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著者
陶安 あんど
出版者
Japan Legal History Association
雑誌
法制史研究 (ISSN:04412508)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2002, no.52, pp.81-116,en7, 2003-03-30 (Released:2009-11-16)
被引用文献数
1 1

This thesis constitutes a part of a larger investigation into the history of Law Codification in traditional China. As former research puts tremendous emphasis on proper nouns which are supposed to be chapter headings of Law Codes and takes them as proof for the existence of already lost ancient law codes in case of absence of other direct evidence, in this thesis a reconsideration of those proper nouns will be conducted.The reconsideration first starts with the chapters of the Wei-Lü, which is the first Chinese Law Code for which we have still access to contemporary source material on the compilation process, viz. an excerpt of the preamble. Because of difficulties in interpreting this source there is an old controversy about which of the embedded proper nouns constitute the eighteen chapters of the Code, the number of which is specified in the preamble. This thesis will show that those difficulties stem from the inappropriate import of hypotheses on chaptering from non-contemporary sources (mostly from the Tang) and that these difficulties can be avoided easily by focusing on inherent formal features of the preamble. Next, a reconsideration of the chapters of Han-Lü based on the Wei-Lü preamble will give proof that former knowledge of Han -Lü chapters was misled by later sources, too. The Han-Lü chapters will be reconstructed newly by our insights on the reading of the Wei-Lü preamble, which constitutes the oldest available source on chapters of the Han- Lü as well as on the Wei-Lü, despite of general scholarly negligence of this fact.Finally, an investigation is conducted into the transmission process of Jin-Lü to the Tang, in reply to misleading endeavours of former scholars to extract collateral evidence for particular Wei-Lü chapters from chapters of the Jin-Lü, which is supposed to have been preserved as an original text at least until the Northern Song. It will be shown that the preservation theory is based merely on requotations in encyclopaedias of the Northern Song of quotations of commentaries to the Jin-Lü in encyclopaedias of the Tang. The Jin-Lü Law code itself was scattered and lost during the turbulences at the beginning of the Period of North and South Dynasties. The commentaries, on the other hand, are products of scholarly work on contemporary and recollected ancient legal materials throughout the North and South Period. Partly, they contain private compilations of Law codes of dynasties which, as a well-known fact, never compiled any Law Code.Founded on the results of this inquiry, the author urges for more textual criticism when handling non-contemporary sources which are supposed to contain components of lost ancient Law Codes.
著者
神宝 秀夫
出版者
Japan Legal History Association
雑誌
法制史研究 (ISSN:04412508)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1985, no.35, pp.49-113,en3, 1986-03-30 (Released:2009-11-16)

