as Bu-yeon envoys who had participated in similar disputes with those from the Chinese side. They included (1) Yu Seong-ryo 柳成龍, who was the Seo-sang goan 書状官 (official secretary) of the Seong-jeol sa 聖節使 embassy of the second year of the reign of Seon-jo (1569), (2) Heo-bong 許篈, who was the Seo-sang goan of Seong-jeol sa embassy of seventh year of the reign of Seon-jo (1574), (3) Huang Hongxian 黄洪憲 and Wang Jingmin 王敬民 who were emissaries in the 15th year of Seon-jo (1582), (4) Song Yingchang 宋應昌 who was Jinglue-Chaoxian 經略朝鮮 in the 26th year of the reign of Seon-jo (1593), and (5) Yuan Huang 袁黄 who was Jinglue zanhua 經略贊畫 in the 26th year of the reign of Seon-jo (1593). In each of these cases a common pattern is visible: those from the Chinese side displayed their admiration of the school of Lu-Wang and those from the Joseon side had absolute faith in the school of Zhuxi and rejected Lu-Wang thought. In this respect, the "Zhu-Lu ron-nan" was exactly the same. However, the "Zhu-Lu ron-nan" recorded what was among the first disputations on the Zhu-Lu schools between the two countries, and it was also superior in terms of the quality and quantity of its contents. In addition, it was, along with the work of I-hoang 李滉, one of the earliest critiques of the Lu Wang school in Joseon. Moreover, Lu Guangzu was a top official, who served as Minister of Ministry of Personnel 吏部尚書, and although he was an important figure in the political history of the Ming, little light has been shed on the content of his thought. In his secondary collection known as the Lu Zhuang-gong yigao 陸莊簡公遺稿 one sees fragmentary evidence that indicate a relationship with Buddhist thought and that of Wang Yangming, but the truth of his belief in the Yangming school is unclear. On the basis of the existence of the Joseon source "Zhu-Lu ron-nan, " it has become possible to elucidate the theoretical position of Lu Guanzu. For this reason also the value of the "ZhuLu ron-nan" is particularly high.

著者

若松 寛

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, no.3, pp.596-603, 1980-12-31

著者

石見 清裕

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.2, pp.243-276, 1998-09

---

Two kinds of studies have been taken place concerning the sovereign's message given to foreign envoys during the Tang Dynasty. The first one mainly focuses on the form of the message, while the other deals with the international relations described in the contents. Therefore, they have not clarified what kind of ceremony was held at the presentation of the message to the foreign envoys. In the "Bin Li" 賓禮 (Rituals of guest greeting) of the Tang, there was no regulation over the way of the presentation. Although the Tang Emperor was found to have uttered words to the envoys on 17 different occasions, none of these words represented the presentation of the message. If we look at other rituals besides the "Bin Li", we discover the ceremony at which the words of the Emperor were read aloud and then the message was presented to the envoys in the "Jia Li" 嘉禮 (Rituals of greeting the subjects by the Emperor). Concerning the procedure of this ceremony, the foreign envoys first welcomed the messenger sent by the Tang Emperor, then received the diplomatic documents, and lastly sent out the messenger. This ceremony was held on the Tang territory instead of the capitals of foreign countries, and it was the ceremony of presenting the Tang sovereign's message indeed. It was held at an assembly hall called "Ying-bin Guan" 迎賓館, the guest palace. Through this concrete description of the ritual form, our understanding of the structure of the world of East Asia is largely deepened.

