著者

中島 樂章

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.4, pp.755-792, 2016-03

著者

小沼 孝博

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, no.1, pp.204-171, 2016-06

著者

小沼 孝博

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, no.1, pp.204-171, 2016-06

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This paper examines the interactions between political power and local merchants, traces the traditional systems of the caravan trade in Kashgaria oasis towns to the south of the Tianshan Mountains (southern Xinjiang), and investigates how these changed after the Qing conquest. In the 16th and 17th centuries, Yarkand flourished as the capital of Yarkand Khanate and as a hub of trade, from which large-scale caravans that journeyed towards Ming China were dispatched about once a year. The rights and certifications for sending caravans were sold by the Yarkand khan to the caravan leader. The khan also charged a large sum for the rights for mining jade, which was the most important product traded with Ming China. In short, profits from caravan trade were directly connected to the revenue of political power established at oasis towns in Central Asia. After the Kashgaria region was conquered by the Qing dynasty in 1759 and became a new northwestern frontier of the Qing, Kashgarian Muslim merchants faded from the international trade scene of over time due to trade restrictions imposed by the Qing. The Qing set up a series of karun (check points) along the route to monitor traffic. To pass through a karun, the merchant needed permission from the Qing authorities. After the Qing established a government-managed trade relationship with the Kazakhs in northern Xinjiang, they prohibited direct trade between the Kazakhs and the Kashgarian Muslims to ensure their own monopoly over the market. The Qing government did not have a management strategy to make active use of the Kashgarian merchants. However, the Qing imposed restrictions on external trade in Kashgaria primarily to maintain frontier order. Closely tracing the process, the Muslim chieftains, who cooperated in the Qing's conquest and held the position of hākim beg, acquired vested rights to trade. For dispatching caravans, it was first necessary to seek permission to form and dispatch caravans from the hākim beg. The control over the local merchants and their trade and at the oasis level was managed not by the Qing amban but by the hākim beg. The Qing's intention to limit caravan trade enabled the new Muslim chieftains to hold the rights to trade. At least until the end of the 18th century, the "trading management" was ensured to them as a space that the Qing authorities did not directly engage in.

著者

大塚 修

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, no.2, pp.347-312, 2016-09

著者

大塚 修

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, no.2, pp.347-312, 2016-09

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The Jāmi' al-Tawārīkh of Rashīd al-Dīn (d. 1318), which was dedicated to the Ilkhanid ruler Öljeitü (r. 1304-16), covers not only the history of western and central Asia, but also that of India, China, and Europe. Thus, the work has been highly admired in almost all previous studies as the 'first world history' and one of the most authoritative historical works written in Persianate societies. However, such a judgment seems not to have been derived directly from the author's contemporaries or later Persian historiographers, but from nineteenth-century orientalists in Europe. This paper is the first attempt at a historical study of the transmission and reception of the Jāmi' al-Tawārīkh by investigating all of its known manuscripts (over seventy), the frequency of its citation by later Persian historiographers, and several continuations of the work. In previous studies, it has been common to evaluate historical works based solely on the number of surviving manuscripts. However, in the case of the Jāmi' al-Tawārīkh, it must be acknowledged that the context of its transmission and reception underwent a dramatic change after the nineteenth-century, and even before that, its context was complicated. It is notable that there was great variability in the reception of the first volume of the Jāmi' al- Tawārīkh (History of the Mongols) and in that of its second volume (History of the World). While the first volume has been strongly and continuously accepted by Persian historiographers from the fourteenth-century, the second volume seems to have become generally accepted in the seventeenth-century. Almost all later Persian historiographers regarded the work as a History of the Mongols, not as a History of the World. It was nineteenth-century orientalists in Europe that discovered new value in the Jāmi' al-Tawārīkh as a comprehensive world history. A more complete analysis of the historical work, taking account of the changing context of its transmission and reception provides more concrete information on the transmission of historical knowledge in Persianate societies.

