著者

浜本 裕美

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, pp.56-66, 2002-03-05 (Released:2017-05-23)

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The debate in the first episode employs the opposition between the hoplite and the archer While Lycus disparages archers and exalts hoplites' bravery, Amphitryon points out a weakness of hoplites and applauds archers' cleverness It has recently been argued that the unusual portrayal of Heracles solely as an archer in the drama has the function of showing how independent he is from the others What each says about the hoplite, however, has not received the attention it deserves, in spite of the recognized prominence and importance of hoplite warfare in the classical period The present essay reexamines Amphitryon's lines on the hoplite (190-194) After this, the final scenes are discussed based on the preceding analysis First, Wilamowitz' widely accepted transposition of 191-2 after 193-4 is unfortunate since it conceals the point of Amphitryon's argument It should be noted, first of all, that the statement made in 190 is highly ambiguous "The weapons" (190) could refer to the other hoplites' arms as much as to that of the individual hoplite 191-4 provides the required amplification 190-4 as a whole centers on the hoplites' inherent defect of interdependence Breaking his spear (193-4) becomes crucial only after his companions break ranks(191-2), for the hoplites rely on each other for protection The broken spear represents a detail related to his death caused by 'the cowardice of those near him'(191), a human failure which seems to be the most significant point of the passage Second, Amphitryon's argument has a wider range of reference to Lycus and the civil strife in Thebes Lycus is reproached as 'coward' repeatedly and represented as a 'coward' hoplite He and his companions who have caused the civil strife in Thebes are censured for hurting 'those near them' so that their negative role in their polis corresponds to that of the 'coward' hophtes in the phalanx described by Amphitryon The chorus who are unable to fight now but once fought for Thebes as hoplites contrast sharply with Lycus and his companions The ideal, brave hophte of Lycus' speech is undermined In this way, Amphitryon's argument presents questions about how one should behave as 'a hoplite' or in a community, and on what foundation a community should stand Putting in question the framework of a existing community is an important theme in the drama In the final scenes, that Heracles' earlier isolation is transformed into a dependence on other human beings is signaled by military metaphor, which recalls the characteristics of the hoplite established earlier in the drama His transformation is obvious in his physically leaning on Theseus, which could be considered as a 'phalanx' relationship In consideration of the questions about the univocal understanding of 'hophte', what their 'phalanx' represents seems to be the potentiality of a new community In addition, their 'phalanx' relationship should not be identified completely with Heracles' new dependence on Athens, for the question still remains of how amicably the city can accept him, a problem man The reexamination of Amphitryon's argument about the hoplite, thus, allows us to interpret the drama from the point of view of exploring what a community should be

著者

鹿子木 コルネーリア ジエリンスカー 河野 與一

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2, pp.171-178, 1954-06-20

著者

藤繩 謙三

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, pp.14-25, 1961-03-29

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The peculiar use of the chariots in the Iliad is usually explained as being due to Homer's ignorance of their use among the Mycenaeans who must have "fought like the Hittites" (D. Gray). Of course, there are some passages in the Iliad which suggest that the Mycenaeans attempted such chariot fighting (e. g. Nestor's advice to his charioteers, -A 297 ff.), and the Linear B tablets attest the existence of some hundreds of chariots in Knossos and Pylos. In spite of these facts, considering the geographical conditions of Greece, we cannot imagine that such tactics were so effective as to be widely used. So I think the assumption doubtful that Homer had forgotten Mycenaean chariot tactics, and having reexamined the text of the Iliad, I point out some evidence against the assumption. (1) Even among the chief heroes we find some who have no chariot for their own use, to say nothing of chariot troops (e. g. Odysseus, Aias of Salamis, Teukros and Aias of Lokris). As this difference among the heroes must be due to the geographical conditions, it certainly existed in the Mycenaean Age. Moreover, since Odysseus and Aias of Salamis are on equal terms with the other heroes, the possession of chariots must have been of little importance. (2) Among the Achaeans, fifteen persons have epithets relating to horses (or chariots), ten of them being of the former generation (e. g. Pelops, Atreus, Peleus and Nestor), and only five in the prime of life (e. g. Diomedes and Patroklos). This curious ratio shows that, though in earlier times horses (or chariots) had been highly esteemed, their value became lower towards the end of the Mycenaean Age. This change suggests that they were not effective in actual battles. (3) While we find many formulae which depict the scenes of jumping down, falling or making a person fall, from a chariot, there is no set formulae in the Iliad which depict an attack from a chariot. But a few passages show that Homer himself (or his immediate predecessors) aimed to depict attacks from chariots, combining spear-throwing formulae with a falling-from-a-chariot formula (Ε 275-97, Θ116-23). Therefore, strictly speaking, it is not Homer but the stock of the traditional formulae, that is responsible for the treating of the chariots as mere vehicles. We cannot assume that Homer or his immediate predecessors should have left out, if there had been any, fighting-from-chariots formulae, since they sometimes wanted to depict such scenes. Moreover, some parallel cases confirm the possibility that formulae which are inconsistent with each other do co-exist. So it does not seem possible that the fighting-from-chariots formulae arose from the many treatments in chariot fighting in the Mycenaean Epics. One is inclined to conclude that with regard to the use of chariots there was no great difference between the Mycenaean World and the Homeric.

