著者

筒井 賢治

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, pp.121-129, 1996-03-15 (Released:2017-05-23)

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Marcion, a Christian heretic in the second century A. D., is known as a docetist. This is closely related with the widely-accepted assumption that he used a special term, phantasma, with regard to the body of Jesus Christ. Admittedly, there is an exclusive connection between Marcion and the term phantasma. On the one hand, we know nobody else among his contemporaries who referred to the body of Jesus by this term. On the other hand, a number of Early Church Fathers speak of Marcion's phantasma so frequently that it is virtually impossible to deny that he has actually used the term for Jesus Christ. And Tertullian, by far the most important source of information about Marcion/Marcionites, knew two interpretations of phantasma : (a)vision, an noncorporeal entity that can be seen and heard, but cannot be touched ; (b)something comparable to the body of the angels who appeared to Abraham and Lot and associated with them just like normal human beings(cf. Gen 18-19). This juxtaposition of two essentially different interpretations indicates clearly that the term phantasma itself, at least, was not an invention by Tertullian, but a special word actually used by Marcion himself. However, if we investigate Marcion's own texts, i. e. his canon(Evangelium, Apostolicum) and Antitheses, we come to an unexpected conclusion : Nowhere can we find a clearly and directly docetic element in them, as far as reliable textual reconstruction is possible. On the contrary, there are a lot of "nondocetic" passages which show that Jesus undoubtedly had a tangible body(which contradicts the meaning(a) of phantasma ; see below). The word phantasma itself does not appear anywhere apart from Evangelium (Lk)24 : 37. In this verse, according to Tertullian, Marcion's text reads phantasma (cf. also Adamantius/Rufinus) instead of pneuma. But we should not accept this report without qualification. First, it is not a literal quotation. Tertullian may well have employed an anti-Marcionite cliche here, as he often does. Secondly, Jesus' disciples, who think he is a "phantasma", are not praised but scolded by Jesus himself in the following verses. Further, this reading destroys the contextual relation with v. 39, where pneuma is undoubtedly retained in Marcion's text. Last but not the least, this Jesus is the so-called resurrected one, not the proper subject of docetism. For these various reasons, we cannot consider this verse to be sufficient evidence for Marcion's phantasma-docetism. We must conclude, therefore, that neither docetism nor the term phantasma is clearly to be found in Marcion's own texts. To explain this contradiction, we must introduce the perspective of chronological development in Marcion : His phantasma-docetism belongs to his "pre-canonical" times. Although the "post-canonical" Marcion did not positively use the term any longer, the polemical cliche against it remained in use on the side of the orthodox church. As regards the two meanings of phantasma attested in Tertullian(see above), (a)must certainly be older than(b). (b)appears to be an alternative, ad hoc explanation given by the post-canonical Marcion or more probably Marcionites, who wanted to remove the discrepancy between their canon and the phantasma-docetism. in the meaning(a). A relationship in the reverse order, i. e. a development from(b)to(a), is hardly imaginable. As a matter of course, it does not necessarily mean that(a)was the original meaning in which Marcion used the term phantasma. This remains an open to debate. Our argument is based on the assumption of a critical change in Marcion. "Critical change" does not mean here a conversion from one definite, ready-made system of belief to another. Rather, it is creation of a new paradigm, which is usually preceded by a long, chaotic period of preparation. There is no doubt that the pre-canonical(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

著者

山形 直子

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.65, pp.1-11, 2017 (Released:2020-03-31)

