著者

平城 照介

出版者

創文社

雑誌

法制史研究 (ISSN:04412508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1979, no.29, pp.258-260, 1979

著者

向井 健

出版者

法制史研究

雑誌

法制史研究 (ISSN:04412508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1985, no.35, pp.259-260, 1985

著者

新田 一郎

出版者

法制史学会

雑誌

法制史研究 (ISSN:04412508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, pp.176-182, 2014-03-30 (Released:2019-10-11)

著者

牧 健二

出版者

法制史研究

雑誌

法制史研究 (ISSN:04412508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1962, no.12, pp.100-148,III, 1962

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According to the<I> " Writings of the Wa People "</I> (_??__??__??_), of the<I> " Record of the Gi Dynasty " </I>(_??__??_), there were in the second and third centuries many small states of the old Japanese, which were ruled by a common king co-elected by them, and among the common kings <I>Queen Himiko </I>(_??__??__??_) was most famous. About the real land where the states were situated it has been disputed for many years, but the accurate reading, on which the author has written in recent years, reveals that they were in Kyushyu. The intention of this paper is to make clear the social and legal characters of those small states and of the " Queen State ".<BR>With this intention the author has examined the communities and states of the Mongolian races together with the " Queen State ", because the " Writings on the Wa People " is the last part of the writings on those Mongolian races. The two races, <I> Ugan</I> (_??__??_) and <I>Sempi </I>(_??__??_), in Inner Mongolia, which were composed of many primitive tribes, were normadic peoples, and did not constitute any sort of a state. The three wild races, <I>flare</I> (_??__??_), <I>Yoso</I> (_??__??_) and<I> Kai</I> (_??_), which inhabited on the side of Japan Sea, were not normadic, but any tribe of them did not reach the stage of having a state either. The races of <I>Kan</I> (_??_), who-were in the southern half of the Corean Peninsula, were divided into three blocks, <I>Bakan</I> (_??__??_), <I>Shinkan</I> (_??__??_) and <I>Benkan</I> (_??__??_), and each of them was a group of numerous states constituted by tribes. The largest one among them, Bakan, which contained fifty-four states co-elected a common king, <I>Shin wo</I> (_??__??_). He was perhaps the king of a confederation, which extended its sphere afterwards over the half of the states of the other two Kans. But it was too feeble to resist an attack of the northern enemy.<BR>When we compare the states of the Wa people with such conditions of these Mongolian races, it is quite clear that those were also the states of so many tribes, and the <I>" Queen State " </I>was the confederation of those tribal states. It was stronger in unity than the confederation of the above-stated Shin wo, although it contained various tendencies of collapse. It has been usual until now to take the<I> " Queeu State " </I>to be either the beginning of the Empire of Mikado or a single monarchy in Kyushyu. But such opinions are completely erroneous.

著者

橋場 弦

出版者

法制史学会

雑誌

法制史研究 (ISSN:04412508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1995, no.45, pp.135-141, 1996-03-30 (Released:2009-11-16)

著者

藤原 有和

出版者

Japan Legal History Association

雑誌

法制史研究 (ISSN:04412508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1990, no.40, pp.61-75,en5, 1991-03-30 (Released:2009-11-16)

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Hideyoshi issued the Edict of Banishment of Missionaries in 1587. The next year Nagasaki, which had been governed by the Jesuits since 1580, was brought under his direct control. Artisans, who believed in Christianity, were expelled from the town at the same time, Tanners and makers of leather goods were forced to establish Kawata-machi along the stream called Shishidoki-gawa.The Tokugawa shogunate made concessions to the Jesuits in order to continue trading with the Portuguese, while the edict was issued by Ieyasu in 1612.At Nagasaki, for instance, in 1614 all of the churches were destroyed by Nagasaki-bugyo (a official appointed by the Tokugawa Shogunate). Main Buddhist temples were permitted to be built there. Buddist temples accepted the people who were forced to apostatize.Kawata-machi people were forced to find Christians who pretended to be Buddhists and they were forced to help the execution.In 1621, however, Kawata-machi people refused this order when Heizo Suetsugu (Nagasaki -daikan), who was an apostate (a Korobi-Kirishitan), commanded them to detain a Christian because they were also Christians. It was gradually difficult to refuse the order.In 1648, moreover, Kawata-machi people were forced to move to Nish-izaka where Christians were executed. So the chief priest of Daion-ji (a temple of Jodo-shu) offered a bribe to Nagasaki-bugyo and was allowed to move there.The Tokugawa shogunate made use of Kawata-machi people as a means of a drastic anti-Christian policy.