著者

奥田 和夫

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, pp.22-33, 2011-03-23

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In the Laws the philosopher-king argued in the Republic does not appear explicitly. So it has been maintained that Plato abandoned the idea of the philosopher-king because of experiences in Syracuse or change in metaphysical thought. But some insist that the Nocturnal Council and its systems reflect the idea of the philosopher-king. This is correct, I think. And the philosophical theology in Book X is said to be the prologue to all laws. I believe that the work is a product of the idea of the philosopher-king. In this paper I argue that there is a strong possibility that Plato has eagerness for its realization in the future and does not exchange it for thought of rule of law. Points of the argument: 1. In the Laws Plato evidently abstains from philosophical discourses. 2. Plato gives a term of legislator in place of philosopher in our text (708E-712B). 3. It is significant that a main political ability of a philosopher (or a philosopher-king) is legislation. 4. The text 709E-711D ('the young tyrant') appears to be intended to tell us that the easiest and speediest way to realize the philosopher-king is cooperation of a philosopher and a tyrant. 5. The text 711D-712A ('god-like eros in great political power') appears to be intended to tell us that eros is the philosopher-king in the meaning of the Republic, as eros is taken to be a representative of a philosopher's mind. 6. Plato has eagerness for the realization of the philosopher-king in the future and does not only hold the idea. For 2 above there is no direct support in the text, but when the legislator is said to be 'axios epainou' (710C8), 'akros' (710D7), and 'alethes nomothetes' (710E8) in conjunction with 'the young tyrant' (709E-711D), we should consider the meanings of Plato's attribution of these terms to the legislator.

著者

内田 次信

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, pp.125-128, 2012-03-23

著者

大芝 芳弘

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.32, pp.79-90, 1984-03-29

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It is the purpose of this paper to explore the symbolic meaning of the golden bough and the golden age of Augustus, both of which appear in Aeneid 6, with regard to the theme of labor of Aeneas, and to consider the relation between them and some aspects of the significance of the καταβασι&b.sigmav;. The gold of the golden bough seems to be a symbol of divine life. But just as the luxuriant growth of the forests, itself a manifestation of nature's vitality, covers the bough in the dark shadows(136, 138-9)which bear resemblance to the darkness of the underworld, so the bough casts a shadow on the life-giving earth(195-6). Life is always attended by the shadow of death. Therefore the mistletoe-simile (205-7) makes it certain that the idea in primitive belief is transferred to the bough that life and death are both aspects of a single reality and the mistletoe is a symbol of such a union. But because the gold is associated with divinity, the golden bough may be said to be an eternal embodiment of that reality. Hence the bough belongs to both heaven (Iuppiter) and hell (Iuno Inferna) and achieves agreement between them, which enables Aeneas to undergo an experience of death and rebirth. And it also indicates Aeneas' pietas which brings about a harmony of man with the gods. Moreover, it is described as though it has its own strength (virtus) to conquer the powers of death and war (represented by ferruwi) which do not meet fate's wishes (147-8). Thus the golden bough symbolizes Aeneas' own character and shows that because of his being a divine man ofpietas and virtus he can overcome the labor of death and be restored to new life as a Roman hero. The golden age of Augustus is compared with that of Saturn(792-4). But the Saturnian age of peace could not withstand the invasion of the warlike iron age of Iuppiter(8.314ff). And it is implied in the expression 'aurea condet/saecula…… rursus…/…quondam…' that Augustus will replace Saturn as a representative of Iuppiter and that the new golden age will surpass the old. For Augustus will have the strength to vanquishfuror impius typical of Iuno as an opponent to the fate of Iuppiter, because the word 'asper' in 'aspera saecula' (1.291) suggests Iuno's influence. The expansion of imperium (6.794-805) will also depend on this strength (virtus), which is here exemplified by Hercules who suffered many labores because of 'fatis Iunonis iniquae' (8.292)but conquered her furor embodied in the hellish monsters such as Cacus. Similarly, Aeneas in the second half of the poem is involved in the war caused by Iuno, but he not only exerts his virtns but also keeps a pious attitude towards her and at last prevails to make her reconciled with Iuppiter. Therefore the golden age of Augustus together with the imperium can be said to be a peaceful order having fighting force, or rather a harmonious union of peace and war, which reflects a concord between Iuppiter and Iuno, achieved through labores of the divine man of pietas and virtus. Now it is clear that both the golden bough and the Augustan golden age stand for a harmonious union of opposites, the former of life and death, the latter of peace and war, and both of Iuppiter and Iuno. And it is also indicated in both that the labor is not a mere suffering but an indispensable exertion by which a divine man of pietas and virtus can attain 'rebirth' of new life or of a stable order of peace. Thus the labor of the κταβασι&b.sigmav;, at the center of the poem, making a pivotal point of this theme, relates beforehand the labores of the succeeding story and those for the historical ideal in terms of life and death.