著者

橋本 隆夫

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, pp.1-11, 1987

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In vv 19-21 occurs the 'ne plus ultra' theme, which indicates that the laudandus attained to the furthest point of human prosperity, and the theme is followed by the Herakles-myth (vv 22-26), where it is reported that the hero set up the pillars as ναυτιλιαζ εσχαταζ μαρτυραζ κλυταζ But m the following lines (vv 26-32) the whole myth is broken off as irrelevant to the main theme of this epmician After the transitional part, in vv 32 the poet turns to Aeacidae-myths which are more relevant to the Aeaginetan victor Anstokleides Thus vv 19-32 are subdivided into the 'ne plus ultra' motif (19-21), the Herakles-myth (22-26) and the transitional motif (26-32). This paper is an attempt to examine the relation of the 'ne plus ultra' motif to the break-off of the myth, and to understand the significance of the break-off The Herakles-myth has been naturally taken as a digressive part since ancient scholiasts Among modern scholars questions have been proposed about the function of this myth as a digression in the part or the whole poem It is here asserted that the myth which is used to explain the pillars of Herakles is a positive paradigm of the 'ne plus ultra' motif, because Harakles succeeded in going beyond the limit of the world Moreover he becomes a god and lives with Hebe in Olympos His apotheosis, although it is cut off in the narration of the myth, is supposed apparently, as suggested by the association of the word (θεοζ v 20) That the poet points to the stupidity (παρα καιρον cf P 10 4) of going to αλλοδαπαν ακραν by means of the break-off, does not mean only that Herakles travelled to the Atlantic Ocean too far from the Island Aegina It implies also the stupidity of seeking to go beyond the limit as Herakles did Thus it would be apparent what significance the transitional gnome has The poet says one should admire the good man (εσλον αινειν) Following, he claims that the desire for an alien existence (ουδ' αλλοτριων ερωτεζ) is not good for the ordinary man Instead of αλλοτριων ερωτεζ, he advises himself and the audience to seek at home (οικοθεν ματευε) αλλοτριων means the area beyond human competence, and οικοθεν means the effort within one's ability The poet's objection to the αλλοδαπν ακραν after the break-off of the Herakles-myth is an admonition against seeking the apotheosis or the divine prosperity, i e, immortality as in the case of Herakles Therefore we ought to see that the 'ne plus ultra' motif has such admonitory significance in N 3 and even in other odes In the place of Coronis (P 3) and Bellerophon (I 7) who suffered ruin because of their desire for των απεοντων (P 3 20) and απροσικτων (N. 11 48), Herakles may well have been used in N 3 as a positive paradigm In the second half of the ode, φρονειν το παρκειμενον (75) (to make much of the near at hand) is recommended to the laudandus, in opposition to αλλοτριων ερωτεζ. This implication has the same with reference to the phrase, αισχυνων επιχωρια παπταινε τα πορσω (P 3 22). To appreciate the near at one's foot (γνοντα το παρ ποδοζ P. 3 60) is also akin to the thought that man is able to get αυτοθεν the τηλαυγεζ φεγγοζ (N 3 64) Herakles in N 3 is the inverse Coronis and Bellerophon who would not have failed to attain immortality.

著者

岩井 経男

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, pp.58-70, 1985-03-29

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E. T.サノレモンの『共和政期ローマの植民市建設』は,共和政ローマが,いつ,どこに,どんな目的で植民市を建設していったかを詳細に検討し概観した,この分野ではほとんど唯一の貫重な労作である.彼はそこで,ローマ植民市建設の第一義的目的は,イタリア支配とローマ防衛の戦略のため,と主張している.そして,前133年に始まるグラックスの改革になってはしめて性格を変え,経済的社会的意図の下に建設されることになった,と言う.一般に,ローマの植民市建設は軍事的意義とといこ社会経済的側面もあわせもつと理解されるが,軍事面を一貫して強調する彼の説は極端と思われ,その結果,グラックス以前の植民の社会政栄的考察が欠落し,グラックスが突然出現することになろう.しかし,ウェーバーが『ローマ農業史』で行っている問題設定が示すように,またサルモン自身認めるように,ローマの植民政策は植民市建設deductio coloniaeと,都市建設をともなわない個人的土地分配adsignatio viritimからなっていた.伝える史料が少ないこともあり,個人的土地分配は本格的に論じられていない.そこで以下においては,ローマの固有領域の飛躍的拡大をもたらしたウェイイの併合からグラックスの改革前までの植民政策を,主として社会政策的観点から,個人的土地分配政策を含んで再構成し,検討してみることにする.方法としては,我々が今問題としている時期を便宜的に前268年(ラテン植民市アリーミヌムAriminum建設)を境に二つに分け,前期と後期を対比させて述べることにしたい.というのは,後に述べることになるが,筆者は前三世紀前半を境としてローマの植民政策が大きく転換すると考えるからである.