著者

石見 清裕

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.68, no.1, pp.1-33, 2009-06

---

In 1995 I analyzed the Fuyi-ling 賦役令 , the Tang dynasty tax codes for alien peoples who had been subjects of the empire. This was in order to understand the character of the Tang dynasty as a multi-ethnic state. The three articles of the regulations that I examined at that time were 1) the regulation exempting naturalized subjects from paying taxes for ten years; 2) the regulation exempting the Yidi 夷狄 from paying taxes for three years; and 3) the regulation on paying taxes in silver currency or sheep. However, with the publication of the newly discovered Tiansheng-ling 天聖令 in 2006, it became possible to view the original text of the laws promulgated in the 25th year of the Kaiyuan reign. It thus became necessary to revise my analysis. The first and second regulations are combined in a single article of the Tiansheng-ling, and the word Yilao 夷獠 is used instead of Yidi. The Yilao were people who inhabited areas of southern or southwestern China. The second regulation was created when they were incorporated into the territory of the empire. Therefore, the concept Yidi does not appear in the legal code. As regards ancient Japanese administrative law, which was influenced by the Tang codes, the term Yidi has been thought to refer to people in an intermediate state (neither Japanese nor foreign) and this interpretation must now also be revised. The third regulation does not appear in the Tiansheng-ling, which was promulgated in Kaiyuan 25. However, since this article indisputably existed in the Tang legal system prior to this point, it is clear that it was eliminated from the code of Kaiyuan 25. As other special regulations concerning taxes were also removed, it can be surmised that the tax code was simplified in the code of Kaiyuan 25. Moreover, it has been thought that during the Tang, foreign lands were divided into fan'yu 蕃域, those territories closest to China, and jueyu 絶域, the outer limits of the earth. However, it is clear that these conceptions were not stipulated in the administrative law of the Tang, and thus these principles of classification did not exist in Tang times. In conclusion, the Tang dynasty's method of ruling alien peoples changed over time and according to the period, and these changes can be understood as the process of the maturing of the Tang state.

著者

東洋史研究会 [編]

出版者

政經書院

巻号頁・発行日

1935

著者

佐原 康夫

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.3, pp.405-432, 2002-12

---

Many tombs from the age of the emperors Wen and Ying of the early period of the Former Han throughout the Fenghuang-shan 鳳凰山 area of the Jiangling District of Hubei Province 湖北省江陵縣 were investigated from 1973 to 1975. Within several of the excavated tombs organic objects such as wooden and woven artifacts had been particularly well preserved by the effects of ground water. Furthermore, lists of furnishings 遣策,were also excavated from several of the tombs, and the objects listed there in can be checked against the existing furnishings. This study aims at a comprehensive interpretation of the Han-dynasty wooden slips 簡牘 excavated from theses tombs. In general the slips excavated from Han-era tombs can be categorized as either funerary documents or those that are not. The former are intimately linked with the burial ceremony itself, including letters addressed to the officials of the underworld designed to assist the deceased in addition to the list of funerary objects. The latter were often written by the deceased in his or her lifetime, varied in content, and displayed little ceremonial character. My analysis of the funerary documents proceeds on the basis of this categorization. First, the following points may be specified on the basis of a comparison of the items in the list of furnishings with the many wooden figurines among the furnishings buried m the Fenghuang-shan tombs in Jiangling. In short, each and every of these wooden figurines had a personal name written on the list and had been placed in the tomb to serve the deceased as a slave. Among them can be seen various occupations, carriage drivers, outriders, chamberlains, domestic and farm laborers, but these are idealized version of a wealthy household. As the deceased journeyed off to the world of the afterlife with his household possessions including his slaves, he sometimes carried letters addressed to the officials of the underworld. This kind of funerary document was composed separately from the list of furnishings and displays specific characteristics according to period and region. Next, I examine the slips that recounted the life of the deceased. In the wooden slips excavated from Tomb No. Ten at Fenghuang-shan in Jiangling, one sees various items related to the collection of land rents, hay, and head taxes as well as commercial activities, revealing that the deceased was a village chief, lizheng 里正. Based on this evidence, one can analyze the role of the village chief and the character of his village. First, the residents of the villages of Shiyang 市陽里 and Dangli 當利里 in the Xixiang 西鄉 of Jiangling were of the farming class, but their area of cultivation was very small, and it appears that they had to depend on other methods to make a living. In this regard, these villages were communities with an urban character, unlike the typical Han village. The village chief who was buried in Tomb No. Ten had been charged with parceling out corvee labor assignments and the collection of land rents, hay and the head tax and its payment to the county 鄉 authorities. This variety of public service was carried out under direct order of the county, but itis thought that in practice the village chief was granted great latitude in fulfilling his duties. The village chief regulated the burden of corvee labor and taxes within his village and at times in cooperation with neighboring villages, in order to satisfy the demands of the government. Therefore the Han village can be regarded as one sort of social community that was complementary to the govemental administration. The wooden slips from the Fenghuang-shan in Jiangling strongly reflect the period of emperors Wen through Ying and the regional flavor of Nanjun 南郡 Jiangling District. Although they are historical materials related to the history of the Han-dynastic system, they cannot easily be generalized to provide a comprehensive interpretation. Nevertheless, their most outstanding character is that they provide a vertical section of a society from the poor peasant on the land to the wealthy in the underworld of a particular period and place.