著者

大芝 芳弘

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, pp.141-144, 2003-03-20

著者

松平 干秋

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, pp.153-155, 1959-03-30

著者

佐藤 昇

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, pp.98-107, 2001-03-05

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From the late fifth century, those who participated regularly in politics as quasi-professional politicians mamly came from wealthy families This was because politicians received no remuneration for their 'active political activities', such as moving decrees and bringing accusations, and they could not engage in their own work themselves while they were engaged in these political activities Moreover they were required to perform liturgies and sometimes faced the danger of being prosecuted by their political rivals and being heavily fined In addition to these economic aspects, those who belonged to the upper class had an advantage with regard to political knowledge and information Only in exceptional cases did men from the middle or lower class have any chance to learn rhetorical skill, for getting a rhetorical education required considerable expense It also cost money to get a speech written by a logographer Other fields of political knowledge and information (e g news on foreign affairs, knowledge about finance) were also nearly concentrated in the hands of those who were constantly engaged in politics or had access to the necessary resources, that is, men from a rich family or from a family of influence traditionally Despite these circumstances, however, some sources show that not a few citizens from the middle or lower class did some active political activities Some acted regularly, others occasionally How could they become active in politics ? Many of them had some relations with the wealthy citizens or the political leaders They took part in political activities through what's called 'patronage' They could get economic and political support from their patrons And then they performed active political activities reciprocally for their patrons Besides they could get necessary information and knowledge about their political activities from their patrons without leaving their own work for a long time In some cases, the Athenian citizens recognized them as politicians on the basis of their patron's influence Thus it was patronage that enabled and prompted citizens from the middle or lower class to be active, even if occasionally, in the politics of the Athenian democracy, where economic constraints and the concentration of political knowledge and information ensured that quasi-professional politicians played central roles According to M H Hansen, in addition to the political leaders, there was an important group of politically minded citizens who were active, even to the extent of proposing decrees, but not regularly And these citizens amounted to some 300-600 at any given meeting of the ecclesia If the circumstances under which the patronage was employed are taken into account, it is possible to guess that most of the group might be consisted of citizens from the middle or lower class Then much more citizens from the middle or lower class might be engaged in the active political activities, if only occasionally, through patronage than usually believed

著者

阪本 浩

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, pp.91-100, 1987

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Greek writers rarely mentioned about the imperial cult Our author Aelius Aristides, however, frequently attended at the meetings of the provincial assembly So we may expect his orations to tell us something about the Greek attitudes toward the Roman imperial cult The Cyzicus speech (Or 27 K), one of such orations, is delivered at Cyzicus on the occasion of the dedication of Hadrian Temple, a temple for the provincial imperial cult This panegyric consists of three parts the praise of the city of Cyzicus, the description of the Temple, the encomium of two emperors But, as G Bowersock pointed out, nowhere in this panegyric does he call an emperor as a god He explicitly distinguishes the emperor from the traditional gods Instead, he calls the Hadrian Temple as "a thank offering to the gods," and says as follows, "We should be grateful to the gods, but we should congratulate the emperors and join in prayer for them" The Greeks erected many temples and cult images of the emperors, nevertheless, they did not call the emperor as a god, and in practice did pray for the emperors Here at least we may see one aspect of the Greek attitudes toward the imperial cult Another feature of the Cyzicus Speech is its patriotic tone He speaks of the temple of the imperial cult in terms of the Greek mythology and the glory of the Greek past. He refers to the temple as the pride of a Greek city. It it true that praise of the city where the festival is located is conventional in the panegyrics And yet, at the same time, we ought to pay attention to some passages in his other orations, where Anstides suggested how the leading Greek cities engaged in strife because of the temples and festivals of the koinon. And, judging from other sources, the title of neokoros, "temple warden," was such a distinction for the Greek cities that it became a cause of the struggles among them. It seems that the temple of the provincial imperial cult was recognized as the pride of a Greek city. We may be justified in pointing out another aspect of the Greek attitudes toward the imperial cult.