著者

中務 哲郎

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, pp.215-216a, 2001

著者

松平 千秋

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, pp.109-112, 1981

著者

大貫 隆

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, pp.97-108, 1981-03-30 (Released:2017-05-23)

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ヘブライおよびギリシア文学史には,死を目前にした人物の「訣別の辞」が数多く見出される.このような場合には,両者を文学様式と機能の視点から此較してヘブライ文学史の側でのその特性を解明することが聖書の様式史的研究方法にとって避け難い課題となる.しかし私の見るところでは,この研究方法が今世紀前半にドイツで提唱され,以後の聖書学の方法的基礎となったのち今日まで,「訣別の辞」の素材の辞典的な収集はなされたが,上のような視点からの立ち入った研究が行なわれたことはない.本稿は聖書の様式史的研究が残しているこの領域的な不備を,『ヨハネ福音書』13-17章のイエスの「告別説教」とプラトンの『パイドン』を各々の文学史的前提も顧慮しつつ此較することによって多少でも補おうとする試みである.

著者

脇條 靖弘

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, pp.42-52, 1995

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<p>Despite his well-known confession of ignorance Socrates does claim somehow to have knowledge in several passages of Plato's early dialogues. The aim of this paper is to focus on one of such passages, 29b of the Apology, and investigate the nature of this claim and the way it relates to his ignorance. In Apology 29b Socrates is making knowledge claim at two stages. Firstly, he claims to know(1)that it is evil and disgraceful to do wrong and to disobey the one who is better than him. Secondly, using this knowledge(1) as a premise and also adopting a further premise(2)that disobeying God and quitting philosophy is the very act of doing wrong and disobeying the one who is better than him, he reaches a conclusion(3)that disobeying God and quitting philosophy is bad, and concerning this conclusion he seems to be claiming to have knowledge. It is my contention that the grounds on which Socrates claims to know(1) and(3) are distinct and both of them are such as to be compatible with, and explain, his constant confession of ignorance, and further that not only in the Apology but also in early dialogues in general, when Socrates announces his knowledge in the process of drawing a conclusion(often in his elenchus) , his knowledge is classified either in type (1)or type(3). I suppose that the best way to make Socrates' claim of knowledge concerning(1) compatible with his confession of ignorance is to limit his knowledge to the area of logical properties of certain moral expressions. That is to say, when Socrates says he knows(1)that it is evil and disgraceful to do wrong and to disobey the one who is better than him, what he means is that he knows that if something is described as an act of doing wrong or disobeying someone who is better than oneself, it necessarily follows that it is also described as an act that is evil and disgraceful. Thus I take it that type (1) knowledge concerns entailment relationship, or meta-ethical facts, concerning certain moral expressions, and Socrates declines to do what he takes to be an act of doing wrong, partly backed up by this kind of formal knowledge. As to type(3) knowledge, it seems at first sight that Socrates' knowledge concerns conclusion(3)itself, but this interpretation meets a difficulty : although he announces his knowledge of premise(1), premise(2)is mentioned only as what he believes(28e), and it is unlikely that Socrates takes the conclusion to constitute knowledge when one of its premises is only a belief. One possible way of avoiding this difficulty is to introduce the distinction between two levels of knowledge. For example, Vlastos distinguished between the stronger kind of knowledge whose hallmark is infallible certainty and the weaker kind which, although falling short of certainty, can be and has been acquired by Socrates through his habitual activities of elenchus. Thus, whereas(2) is strictly speaking only a belief, Socrates can say he knows(2)in this weaker sense and accordingly, can claim also to have knowledge of conclusion(3), which is drawn from(1) and(2). However this interpretation is rather complicated, and the solution I would like to propose is simpler and more straightforward. In my view, Socrates' knowledge does not concern conclusion(3) itself but the logical necessity of(3)following the acceptance of(1)and (2). What Socrates claims to know at 29b is that(3)necessarily follows if (1) and(2) are accepted, or that(3)is true provided that(1)and(2)are both true. Because "if" clause or "provided that" clause is omitted here, his statement gives a false impression that he is saying he knows(3)itself. Thus, according to my interpretation both types of knowledge are rather formal in that type(1)concerns the logical-semantic necessity of certain moral expressions and type(3)concerns the logical necessity of inference. Type(1)knowledge is not so useful if it is possessed without any</p><p>(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)</p>