著者

石岡 浩

出版者

Japan Legal History Association

雑誌

法制史研究 (ISSN:04412508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2000, no.50, pp.137-160,en8, 2001-04-20 (Released:2009-11-16)

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify the position of Fu-zuo and Chixing in the penal system of the Han Dynasty. Generally, Fu-zuo is considered as a slight punishment, and Chi-xing is considered as prisoners whose punishments are commuted because of their aristocratic rank. But I conclude that Fu-zuo and Chi-xing are the names of punishment which is commuted to the lower by the amnesty.After the change of the labour penal system in Wen-Ti _??__??_in 167 BC, when an amnesty was granted, the prisoners being condemned to death were commutated to the labour penalty, and the prisoners being imposed a labour penalty were cut down their term of imprisonment. Such prisoners were called Fu-zuo or Chi-xing. A lot of them were commanderred to the outlying region of North and used as soldiers and farmers till the maturity of their term. But after maturity, they could enter in the family register with their families at the front prefecture.Besides, when an amnesty was granted, some Chi-xing were transfered to the studio in a capital that was called Zuo-xiao _??__??_. They were cut down their term and at work there.In the Han's penal system, punishments were divided into two groups. One group consisted of death punishment and labour punishment. These two punishments were the main of penal system. And another group consisted of Chi-xing. It was, so to speak, to reserve labour and colony. So in case of need, it was extracted from regular prisoners by an amnesty.

著者

植田 信廣

出版者

法制史学会

雑誌

法制史研究 (ISSN:04412508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, pp.215-221, 2012-03-30 (Released:2017-08-22)

著者

原口 虎雄

出版者

法制史研究

雑誌

法制史研究 (ISSN:04412508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1986, no.36, pp.77-142,en4, 1986

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Tojo, or outer-castle, system in Satsuma is unique in Japan under the Baku-Han Regime. The system was the basic unit in Satsuma's social structure. The system survived the enforcement of "Genna-no-ikkoku-ichijorei" (Order of Bakufu restricting the number of castles to one in each han). This paper is an attempt to give an account of the process of its establishment and consider the implications of the functions of such a system of social organization on Satsuma's internal and external policy.<BR>Tojo-system was a social institution with decentralized military deployment. Under this system Shimazu, the feudal Lord of Satsuma, divided its territory into 113 districts. The administrative functions were performed by the distinctive samurai-group headed by jito. The office of jito was called "jito-kariya", and the zone of residence for the samurai group was named "funioto". The jito was entitled to serve as the commander who could mobilize the samurai group to form an army corp at an emergency. In Satsuma all the samurai, except for about 5, 000 Kagoshima jokashi (the castle town samurai), resided in fumoto living on farming. Those samurai were earlier called Tojo-shuju, or goshi later. The Tojo zones were not the same as those in the age of the Warring States. Most of them were settled in the early part of the Tokugawa Era under the new system that had replaced the older one.<BR>The Tojo-system was constructed incrementally in the process of Shimazu's integration of three shu, or provinces: Satsuma, Osumi and Hyuga. There is some reasonable ground for identifying the year of the establishment of this system as around the fifth year of Keicho (1600).<BR>The Shimazu family founded its dictatorship in 1600 after the long battles that ravaged the area since 1526 when Takahisa succeeded the dynasty. The Shimazu successively conquered the antagonistic local clans in the domain, with the final battle ending in the defeat of Ijuin Kogan (Shonai-no-ran, 1599-1600).<BR>Around the mid-1590s Toyotomi Hideyoshi, the Grand Warrior Lord of the nation, ordered a land survey (1594-1595), which benefited the Shimazu as they conducted-a large-scale replacement of the leading vassals to achieve their hegemony.<BR>As a step toward integration the Shimazu started to build new Tojo as well as to re-arrange the existing ones throughout the territories. Because of their strategic importance the Tojo at the border, such as Izumi on the gateway to Higo, Okuchi to Kuma, and Takaoka and Shibushi to Hyuga, commanded Shimazu's most serious attention. Shimazu placed his most trusted and influential samurai heads to those places where they promoted drastic social reforms and set up a strict control system for the trans-border traffic.