著者

藤縄 謙三

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, pp.45-55, 1969-03-25 (Released:2017-05-23)

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'Greek art reconciles two principles which are often opposed; on the one hand control and clarity and fundamental seriousness; on the other, brilliance, imagination and passion.' (H.D.F. Kitto). Such dual nature of Greek culture is usually explained as the outcome of the fusion of two peoples or cultures (Mediterranean and Indo-European). This explanation is, I believe, fundamentally correct, but not satisfactory enough; because a fusion of two cultures might also produce a neutral sort of culture. In order to explain the nature of Greek culture in full, we must seek some more direct causes in addition which produced its dual nature. In Classical Greece, the social and political organizations were clearly patriarchal, but if we turn to the realm of mythology and religion we can easily find many matriarchal traits. We often find both features in the same persons. For example Hesiod, a marked misogynist living in a patriarchal family, very often arranges the genealogies of gods in matrilinear systems. This matriarchy in mythology and religion (die mutterrechtliche Religion) was no doubt mainly of Mediterranean origin. From our almost exclusively archaeological evidence we cannot exactly know to what extent Minoan Civilization was matriarchal. It is possible that it may have had some matriarchal or at least matrilinear social systems, but they must have been incompatible with the new-comers' patriarchal systems; so they must have gone out of existence, say by the end of the Mycenaean Age, except in certain obscure districts (e.g. in Lycia) . On the other hand, Minoan religion was without any doubt matriarchal; and what was more, it could co-exist and combine with the patriarchal system, because it was especially connected with agriculture, the importance of which in Classical Greece was as great as it had been in the Minoan Age. Thus in Classical Greece we find the combination of the matriarchal religion with the patriarchal system, which I think was the basic structure of Greek culture. Analyzing some important Athenian legends and some tragic plays, we try to explain the operation and effects of the combination. The most ancient kings of Athens (Kekrops, Kranaos, Amphiktyon and Erichthonic's or Erechtheus) were said to have been born from Gaia, and all the Athenians proudly called themselves autochthones. This firm belief in the Mother Earth had its origin in the Mediterranean matriarchal religion, and promoted the unification of the Athenian Polis. Thus in a way matriarchal religion sustained the political superstructure. Aeschylus in the Eumenides clearly thought that a reconciliation of the Apolline principle (i.e. the patriarchal system) and the Eumenidean principle (i.e. the matriarchal religion) was absolutely necessary for the well-being of the Athenian Polis. In Euripides' Ion Kreusa's chthonian descent is often clearly mentioned, so she seems to represent the matriarchal religion ; while her only son Ion is given a divine father Apollon, the most distinct representative of patriarchy. Thus, according to Euripides Ion combines in himself our two principles. In Sophocles' Antigone and Euripides' Bacchae is depicted the disruption of the two principles. Antigone and Dionysos stand for the matriarchal religion which includes feminism and emotionalism, Kreon and Pentheus for the patriarchal and rationalistic principle. While in the Ion and the Eumenides Athena acts as mediatress between two parties or principles, in the Antigone and the Bacchae in which are treated problems of a foreign city, the poets do not try to settle them. We may say that some Athenian thinkers such as the three great tragedians were in some way conscious of the basic structure of their culture or spirit. The substructure (i. e. the emotional side) of their spirit was nourished by the matriarchal religion, while its superstructure (i.e. the rational side) was formed by their patriarchal social principle.

著者

長谷川 敬

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, pp.65-76, 2008-03-05

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In this paper, I examine the cases of the water commerce between inland Gaul (e.g. Lugdunensis, Aquitania, Belgica, two provinces of Germany, and northern Narbonensis) and Italy. As evidenced by the inscriptions CIL XIII 1942 and VI 29722, two traders engaged in river and marine transportation. It is said that in the first and second century A. D., the nature of the economy of inland Gaul was different from that of the Mediterranean region: indeed, the networks of traders appear to have been divided between those two areas. On the other hand, scholars have often discussed the marine transporters of southern Gaul who were active in the Mediterranean region, some of whom maintained relationships with officers supervising the supply of food in Rome, i.e., the annona. In this case, it should be pointed out that in outlining the plan of the Roman economy, the foregoing studies pay less attention to individual cases. Further, although there is a lack of reliable and detailed evidence, scholars facilely tend to assume that the marine transporters of southern Gaul operated in Italy. Therefore, I focus on the two abovementioned traders who have recorded their own activities in inland Gaul and Italy. CIL XIII 1942 clarifies the fact that the deceased became augustalis both in Lyon and Pozzuoli, having found favor with other augustales, who mainly comprised those engaged in commerce or industry. Further, he had no dealings with the annona or its officials. This allows us to envisage that he had built and developed relationships with a variety of merchants and artisans in both cities by crossing the borders of two different economic blocs. On the other hand, CIL VI 29722 indicates that the deceased participated in commercial activities as a member of a family enterprise based in Lyon and Rome, which had been managed since the generation of his grandfather-a man who had left his mark on both cities. Moreover, it is remarkable that he not only joined more than one trade association based in Lyon or Rome as a member but was also assigned to important posts in the associations. This indicates that using the family enterprise as the first step, he succeeded in building wide human networks beyond associations and regions. In this case too, it is not proved that the deceased had any dealings with the annona. Based on the facts demonstrated above, I conclude that the two traders had wide networks with a variety of merchants or transporters in both inland Gaul and Italy. Further, these traders relied on people of the same social section rather than those from higher sections, such as officers of the state. Moreover, as an aspect of this study, I suggest that the existence of wide-ranging human relationships between the two regions might provide a new perspective on economical structures in the foregoing discussion.