著者

鎌田 雅年

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, pp.50-60, 1997

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<p>In Plato's Apology, Socrates claims that he knows nothing good on the one hand and indicates almost absolute confidence concerning the righteousness of his philosophical activities on the other. I think the latter appears in this claim of knowledge of his. "I know it is evil and disgraceful to do injustice and to disobey my superior, god or man."(29b) What is the relationship between this claim of knowledge and his consciousness of knowing nothing good and how does this claim of knowledge make him confident? G. Vlastos thinks Socrates had a special kind of knowledge and so a certain extent of virtue and therefore thought his life was happy. Vlastos regarded Socrates' knowledge in the weaker sense as elenctically justifiable beliefs and considered Socrates' conviction dependant on such knowledge. According to Vlastos, such knowledge always has 'a security-gap,' i. e. the possibility of being false. However, we do not want to decrease this 'gap' at the expense of our daily utilities and try to live with this fallible knowledge. The trial described in the Apology is not a daily event but a situation unavoidable for Socrates' life and death. For this reason, I can not think that the basis for deciding whether our way of life is just or not is on the same level as a simple decision in daily life. Therefore, even if the knowledge in 29b is fallible knowledge in Vlastos' sense, I think it can not explain Socrates' moral conviction about the righteousness of his philosophical activities. In the Apology, one aspect of the knowledge Socrates ascribes to himself is the so-called 'consciousness of ignorance.' Socrates brings forward the god of Delphi as a witness to his knowledge. On his first interpretation of the oracle of Delphi, the god of Delphi allows only Socrates' consciousness of ignorance as a kind of knowledge. The knowledge claimed in 29b and 37b includes moral judgements. Therefore, Socrates' basis for this knowledge has been thoroughly discussed in relation to his claim of consciousness of ignorance. One way to resolve this problem is to take it into account that Socrates apologizes during his trial. In a trial, it is necessary not only to clearly tell his audience what he knows, but also to clarify the basis of his knowledge. But does he need to show the basis of the knowledge-claims in 29b and 37b? What he said there is, if we take his words at their face value, self-evident to his audience, but recognizing what is implied, we(and also his audience)can not accept Socrates' words easily. Namely, he says he chooses the death penalty rather than the banishment from his country. This is what anyone in his audience would expect, but could not be persuaded easily. For without any other condition, anyone of us would wish to avoid the death penalty. But Socrates had an inviolable condition. So in the Apology 29b, he does not simply claim the truth of his beliefs but also emphasizes that there is a firm basis for the knowledge-claim and that he had a resolute will to behave according to his beliefs. I think the very basis which he was ready to bring forward as his witness is at the core of his moral conviction. Socrates brings forward the god of Delphi as a witness for the knowledge-claim in 29b and 37b. However, as previously said, the oracle of Delphi does not issue substantive statements or commands. In short, he 'interprets' the oracle as a command of the god and on this interpretation relates his consciousness of his ignorance to the knowledge claimed in 29b and 37b. I think this interpretation makes his conviction firmer. For the basis of his knowledge is what Socrates can not doubt the truth of, i. e. the oracle of Delphi brought to Socrates from an external source. In addition, he accepted this oracle as seriously as his own consciousness after prolonged philosophical activity</p><p>(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)</p>

著者

増永 理考

出版者

日本西洋古典学会 ; 1953-

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 = Journal of classical studies (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