著者

毛利 英介

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, no.3, pp.485-520, 2016-12

著者

毛利 英介

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, no.3, pp.485-520, 2016-12

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This paper deals chiefly with the guoshu documents exchanged by the Jin dynasty and the Southern Song in the Dading treaty period. The history of the relation between the Jin dynasty and the Southern Song can be described as the repetition of the conclusion and cancellation of several treaties. Regarding these treaties, this paper focuses on the period after the Dading treaty, especially on the guoshu documents exchamged between the Jin and the Southern Song in this period. In the first section, I examine the two points that serve as the foundation for the argument in the second section. First, I examine the diplomatic documents exchanged between the emperors of the Jin dynasty and the Southern Song in the period from the cancellation of the Huangtong 皇統 treaty to the conclusion of the Dading treaty. After that, I examine the arguments on the form of the diplomatic documents issued in the name of the Southern Song emperor by the Southern Song court and sent to the Jin emperor before the conclusion of the Dading treaty. In the second section, I examine the principal focus of this paper, the guoshu documents exchanged by the Jin dynasty and the Southern Song in the Dading treaty period. First, I examine whether the opening fixed phrase of the guoshu documents of the Southern Song for the Jin dynasty in the Dading treaty period used the expression zhishu 致書 or fengshu 奉書. After that, I examine the difference of the number of the phrases of the guoshu documents sent from the Jin dynasty to the Southern Song and the Southern Song to the Jin dynasty during the Dading treaty period. In the last section, I examine the word "shangguo" 上國. The word "shangguo, " meaning superior kingdom, was the word used by the Southern Song as the appellation for the Jin dynasty during the Huangtong treaty period, when the Southern Song emperor adopted the role of subject toward the Jin emperor. In this section, I confirm the fact that the word "shangguo" continued to be used in the Dading treaty period also. Through these examinations, I conclude that although it is often said that the relationship between the Jin dynasty and the Southern Song during the Dading treaty period was formally that of nearly equals, in fact, the position of the Jin dynasty was superior to that of the Southern Song in many more respects than previously imagined.

著者

中西 竜也

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.4, pp.858-824, 2016-03

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An intensification of mutual antagonism between the Muslim Hui and Han Chinese people reached a climaxin the Hui rebellions against the Qing dynasty in Yunnan province and Northwestern China during the second half of the 19th century. This confrontation endangered the survival of the Hui, fewer in numbers and less powerful than the Han. Thereafter, reconciliation with Han society and the Qing dynasty became an urgent issue for this Muslim minority. My paper examines how some Hui scholars, out of awareness of this issue, reinterpreted Islamic doctrine or law in order to facilitate the co-existence of Muslims and non-Muslims in China. First, I investigate Persian and Arabic works that the famous Yunnan Muslim scholar Ma Lianyuan (d. 1903) wrote based on an anonymous Persian work Muhimmāt al-muslimīn, one of 'classics' authoritative for Chinese Muslims. Then, I clarify the fact that he added to the original texts of Muhimmāt his own comments about the legitimacy of friendship with non-Muslims and illegitimacy of taking their lives and properties. Second, I scrutinize how Ma Lianyuan's son Ma Anyi (d. 1943) elaborated his father's views about the way of dealing with non-Muslims. In his Arabic work Tahqīq al-īmān, Ma Anyi declares that Islamic law prohibits Chinese Muslims from disobeying the Qing emperor and hence taking lives and properties of non-Muslim Chinese people. He explains the basis of this interpretation in the following fashion : The legal status of these believers is that of Muslims who enter non-Islamic domains (dār al-harb) under their non-Muslim rulers' guarantees of security, and their disobeying the rulers would be a betrayal (ghadr) which is prohibited in Islamic law. Third, I focus on the interpretation of the Qur'ānic verse 4 : 36 in the Chinese work Yisilan liushu written by Da Pusheng (d. 1965), known as one of the four greatest 'ulamā in modern China. He regards Muslim's kindness toward non- Muslim neighbors as an obligation that the Prophet ordered (wājib). I disclose that this interpretation is more amicable toward non-Muslims than that of Liu Zhi (d. after 1724), one of the most famous Hui scholars during the pre-modern period. In addition, I attempt to identify the Arabic or Persian sources of the modern Hui scholars' interpretations. In conclusion, I point out the possibility that Da Pusheng was more positive toward constructing friendships between the Hui and the Han than Ma Lianyuan and Ma Anyi. Then, I argue that the positive attitude of the former, if indeed it is judged to be so, must have been a reaction to the upsurge in Chinese nationalism, and may also have been another result of modern factors such as the fact that more books and newer ideas about Islam than in the previous age were imported to China from West and South Asia because of the development of transportation facilities and printing technology.