著者

広瀬 三矢子

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, pp.109-120, 1996-03-15 (Released:2017-05-23)

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Recently, many books on women in the Roman empire have been published in Italy. They, however, describe only prosopography of the famous women such as mothers, wives, and daughters of commanders, statesmen, and emperors. In this article, I will reconsider one of the most famous women, Livia who was the wife of Augustus. Tacitus emphasized Livia as the diplomatic mother of Tiberius as well as the faithful wife of Augusuts. By analyzing the portraits of Livia, I wish to reinterpret the image which Tacitus provided and to understand how she took part in the politics in the early Principate. I collected and analyzed seventy portraits of Livia, which have survived in Italy and other countries. I can classify these portraits into two main groups by examining the hairstyle as Italian "nodus" or "center-parted". Moreover, I classified them into several sub-groups, by evaluating when they were produced, as follows : Type A. after 38BC when Livia was married with Augustus. Bonn Akademisches Kunstmuseum ; Bologna, Museo Civico ; Paris, Louvre 622 ; Roma, Villa Albani 793 ; Padova, Museo Civico ; Paestum, Museo, Pesaro, Museo Oliveriano 3820 ; Stuttgart, Wurttembergisches Landesmuseum 3 etc. Type B. AD4 when Tiberius was designated the successor of Augustus. Kopenhagen, NyCarlsberg 615 ; Toulouse, Musee Saint-Raymond 3000 ; London, British Museum 1990 ; Hamburg, Kunstmuseum 1967 ; Cadiz, Museo Arqueologico ; Tarragona, Museo Arqueologico etc. Type B^1 and B^2. after AD14 when Augustus was dead. Ephesus, Museo Archeologico ; Cordova, Museo Arqueologico ; Leptis Magna : Volterram Museo Etrusco Guarnacci ; Musei Vaticani Laterano 1812 etc. Type C. Paris, Louvre 29 (Julia Augusta) ; Kopenhagen NyCarlsberg 616. Type D. Roma, Musei Capitolini ; Musei Vaticani sala dei Busti ; Musei Vaticani Laterano 10180. Type E. AD14 or AD19 when the type of "center-part" appeared. Kopenhagen, NyCarlsberg 618 ; Bochum Universtat Museum ; Luxemburg ; Kiel, Kunsthall ; Volterra Museo Etrusco Guarnacci etc. Type F. so called Salus Type, AD22 when Livia fell seriously ill. Pompei, Antiquarium ; Leningrad, Ermitage ; Bochum Universtat Museum. Type E^1. after AD29 when Livia died at 86 years old. Madrid, Museo Arqueologico ; Leptis Magna ; Paris Bibliotheque Nationale ; Atene, National Museum 325 ; Genova, Museo Civico. Type E^2. after AD41 when Livia was deified by Claudius. Kopenhagen, NyCarlsberg 617 ; Parma, Museo Archeologico etc. Type G. Kopenhagen, NyCarlsberg 614; 531; Napoli, Museo Archeologico. And there was another "nodus" type of the Claudian Age : Hague Cameo. As a result, I emphasize two points. Firstly, I can find a strong similarity among the portraits(type B-D)that were produced in abundance from the late Augustan age to the early Tiberian age. So, I say that the politics of the late Augustan age persisted into the early reign of Tiberius. In those days, statues of Livia were shown with those of Tiberius or her children, providing her image as a diplomat. Secondly, why did Claudius set up many statues of Livia? He was born in the famous family "the Claudius", the same family as Livia. He was not adopted into "the Julian", the family of the deified Augustus, although he was a predecessor, Tiberius and Caligula were adopted. Therefore Claudius looked upon Livia as an ancestor of his family and deified her as "Diva". Livia was very important for Claudius giving authority to himself and his family. And he regarded the marriage of Augustus and Livia as an important one, as the fact that the portraits of Livia were made in the old type(the Date of Augusuts)shows. Tacitus and Dio Cassius informed us of Livia's diplomatic efforts to certify Tiberius as the successor to Augustus. According to my research, however, I conclude that emperors made use of the images of Livia to justify their position as Princeps.