no.68, pp.74-85, 2020

著者

伊藤 照夫

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, pp.49-57, 1985

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Here we do not pretend to solve all problems of the Stoic doctrine of Zeus the father-god or even to cover the whole ground which they embrace. Our interest is confined to the meaning and reference of προτερη γενεη and its combination with Zeus-θαυμα-ονειαρ. While agriculture and navigation are complements each of the other in Aratus, above all within his general (and traditional) idea of human life, Zeus in the proem turns his eyes away from navigators and exclusively upon ploughmen. This deflection of σημα is suggestive of subsequent development, that is to introduce Nyx and her σημα for navigators. Nyx, both αρχαιη and ουρανιη, is, the double image of Zeus, much more active than Zeus himself and personifies the "night-motif". Night as the stage of the starry sky and its personification alone enable men to distinguish all σηματα. τι&b.sigmav; ανδρων (373), too, does so, and that by originating a new method for men, the constellation, which should correct the method of Zeus (cf. 11 αστρα διακρινα&b.sigmav;→375 παντων οιοθι κεκριμενωνv). Nyx and τι&b.sigmav; αν., whose name and epithet build up a remote antiquity and a mythical fiction around them, can convert θαυμα-Zeus into ονειαρ-Zeus for men, through intervening in their life. But this connection is also fictive and intends to show the origin of the relation between stars and men. Then we can identify πρ. γεν., whose name describes the same mythical situation as that of Nyx and τι&b.sigmav; αν. does, with them. In Phaenomena θαυμα mirrors and means all aspects of the reaction of men against Zeus or the celestial world. Despite the dissolution of θαυμα by πρ. γεν. it remains still in the sky: nameless stars, which do not associate themselves with any constellation, and some constellations of which the shape and name stir up θαυμα again in the mind of men (e.g. Engonasin). Then that paradox rises (cf. 374 f. απαντ'……ηλιθα). But πρ. γεν., who will favour men constantly and devotedly, has nothing to do with it. Aratus shows us the origin of the paradox implicitly and skillfully. The contrast between ειδεα and ειδωλον is in this case more remarkable and intentional, because the former, only one example (381), indicates the shape of the constellation which τι&b.sigmav; αν. first designed, and the latter, nine examples, does for some of the constellations which were transmitted from τι&b.sigmav; αν. to mankind. The ειδλον means therefore constellations like Engonasin and nameless stars which men could not appreciate just as τι&b.sigmav; αν. intended and then which men see with θαυμα. From ειδεα to ειδωλον: in this process that paradox rises and gains ironical significance. It is through the same process as this that Nyx and her σημα finally lead also navigators to the ironical paradox. Men have themselves to blame for the failure. Gods favour men and lead them to ovsiccp. But θαυμα sometimes leads them astray. We may name such a belief "theodicy" as some interpreters do, and it goes without saying that Aratus intends there an ironical effect. In Phaenomena Aratus' purpose, the sole aim, is to describe the celestial sphere, in other words, to explain all σημαγα as intelligibly as possible. He could not, however, suppress his intent to install here one particular point (and the originality of this work), namely, when and how men have a concern with stars. For that purpose the mythical digressions were created by him. In parallel with the association between πρ. γεν. and mankind, then Zeus, the kindly father-god of the Stoics, rises again to the surface now as θαυμα, now as ονειαρ. Zeus is not always ovsiccp for men and that in consequence of mankind being paradoxical. It may safely be said that Aratus' Phaenomena is more ironical than allegorical.

著者

平山 晃司

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, pp.86-97, 2001-03-05 (Released:2017-05-23)