著者

佐野 誠

出版者

法制史學會

雑誌

法制史研究 (ISSN:04412508)

巻号頁・発行日

no.59, pp.401-407, 2009

著者

千葉 徳夫

出版者

法制史学会

雑誌

法制史研究 (ISSN:04412508)

巻号頁・発行日

no.28, pp.313-315, 1978

著者

荒井 貢次郎

出版者

法制史研究

雑誌

法制史研究 (ISSN:04412508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1971, no.21, pp.228-230, 1971

著者

大久保 治男

出版者

法制史研究

雑誌

法制史研究 (ISSN:04412508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1975, no.25, pp.237, 1975

著者

居石 正和

出版者

法制史研究

雑誌

法制史研究 (ISSN:04412508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1987, no.37, pp.212-214, 1987

著者

高橋 直人

出版者

法制史学会

雑誌

法制史研究 (ISSN:04412508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, pp.171-210,en11, 2012

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<p>本稿は、主に二〇〇〇年以降のドイツにおける近代刑法史研究の動向を取り上げつつ、そこから日本におけるドイツ近代刑法史研究のいっそうの深化への手がかりを得ることを課題とするものである。近年のドイツの学界には、以下の注目すべき動向が見いだされる。①「近代刑法史」に特化した通史という従来みられなかったタイプの著書が、フォルンバウム氏によって公にされ、なおかつ同書は近代刑法史研究の本格的な方法論の提示を含んでいる。②ドイツ近代刑法史の基本的な部分(例:フォイエルバッハの刑法理論や「学派の争い」)を批判的に再検討しようとする動きが徐々に高まっている。③学説史や立法史のみならず、いわゆる「学問史(Wissenschaftsgeschichte)」の手法や、刑法(学)の担い手およびその活動の実態にも注目する社会史的な手法など、研究上のアプローチの多様化が進んでいる。④ドイツの近代刑法史を、他のヨーロッパ諸国(特にフランスやイタリア)との関係の中で扱おうとする作品が増えつつある。⑤関連史料の公刊が大幅に進展している。これらの動向を参考に日本の現状を見直すと、以下のような示唆が得られる。まず日本においては、権力批判・現状批判という問題意識のもと、ドイツの先行研究における以上に啓蒙期の刑法(学)の輝かしい功績が強調され、とりわけフォイエルバッハの刑法理論については「近代刑法」の理想のモデルとしてその歴史的意義が浮き彫りにされてきた。このような取り組みそのものは現在も重要である。ただし、近年のドイツの研究成果をふまえていえば、現状批判のための理想像であるはずの初期の「近代刑法」それ自体が、まさにその批判されるべき現状をいずれ生み出すことにつながる側面を同時に胚胎しているのではないか、という悩ましい問題にもわが国の研究はいっそう向き合っていかねばならない。また、「近代刑法」の実像をより多面的・重層的・動態的に理解していくため、学説史や立法史にとどまらない多様な切り口(学問史や社会史の手法等)を取り入れていくことも有効である。そして、一方でドイツの研究動向を参考にしつつも、他方で特に「近代化」との関わりにおいて明治以降、さらに戦中から戦後への日本の歴史的経緯の中で、わが国の先行研究が育んできた独自の問題意識や方法論をふまえつつ、その理解と省察の上にたって今後の研究のあり方を模索していく必要がある。</p>

著者

牧 英正

出版者

法制史研究

雑誌

法制史研究 (ISSN:04412508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1961, no.11, pp.236a-237, 1961

著者

前田 晴人

出版者

法制史学会

雑誌

法制史研究 (ISSN:04412508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1984, no.34, pp.162-168, 1985-03-30 (Released:2009-11-16)

著者

村上 裕

出版者

法制史学会

雑誌

法制史研究 (ISSN:04412508)

巻号頁・発行日

no.45, pp.335-338, 1995

著者

戸倉 廣

出版者

法制史研究

雑誌

法制史研究 (ISSN:04412508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1955, no.5, pp.280-281, 1955

著者

長又 高夫

出版者

法制史学会

雑誌

法制史研究 (ISSN:04412508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.62, pp.202-206, 2013-03-30 (Released:2018-04-04)