著者

納富 信留

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, pp.23-34, 2018 (Released:2021-03-24)

著者

内田 康太

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, pp.73-85, 2013-03-28 (Released:2017-05-23)

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The centuriate assembly, which elected higher magistrates such as consuls or praetors during the Roman republic, had at its disposal - at least in the case of consular elections - a specific voting system called Centuria Praerogativa. This was the first century to cast its vote and the result was proclaimed separately from the others. Many scholars have assumed that the voting of this one century often had a decisive influence over the centuries that followed, so that the candidates selected by this one century won the competition. Their studies, therefore, have focused on explaining the significance of its influence, especially in the light of recent discussions about the political importance or influence of the Roman people. However, by analyzing some sources which are considered to indicate the influence of Centuria Praerogativa in their proper context, I will argue that the great influence exerted by this century is found under certain conditions pertaining to the elections, which have not adequately studied yet. Accordingly this paper aims to analyze the influence of Centuria Praerogativa by asking when and how this century was followed by the other centuries. I first analyze one actual election, the consular election of 53 BC. In this election, there were four candidates with equal chances of winning, but two of these would be in a more favorable position than the rest once they have promised Centuria Praerogativa a huge amount of money. From this it can be surmised that the influence of Centuria Praerogativa emerges in the case of close elections. And this is actually confirmed by some ancient sources explaining the function of this century. According to them, Centuria Praerogativa was supposed to work as a unifying factor for the other centuries. Therefore, for Centuria Praerogativa to fulfill this function, there needed to exist a situation that the voting of the rest could be split between candidates with a possibility of a close election. However, the consular election for the year 63 BC seems not to have been such a case. Of the two candidates with a chance of winning - and despite the fact that one of them must have won the votes of Centuria Praerogativa - the victor won the election by a very close margin. However, based on the voting system that allowed the electorate to cast at any time as many votes as was the quorum for the magistrate concerned, it seems possible to argue from this case that Centuria Praerogativa exerted its influence not on the higher strata of the centuries but rather on the lower ones. And this also corresponds to the above view, because the lower centuries could take part in balloting when the election was closely contested. To conclude, it is during close election that the Centuria Praerogativa exerted its decisive influence over the following centuries, possibly over the lower strata of the centuries. And this argument should caution us not to overestimate the political importance or influence of the Roman people.

著者

後藤 志乃風

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, pp.30-40, 2009-03-26

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Bion's Epitaphium Adonidis can be seen to consist of three scenes: 1) Adonis' death and the mourning for him on the part of Aphrodite, Loves, and natural beings in the forest (1-39), 2) Aphrodite's lamentation on his last (40-66), and 3) the funeral in her palace (67-98). In its narrative style, it presents 'a mixture of mimic and diegetic narration' by telling the mythic story in the ritual context of Adonia. Aphrodite's lament (42-61) occupies the central part of the mythic tale, and at the same time plays an important role for the ritual. This paper tries to examine the essential features of the lament to inquire how it contributes to the unity of E. A.. As pointed out by M. Alexiou, The Ritual Lament in the Greek Tradition, Cambridge 1974, 56, Aphrodite's lament has the qualities both of a lament and also of a love song. I focus on them below. Firstly, I compare it with Il. 24. 719-76, a typical scene of women's lament in epic. The topic of 'the deceased's widow and orphan' found in Andromache's lament for Hector is used also in Aphrodite's lament for Adonis. Her lament is also similar to Helene's lament in grieving over the deceased's death as well as over her own distress it causes. Secondly, I examine the elements related to love'. Aphrodite misses Adonis' last kiss in return for the kiss she has given him. It means the pleasure of love exalted by kissing can no longer be reciprocated. The motif of 'fleeing(φευγειν) and chasing(διωκειν)' implies as if Adonis would leave Aphrodite of his own free will. Yet the impossibility of her chasing him across Acheron means that such emotional interchanges as courtship, acceptance or denial are no longer possible between them. And Aphrodite addresses Persephone as a successful rival in love, because Adonis has gone to Hades, Persephone's realm. In the last part of the lament, Adonis is said to 'have died' explicitly, and also longing (ποθοσ)' and kestos, Aphrodite's magic item of allurement, are said to have vanished. It shows that they can no longer enchant and excite each other, namely that the love is over. These elements of 'love' in her lament show that Adonis' death brings the end of Aphrodite's love. In addition, Bion depicts his death as if an irrecoverable one, weakening the image of his resurrection characteristic of the ritual as in Theoc. 15. The goddess can neither recover him nor her love. In this sense, her pain is similar to that of human beings and easy to make them feel sympathy for her. In the third scene (67-98) following the lament, the narration has denser fusion of the mythic and the ritual contexts than in the first scene (1-39). Especially in 67-78, where the scene changes to the funeral of Adonis, the participants of Adonia performs ritual actions fulfilling the role of Aphrodite. This fusion of mythic and ritual contexts is facilitated by the overarching emotional unity with Aphrodite, which is aroused by the goddess' lament. In conclusion, Aphrodite's lament reveals that she grieves for a loss of love with Adonis in a similar way to human beings, so as to make the participants of Adonia feel the emotional unity with her. This is how her lament in the mythic context leads naturally to the third scene with the ritual context and thus brings about unity of E. A..