著者

蒲 豊彦

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, no.2, pp.414-380, 2016-09

著者

蒲 豊彦

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, no.2, pp.414-380, 2016-09

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In the late 1890s, during the period from the first Sino-Japanese War through the German occupation of Jiaozhou Bay to the Boxer uprising, China witnessed rising anti-foreign emotions among the people who sensed the crisis of the partition of China by the European powers and Japan. On the other hand, large numbers of people began to rapidly join Christian churches at the same time. We could say that in the late 1890s there appeared to be two contradictory trends regarding foreign influences occurring among the Chinese people at the same time. The people relied on churches for help amid growing political and social crises that struck throughout China. People relied on other organizations in addition to the churches ; for example, in Shantou they relied on Dafeng-hui against an epidemic of the plague, in Gutian in Fujian province on Vegetarian Sect to treat opium addiction, in Shandong on the Great Sword Society against bandits and in Manchuria on the Zaili sect to put their lives back in order. In the late 1890s the people became actively involved in joining various organizations to defend themselves. When thousands of people band together joining a single organization, the organization can easily change into a pressure group opposing other people, which may then become a cause of social unrest. The Roman Catholic Church in this period offers a typical example of this phenomenon ; just as people banded together to resist bandits or the plague, other people formed particular organizations to fight the Church. Such complexities frequently developed in China during the late 1890s.

著者

西村 陽子

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.4, pp.678-715, 2016-03

著者

西村 陽子

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.4, pp.678-715, 2016-03

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This paper clarifies the activities of groups of Turkish 鐵勒 troops in the central government and military cliques in Northern China during the latter half of the Tang era through an examination of the Rebellion of Zhu Ci 朱泚 that occurred during the Jianzhong era (AD. 780-783). These Turkish groups occupied important positions in the central government and military cliques in Northern China during the latter half of the Tang era as they gradually moved their power bases to the Daibei 代北 and Hedong 河東 districts. This paper argues that these corps of Turkish warriors, while maintaining strong influence over a large area extending over the Daibei, Hedong districts and as far as the Ordos, merged with the Shatuo 沙陀 Turks, and that this was the background of the establishment of the Shatuo (Five) Dynasties. In the first section, the author takes up the Zhu Ci rebellion as an example of the spread of the nomadic tribes in military cliques in North China after the Anshi Rebellion, and points out these nomads occupied high positions not only in the central government but also in the military cliques and that they included many Turks and Soghdians. In the second section, the author points out that Hun Jian 渾瑊, who was a famous premier and general during the reign of Emperor Dezong, was a chief of the Hun 渾 Turks, doubled as commander of Gaolanzhou, which was a Jimizhou 羈縻州 established for the Turks, and was a relative by marriage to Qibi 契苾 Turks, who composed one of the Daibei Five tribes 代北五部. The movements of the Hun and Qibi Turks resembled one another, both migrating from Lingwu 靈武 to Daibei, where they held great power. A hidden factor behind the energetic activity of Hun Jian was the large migration of Turks, who had built up power in this area and merged with the Shatuo Turks. At this time, there was a movement of Turkish, Soghdian, and Tangut 党項 peoples to migrate to Daibei and Hedong, and at the end of the Tang dynasty many of these groups joined the Shatuo Turks. Therefore, behind the establishment of the political power of the Shatuo Turks, we can see the coalescing of these nomadic tribes.