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, no.6, pp.503, 1938-09-28

著者

石井 壽夫

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, no.1, pp.20-30, 1942-05-20

著者

糟谷 憲一

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.70, no.1, pp.100-126, 2011-06

---

The aim of this article is to elucidate the changes in the power structure in Joseon during the period from the Kabo Reform (July, 1894) to eve of the Russo-Japanese War (February, 1904). The author has previously examined the power structure of the Taeweongun 大院君 regime and the Min clan 閔氏 regime. The method of analysis involved a survey of those appointed to bureaucratic offices in the upper levels of the regime, clarifying to which of Four Sects (Sasek Tangp'a 四色黨派) and clans they belonged and calculating the ratios. As a result, the author made clear that within the Taeweongun regime, the ascendancy of Noron 老論, the largest faction, was unshaken, and that in the second half of the Min clan regime (December 1884 to July 1894) the ascendancy of the Noron faction became even stronger, and the power of the Yeohung Min 驪興閔 clan, which was a part of the Noron faction and was associated with the matrilineal side of the royal house, increased dramatically. In this article I survey appointees to the central government posts of Minister, Vice-Minister, and to the Department of the Imperial Household and analyze their affiliation with factions and clans. As this period was one of major political change, my analysis is based on distinguishing four periods: 1) that of the Kabo Reform, 2) that when the King resided in the Russian legation (February, 1896 to February, 1897), 3) that of the unfolding of the Independent Club's push for reform (February, 1897 to January, 1899), and 4) that of imperial despotism (January 1899 to February 1904). As a result, I have been able to clarify the following points. First, in regard to the Noron, the power of the Noron and influential clans, such as the Yeohung Min, declined within the upper levels of the government following the Kabo Reforms, but they maintained great influence in upper ranks of the Department of the Imperial Household. The power of the Noron in the upper levels of government was restored to the level of the latter half of the Min clan regime after the Independent Club began promoting reform. During that period, the Noron continued to occupy positions of power in the upper levels of the Department of the Imperial Household, and the power of the influential clans in the Noron faction was completely restored. Second, during the period of imperial despotism, the power of the Noron, from which ministerial appointments were made, increased, and the strength of the Noron in the upper levels of the Department of the Imperial Household grew to 50 percent. I believe this is an important factor in considering the foundation that supported imperial despotism.

著者

ヨシュア・A・フォーゲル

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.2, pp.356-363, 1981-09-30

著者

北村 稔

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.3, pp.559-570, 1988-12-31

著者

ジョン リ

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, no.4, pp.754-764, 1981-03-31

著者

上田 信

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.4, pp.738-744, 1991-03-31

著者

ジョシュア フォーゲル

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.3, pp.469-475, 1979-12-31

著者

杉本 憲司

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.65, no.2, pp.309-318, 2006-09

著者

渡辺 信一郎

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.1, pp.p174-184, 1984-06

著者

木村 幹

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.72, no.4, pp.655-665, 2014-03-31