著者

井上 文則

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, pp.84-94, 2004-03-05 (Released:2017-05-23)

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In 1903 E Ritterling put forward a new theory the emperor Gallienus created four independent cavalry corps, all under the control of one commander Aureolus This theory was developed by A Alfoldi who used coins as a historical source to argue that these four independent cavalry corps were converted into the central cavalry corps stationed at Milan Alfoldi's argument was generally accepted However, H G Simon recently rebutted it and denied the existence of such corps on the grounds that the main Greek sources concerning Gallienus' reform of cavalry are unreliable In this paper, I examine Gallienus' supposed reform of cavalry to clarify the military system of the Roman Empire in the mid-third century First, I attempt to reconstruct the career of Aureolus who is key to understanding cavalry reform According to the Greek sources, Aureolus was commander of the central cavalry corps at the time of his rebellion against Gallienus But there are many inconsistencies in the Greek sources and further the Latin historian Aurelius Victor said that Aureolus was commanding the army in Raetia when he revolted In Simon's view, the Latin source is more reliable and he reinterprets the Greek sources to reconcile them with the Latin source Since his interpretation seems unconvincing, I here propose another solution to this problem I argue that Aureolus was the commander of the central cavalry corps at the time of Gallienus' war against Postumus in 265, not in 268 and that after concluding the war Aureolus remained in Raetia to defend the invasion of Postumus into Italy I observe that there is no evidence for the existence of the central cavalry corps except the title of Aureolus Rather it is recognized that independent cavalry corps, such as the Dalmatian cavalry corps, played a prominent part in many battles Moreover there were some independent cavalry corps not included into the central cavalry corps, though it is commonly said that they are all created to form it Form these observations, I suggest that Gallienus originally intended to create the independent cavalry corps and the central cavalry corps was temporarily formed from the independent cavalry corps which happened to be under the direct command of the emperor To understand the real significance of the independent cavalry corps, it is necessary to consider to the phenomenon that prior to the cavalry reform, Roman legion, which mainly consisted of infantry, divided into the vexillatio for independent use By creating a new cavalry unit corresponding with vexillatio, Gallienus probably intended to form mobile field forces, containing both cavalry and infantry I can find it not only under the direct command of the emperor but also deployed by other military commanders elsewhere It seems probable that such military condition in the mid-third century shaped Diocletian's later policy to divide the Roman Empire into four parts

著者

松本 仁助

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, pp.1-15, 1997-03-10

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本論は,民話から詩的にすぐれた叙事詩が創作されている実態を,『オデュッセイア』におけるぺネロペイアの再婚問題に関連して,見ていくものである.ただし,本論においては,妻の婚礼をあつかった説話として,民話のみならず文学的水準がそれほど高くない叙事詩をも,『オデュッセイア』との比較の対象にしている.