著者

中田 美繪

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, no.3, pp.448-484, 2016-12

著者

中田 美繪

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, no.3, pp.448-484, 2016-12

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This paper attempts to consider the background of the conversion to Buddhism of Sogdians in China through an examination of cases of the acceptance of Buddhism by Sogdians in China proper in the Tang era and their expectations of the role of Buddhism in the process of their migration to and settlement in China. First, for Sogdians, taking the Buddhist tonsure was a means to advance in society, comparable to secular success, and allowed them to acquire higher social status. Likewise, for some lay Sogdian Buddhists who supported temples and priests as donors due to their financial strength, Buddhist-based economic ethics had great influence. Furthermore, they were conscious that the links with temples and priests and with local society that underpinned them meant the acquisition of social trust. In addition to the close ties with temples, above mentioned, the activities of the Sogdians extended into imperial court. Sogdian priests built bonds with women in the court such as empresses and princesses during the first half of the Tang era, and with eunuchs, whose influence surpassed that of these women, in the latter half. In other words, during both the first and the latter half of the Tang era, they increased their Buddhist activities with big temples in the imperial capitals as their bases of operation while cementing ties with political powers in the imperial court. For political powers such as women and eunuchs who could not secure legitimacy for their power in the world of Confucian values, Buddhism provided authority and played the role of pushing them on to political stage, as can be seen in the case of Empress Wu who captured the throne by actively using Buddhism. Based on such characteristics of Buddhism, the Sogdians operating as priests built up links with political powers in the imperial court as a political strategy, intending to acquire the protection of those powers. Furthermore, some also employed an economic strategy as in the case of Huifan who allied himself with Princess Taiping and expanded commercial activities under her protection. From the above, we see that the Sogdians conversion to Buddhism had aspects of a survival strategy and also had proactive aspects designed to acquire political and economic benefits.

著者

井上 直樹

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, no.1, pp.98-136, 2016-06

著者

井上 直樹

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, no.1, pp.98-136, 2016-06

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In 670 the people of the former state of Koguryo 高句麗 revolted against Tang 唐 with the support of Silla 新羅. Silla had been in conflict with Tang over the territory that had been controlled by Baekje 百濟. Therefore, Silla supported the people of the former Koguryo who revolted against Tang in order to stop Tang's large-scale military intervention. In this process, Keommujam 劍牟岑, from the former Koguryo state, invited Ansung 安勝, who was a son of the Koguryo minister Yongjaengto 淵淨土, to return from Silla and recommended him as their lord. But, Ansung killed Keommujam and escaped to Silla with 4, 000 households from the former Koguryo. Silla recognized Ansung as the legitimate son of Koguryo's last king, appointed him as the king of Koguryo, and supported the people of the former Koguryo who resisted Tang. In such circumstances, Silla supported the diplomacy of the people of the former Koguryo towards Japan. Because of conflict with Tang, Silla had to improve relations towards their former-enemy Japan and to prevent Japan from cooperating with Tang. Therefore, Silla used the people of the former Koguryo, who had maintained good relations with Japan before the state's downfall, and tried to obtain Japan's support with the people of the former Koguryo. After suppression of the resistance by the people of the former Koguryo to Tang, Koguryo envoys were dispatched under the escort of Silla missions on the pretext of requesting support for So Koguryo 小高句麗, which had been revived in Silla, in order to prevent Japan from cooperating with Tang. The Silla missions disguised themselves as missions from Imna 任 那, which had previously maintained good relations with Japan, in order to gain an advantage in diplomacy with Japan. After the downfall of Koguryo, Silla used the people of the former Koguryo instead of the Imna mission in order to build good relations with Japan. The activities of the people of the former Koguryo were closely related to Silla, Tang and Japan in the late 7th century. Here we can see the meaning of the activities of the people of the former Koguryo in East Asian history.