Es ist die Aufgabe dieser Abhandlung, die Heeresverfassung in den absolutistischen neueren Territorien unter dem Gesichtspunkt von Sta-atsverfassung zu betrachten und, damit die Verfassung der neueren Territorien dadurch aufzuhellen. O. Hintze, der 'einen nun schon klassisch gewordenen welthistorischen Aufriß der Frage' gab, insbesondere, sein Schüler Fr. Hartung und E. R. Huber betonten, aufgrund ihrer Forschun-gen des preußischen Heeres, das außerhalb der Staatsverfassung gebil-dete stehende Heer als das geschichtliche Moment, das den absolutistischen Staat von dem Ständestaat scheidete.Aber die Heeresverfassung dieser Zeit hatte m. E. den dualistischen System von beruflichem stehendem Heer für den öffentlichen Krieg and Ausschußtruppen für die Landesdefension. Daher ist sie die neuere Hee-resverfassung zwischen der vom Mittelalter his die Mitte des 17. Jahr-hunderts und der des stehenden Volksheeres aufgrund allgemeiner Wehr-pflicht im 19. Jahrhundert.[I] Berufliches stehendes Heer: (i) Landesherr überwältigte damit die materielle Zwangsgewalt der Landsässigen, doch seine Erhaltung war sehr schwierig wegen unsicherer finanzieller Grundlage. (ii) In 'territorio clauso' (Kurbayern) waren die höheren Offiziere zum größten Teile mit adeligen Ausländern besetzt, und das Heer war bier von zivilen Zentral-behörden gekommandiert. In 'territorio non clauso' (Kurmainz) war die Erhaltung des Heeres stark abhängig von Personalunion and Reichsver-fassung.[II] Ausschußtruppen: (i) Verfassungsgeschichtlich wichtiger waren Ausschußtruppen mit Friedensübungen, womit Landesherr seine Unter-tanen unmittelbar ergreifen konnte. Diese Truppen als ein System brachte die 'Heeresreform' des späten 16. Jahrhunderts, deren Stützen in "Moti-ven" des Grafen Johanns VII. von Nassau 1594/95 verkörpert wurden. Sie hat geschichtliche Bedeutung darin, daß das Ethos, die Interessen des Landes and schließlich Landesherrn den anderen vorzuziehen, in ganze Heimat der Ausgewählten durchdrang and die zivilen Zentral- und besonders Amtsbehörden die Ausschußtruppen kommandierten. (ii) Beide Territorien zeigen aber die verfassungsgeschichtlichen Unterschieden deu-tlicher. In 'territorio clauso' bestand der landständische Dualismus unter Monarchie aufgrund der sogenannten Hofmarksrechte. In 'territorio non clauso' lag der Kompromißdualismus von Landesherrn and 'fremdem' reichsunmittelbarem Adel klar, aufgrund des inkonsequent Aufstiegs zur Reichsunmittelbarkeit der landsässigen Adel. Als Amtmann stützte hier der letztere das Fürstentum, der dennoch starken Widerstand gegen die Wehrpflicht seiner Untertanen leistete.
著者
植松 正
出版者
Japan Legal History Association
雑誌
法制史研究 (ISSN:04412508)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1988, no.38, pp.1-42,en3, 1988

What was the change for Chinese officials in south China from the downfall of Song _??_ dynasty to the establishment of Yuan dynasty? Although we know the names of loyalists to former Song dynasty, due consideration should be also given to the appointment of the Chinese to the local offices under the conquest dynasty. Some Chinese literati _??__??_ including the successful candidates for the imperial examination _??__??_ in Song period, remained to be the officials under the Mongolian rule. Some wealthy powerful locals _??__??_ began to annex political, financial and social power in their native places. Therefore, many upstarts appeared in South China.<BR>Worrying about the influence of the former dynasty, Yuan government took precautions against the local governers. However in many cases, the government could not obtain satisfactory results. Problems of the appointment had grown hard to solve easily. First was the redundancy of the local officials. In Shi-zu's _??__??_ reign, Ahmad _??__??__??_ wielded power in the government and appointed merchants and unqualified people as officials. Second was the wealthy powerful locals. They often engaged themselves in illegal activities especially concerning the landownership and payment of tax and corv&eacute; taking advantage of being appointed as officials. Third was the succession of the position by their descendants. To solve the problems stated above, Yuan government had to reexamine the appointment system.<BR>In the early and middle Da-de _??__??_, era in Cheng-zong's _??__??_ reign, high-ranking officials in South China such as Zhu Qing _??__??_, Zhang Xuan _??__??_ and Hu Yi-sun _??__??__??_ lost their position and were accused to death. In 1301 (Da-de 7), two Special Pacification Commissioners _??__??__??__??_ were representatively dispatched to each six areas in China proper in order to watch local administration. They arrested a great number of officials amount to 18, 473 for bribery, and cleared many people from the false charge. An act was decided to issue in the same year, though it is now not sure whether the act was actually put in force. Officials in the Provincial Secretariat _??__??_ were ordered to move to another province because they often did evil by means of the territorial relationship. It was just the same time when the following generation reached to the age to get position in the office.<BR>In 1315 (Yan-you _??__??_ 2), the government conducted the first imperial examination, which was naturally welcomed by the Chinese Confucian scholars. It was carried out not only for meeting the earnest desire of Confucian scholars but for solving the problem of supply and demand of the local governers. The central government wanted to evade taking wealthy powerful locals, and assign the tallented governers including the Chinese, Mongolians and central Asians.<BR>Finally the author emphasize the various efforts for the appointment system in Yuan period contributed to establish the bureaucracy in Ming _??_ dynasty.
著者
大貫 俊夫
出版者
法制史学会
雑誌
法制史研究 (ISSN:04412508)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.62, pp.85-115,en7, 2013-03-30 (Released:2018-04-04)