著者

岩崎 務

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, pp.77-87, 1998-03-23

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In Tibullus 2. 5, the last section(105-22)balances the first section(1-18)in length and in words, but the two sections differ in some respects. Messalinus, who is introduced at first as a newly elected priest of Apollo, is later imagined as a triumphant general. What development of the poem causes this change? Moreover, bringing in a new theme, the poet talks about his love for Nemesis and asserts that she is the source of his poetry. How does Tibullus' personal love affair match this national poem which treats Rome's history? In this paper, I attempt to consider Tibullus' attitude to Rome's growth and the new regime by examining these questions. After mentioning the Sibylline Books, the care of which is entrusted to quindecimuiri, the poet quotes the Sibyl's former prophecy to Aeneas(39-64). She predicted that Troy would be reconstructed to be Rome and dominate the whole world. Here the marvelous development of Rome is the poem's theme. The poet's intention is to heighten his praise of Messalinus by placing him in Rome's victorious history. Singing of a great victory has been suggested, because Apollo was asked to dress up as he had done when he celebrated Jupiter's triumph over Saturn (7-10). However, as Bright points out, Saturn is also a significant god for Tibullus. In 1.3, he states how happily men lived in the Golden Age of Saturn in contrast to his contemporary men. The coming of Jupiter's age is good and right, but can be viewed from a different angle. Therefore in the description of Rome's history its dark side is hinted dimly, e. g. Romulus' fratricide(23-4), and emerges more clearly when the poet refers to the ominous phenomena associated with the death of Julius Caesar(71-8). Now, facing Rome's painful realities, Tibullus himself predicts a happy future of Rome, which is imagined in the peaceful country(83-104). This joyful picture of a country festival is similar to the former description of the site of Rome before the arrival of Aeneas(23-38), but I agree with Mutschler that these two scenes differ in accent. While the former scene as a whole is very idyllic and fantastic, the latter is rather realistic in that the rural life is depicted more concretely. Especially the charming picture of a united family(91-4)makes a vivid impression on us. Therefore the poet doesn't suggest the restoration of the early pastoral world nor an utterly fanciful ideal society. In the last section the praise of Messalinus which has been reserved begins at last, and Tibullus as uates glorifies Messalinus as a future conqueror. Although war is a target of the poet's criticism in other poems and the dark side of Rome's development has been hinted, here the poet makes a realistic choice to assure a happy future, which corresponds to the more realistic tone of the preceding description of the rural life. What makes possible this realistic choice? I think that is showed in 105-12 referring to love and Nemesis. The poet keenly expresses the ambivalence of love, especially his love, in 107-8, where ars bona makes a sharp contrast with ars...malum, and in 110(faueo morbo cum iuuat ipse dolor). Moreover it is emphasized that Nemesis inspires Tibullus as uates and that she is the truth he reveals, because 111-2 with uati(114)is parallel to 15-6 with uatis(18), and to 63-4 with uates(65). By his sensibility to the ambivalence of love the poet can realize that Rome's prosperity cannot but involve a negative element, and on the other hand that the peaceful rural world he loves may be easily destroyed. Therefore the realistic glorification of a victorious general of Rome becomes possible for the poet, though he does not praise only the political and martial power, as pia...spectacula displayed by Messalla(119)shows. Tibullus is not singing a reluctant and unnatural praise. His song here rests on the same foundation that underlies his other elegiac poems. In this poem Tibullus sings his own song to the end, while he as uates makes a responsible prediction.

著者

国方 栄二

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, pp.40-50, 1990-03-29

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It is often thought that the Eleatic stranger introduced the myth in the Politicus, with a view to recalling our minds from resting in an ideal, i e, the so-called Golden Age of Cronos in which harmony is completely realized, it remains for us to take account of the imperfect conditions of our actual world But, as H Herter correctly surmised, modern attempts to find an ideal state or community in the reign of Cronos seem unsuccessful It is clear from the text that the measure of human happiness is the pursuit of philosophy (272 B-C), and the cycle of Cronos is characterized by forgetfulness (272 A 2) In this way, the reign of Cronos is far from a model, serving rather as a foil for our present cycle Yet the story is combined with a complicated cosmological theory according to which, in one era, the cosmos is assisted on its way by its Creator, and in another era, when He releases control, the cosmos begins to revolve with its own motion Moreover, the cosmos periodically reverses the direction of its rotation How, then, can this strange theory be harmonized with our abovementioned interpretation? The aim of this paper is to reexamine the cosmology of the Politicus in detail, and to question the cause of this retrograde motion Then, on the basis of this analysis, we finally ask what Plato's real intention is when he seeks a definition of the true statesman in the cycle of Zeus Conclusions (1) The cosmos cannot free itself from change owing to its bodily nature, but it tries to maintain its uniformity, like that of the Forms, so far as it can Thus it has acquired the motion of a circle (269 D 5-E 4) I take την ανακυκλησιν at 269 E 3 as the circular movement, not as the reversal of rotation (as many scholars since Campbell), since it is not clear from this why the cosmos must move in reverse In this section, we must notice that it is not said that the retrograde motion is caused because of some bodily element of the cosmos Scholars make a mistake when they take it that the retrograde motion is simply equivalent to disorderly motion Since the cosmos has a circular motion, albeit in reverse direction, we must suppose behind it the intelligence, i e φρονησιζ, with which it is endowed by the Creator, even though, as time goes on, its recollection grows dim due to the material element in its composition (2) The reason why the weakness of World-Soul is stressed in the Politicus in comparison with the Timaeus or Leges X, is because of the need to show that in each era the cosmos and human beings undergo the same παθοζ In the age of Cronos, both the cosmos and human beings pass time idly On the other hand, in the age of Zeus, they both have to direct their own lives (274 D) Still, the care of the Creator is not entirely excluded in the period of Zeus, and even then the cosmos is governed by Him indirectly through the φρονησιζ (or διδαχη) Thus, abiding by it is best for human beings as well as for the World-Soul Although we cannot but set men as rulers over men, the best thing that we can do is to set a man having intelligence over other men Plato wanted to show this in the encompassing context of cosmic history