著者

髙橋 康浩

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, no.1, pp.66-97, 2016-06

著者

髙橋 康浩

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, no.1, pp.66-97, 2016-06

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Aristocratic clans prospered in Chinese history from the period spanning the Wei, Jin and the Northern and Southern dynasties to the Sui, Tang dynasties. The Lu clan of Fanyang was famous as representative of these clans during this period. It was Lu Zhi 盧植 who raised the reputation of the clan. This paper takes up Lu Zhi as the actual progenitor of Lu clan of Fanyang 范陽, which arose in the latter half of the Latter Han, and his son Lu Yu 盧毓, and it asks what was the foundation of Lu clan that allowed it to be transformed and rise to fame. It also analyzes the foundations of the Lu clan, surveys aspects of politics and culture, and offers a viewpoint of the process of the formation of the aristocracy through the lives of intellectuals in the period change from the Han to the Wei. The rise of the Lu clan made great progress with Lu Zhi of the Latter Han. He studied Confucianism in his youth, and put his learning into practice in political administration. The Liji Jiegu 禮記解詁 is one result of these efforts. He was equipped with both Confucian learning and military leadership. As a result, he was admired by the Sifu 四府 (Four Chancellors). Therefore, he won greater fame than Zheng Xuan 鄭玄 his comrade, who devoted his life to scholarship, and his reputation as a Confucian spread far and wide. Lu Zhi's lifestyle was carried on by Lu Yu who served the Cao Wei government and was admired by Cui Yan 崔琰, providing him an opportunity to rise. Then, Cao Cao 曹操 overemphasized literature and oppressed Confucian bureaucrats such as Cui Yan. However, as Lu Yu stuck to his position as a Confucian, he was respected all the more in the Cao Wei government. During the reign of Emperor Ming, Lu Yu was appointed Libu Shangshu 吏部尙書 and managed personnel affairs based on Confucian principles. But after Emperor Ming's death, a power struggle between Sima Yi 司馬懿 and Cao Shuang 曹爽 ensued, and Xuanxue 玄學 which ran counter to Confucianism came into fashion in the culture. But Lu Yu again stuck to his position as a Confucian. In other words, Lu Yu consistently denied the dominant sense of values of the Cao Wei.

著者

田中 一輝

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, no.3, pp.415-447, 2016-12

著者

田中 一輝

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, no.3, pp.415-447, 2016-12

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The Northern Wei, the first of the Northern Dynasties, involved a geographic dualism between Northern Dai 代北 and the Central Plain 中原 from the time of its founding, so there had often been debates over which area was the dynastic center and policies were to be carried out based on that determination. Premised on the assumption that Northern Dai was equated with the non-Chinese and the Central Plain symbolized the Chinese, policies such as the capital's relocation to Luoyang have been explained as parts of a policy of Sinification. This paper, however, attempts to examine the change of consciousness toward Northern Dai and the Central Plain in the Northern Dynasties period as a result of the transfer of the capital to Luoyang. In 490-491, Emperor Xiaowen hosted a debate about the Northern Wei's inheritance of the five elements 五德, and there the secretariat supervisor Gao Lü 高閭 argued the inheritance had been from the Western Jin (metal) to the Later Zhao (water) to the Former Yan (wood) to the Former Qin (fire) to the Northern Wei (earth). In contrast vice director of the palace library Li Biao 李彪 and editorial director Cui Guang 崔光 argued inheritance was from the Western Jin (metal) to the Northern Wei (water). Emperor Xiaowen settled the matter by adopting Li and Cui's argument, but two years later he forcefully moved the capital from Pingcheng to Luoyang. During the debates over the inheritance of the five elements, he changed the temple name of Emperor Daowu from Liezu to Taizu, intending to adopt Gao's argument as the fundamental theory of the forthcoming relocation to Luoyang, but he finally accepted Li and Cui's argument and failed to link the relocation of the capital to the inheritance of the five elements. Cui Hong 崔鴻 was the first to try to resolve this problem. He recognized the official theory of the dynasty, but was aware of the necessity of writing a history of the Central Plain without violating the theory and finished writing the Spring and Autumn Annals of the Sixteen Kingdoms 十六國春秋. After this turn of events, Yang Xuanzhi 楊衒之 finally resolved this problem. He wrote Memories of Luoyang 洛陽伽藍記, creating the fictitious hermit Zhao Yi 趙逸 in this work. Zhao linked Western Jin to Northern Wei through the city of Luoyang and restored continuity from the Western Jin through the Six Kingdoms to the Northern Wei as the dynasties of the Central Plain by using the category of the Sixteen Kingdoms that Cui Hong had created. On the other hand, he demonstrated a historical view that ignored the Northern Wei dynasty before the capital's relocation from Pingcheng. Thus Zhao Yi depicted the Northern Wei as a completely pure Chinese dynasty of the Central Plain.