シトー会修道院の保護形態は、かねてより中世史研究の中で最も重要な研究対象であり、とりわけドイツ語圏の歴史研究において頻繁に議論された。その礎を築いたのは法制史家のハンス・ヒルシュとテオドール・マイヤーである。彼らの研究成果は三つの観点から整理することができ、それらは後世の研究者に強い影響を与えた。しかし、これまでの領邦国家形成と結びついた議論には一定の論理の飛躍が見出される。シトー会士の庇護者は、自分のdefensio(庇護)の下にある修道院を、初めから自らのランデスヘルシャフトに引き入れるために保護したわけではない。というのも、領域的・制度的に安定した支配権は一四世紀になって初めて把握されるからである。そこで本稿は、これまで詳しく考察されてこなかった一二~一三世紀のシトー会修道院の保護形態を分析する。この問題に取り組むにあたり、題材としてトリーア大司教区内にある二つのシトー会修道院オルヴァル(Orval)及びヒメロート(Himmerod)を採り上げる。第一章ではオルヴァルとシニ伯、ヒメロートとトリーア大司教の法的関係を分析した。そこでは、トリーア大司教の司教裁治権を除き、法的関係について明確な規定は見出されなかった。それゆえ、シニ伯とトリーア大司教の庇護者としての排他的な地位は確認されない。それとは対照的に、そうした排他的な地位は第二章で分析した霊的関係から導かれる。シニ伯とトリーア大司教のみが、修道院から継続的に修道院内における埋葬と修道士による周年記念を享受していたのであった。第三章では、両シトー会修道院のフォークタイ問題が考察される。修道院創建から半世紀後、フォークタイは修道院と地元中小貴族の間に勃発する係争の主要因となった。シニ伯は一二二六年の家門断絶ゆえに、そしてトリーア大司教は一一八三~一一八九年のシスマゆえに効果的な保護が果たせなかったため、両修道院は庇護者の代替を求める必要があった。このことから、庇護という保護関係には脆弱性が備わっていたことが分かる。以上の分析に基づき強調されねばならないのは、シトー会士は自らの霊的な役割を実に的確に果たしていたということである。これによって彼らは、庇護を代行する諸権力の支援を獲得できた。シトー会修道院はこの霊的営為を駆使し、領邦君主のみならず、旧来のフォークタイ的支配の慣習から決別しきれていない中小領主層までもを庇護という画一的な法観念に巻き込んでいった。ここに、新しい修道運動が引き起こした国制的ダイナミズムが看取されよう。
著者
森 毅
出版者
Japan Legal History Association
雑誌
法制史研究 (ISSN:04412508)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1974, no.24, pp.163-193,en10, 1974

The peasant uprising, which occurred in Kaei Era (1848-53) in the tcrritory of the Nanbu Clan, was one of the largest of its kind.<BR>Losing the uprising, Meisuke Miura, one of the leading ideologues of that peasant uprising, had to run away from the Nanbu Clan to the Sendai Clan, from the forces of the Nanbu Clan warrior class.<BR>In the Sendai Clan, he thought over the peasant uprising and the gloomy life in the future, and entered into the "Shugendo" in the process of the wandering life.<BR>It is to be noted that Meisuke Miura had a close relationship with the Shugendo", because it was the distinctive features not only of Meisuke Miura, but also of the characteristics of the peasant uprising in general.<BR>This article tries to make an analysis of the relationship of Meisuke Miura with the "Shugendo", more specially, to trace the ideology of Meisuke Miura by his diary in the wandering time, and to look upon the psychological aspects of his memorandum in prison.