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There has long been a controversy among scholars about how pharmakoi, or ancient Greek human scapegoats, were treated at the end of the ritual, namely, whether they were killed or not The disagreement among modern scholars has been caused by that among ancient writers some state that the pharmakoi were put to death, while others indicate their being driven out of the community But it makes little difference whether they were slam or expelled Greater significance is to be attached to the fact that some of those scholiasts and lexicographers who refer to the pharmakos ritual assert that stoning was performed in it Of the two sources for the pharmakos ritual at Abdera the scholiast on Ovid(Ibts 467)states that in that city the scapegoat was killed with stones every year, whereas the commentator on a Callimachus line (fr 90 Pfeiffer) asserts that he was stoned until he was driven over the borders There is a similar discrepancy between the two sources for the purificatory ritual at Massalia while Servius states that the ritual was performed as often as the citizens were suffering from pestilence and that it culminated in mere casting out of the scapegoat, according to 'Lactantius Placidus' the ritual was held annually and at the end of it the scapegoat was led out of the city beyond its boundaries and then was stoned to death What caused these discrepancies? As for the latter case, one could surmise that for some reason Servius and 'Lactantius' both misconstrued the following circumstances in Massalia in very ancient times, whenever they suffered from pestilence, they would kill a scapegoat with stones so as to save their own lives, this practice was gradually established as an annually performed ritual for averting pestilence, and subsequently the final treatment of the scapegoat changed into banishment from the city, possibly accompanied by a ceremonial stoning Such may be the case also with Abdera and the scholiast on Ibis may have made a mistake similar to that of 'Lactantius' The following two sources provide some support for this view (1) According to Helladius, the pharmakos ritual held at Athens has its origin in the unlawful death of Androgeos and the ensuing pestilential disease this suggests that the Athenians purified their city with scapegoats to survive the plague What was the ultimate fate of the original pharmakoi ? An account of Plutarch (Mor 297b-c) and an episode in Philostratus (VA 4 10)enable one to conjecture that they were stoned to death And we are informed by Harpocration that the Athenians would expel two pharmakoi during the festival of Thargelia Thus the same process of change as is supposed for Massalia (and perhaps for Abdera) can be detected here (2) According to Ister, as cited by Harpocration, a man named Pharmakos stole the sacred bowls of Apollo and was stoned to death, and at the Thargelia (of an unknown Ionian city) certain things were performed in imitation of this event Very probably the principal thing performed during the rite was a ceremonial stoning (or pelting with harmless objects such as, for example, squill bulbs) accompanying the expulsion of the pharmakos Here too the above-mentioned process can be well perceived From the materials shown above it may be inferred that in very ancient times in some Greek cities, on the occasion of crises such as plague or famine or drought, to purify the city they would stone to death either the perpetrator of a sacrilegious act which was regarded as the cause of the disaster, or scapegoat(s), if it was of unknown origin Such a practice was gradually established as an annual event with the purpose of averting calamity, and subsequently the expulsion of scapegoat (s) from the community became the essential element of the ritual and stoning changed into a symbolical, ceremonial act performed in casting out the scapegoat (s)

著者

中村 友代

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, pp.60-72, 2013

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The "Alexander Sarcophagus" is one of the most celebrated works in the Hellenistic period. One of the six reliefs that decorated the sarcophagus shows a battle scene with Alexander the Great even though most scholars believe that the sarcophagus was not made for him but for Abdalonymos, the last king of Sidon in the 4^<th> century BCE. This paper aims at an iconographic interpretation of the battle scene featuring Alexander the Great through comparison with battle scenes made in the same period. What was the most important agenda for Abdalonymos, and what message did he intend to convey with the battle scene? Hence I would like to suggest a different point of views from previous studies. Most scholars identify the figure on the far left as Alexander wearing a lion-skin headgear. Based on his depiction, many scholars suggested that the relief shows a historical battle scene and tried to establish a connection between the relief and literature sources. Nowadays, the scene is often identified as the battle of Issus(333 BCE). There are, however, scholars who suggest a different interpretation, namely that the relief shows a symbolic or unidentifiable generic battle scene. It should be worthwhile to compare this battle scene with other contemporary battle scenes - for example, on the "Amazon Sarcophagus" in Vienna - in order to throw some light on the theme. As far as we know, similar works represented generic figures with idealized features. There are many similar motifs between these works and the Alexander sarcophagus that could be categorized as conventional topoi. A noteworthy difference between the battle scene on the Alexander sarcophagus and comparable reliefs' lies in the rendering of Alexander. Comparing the sarcophagus with the "Alexander Mosaic", which also depicted battle scene with Alexander, we find many similar motifs. Both works are considered to be influenced by the same original, a painting made in the 4^<th> century BCE. But it should be noted that there are distinguished differences between both works. Firstly, the expression on the sarcophagus is far less triumphant than on the mosaic. Secondly, Alexander is portrayed on the sarcophagus wearing lion-skin headgear, it's clearly an expression of his divinity. We know that Alexander wore lion-skin headgear which is an attribute of Hercules' because he saw himself as a descendant and rival of Hercules. Besides, there is no reference proving that Alexander fought with the lion-skin headgear on battlefields. According to ancient literature sources, Abdalonymos was appointed king of Sidon by Alexander. For Abdalonymos, it was most important to commemorate both the authority and the divinity of Alexander, the origin of his own royal authority. Very probably, the rendering of the victory over Persia was to him a matter of secondary concern.

著者

松原 俊文

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, pp.150-154, 2011-03-23 (Released:2017-05-23)

著者

田中 邦夫

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, pp.169-173, 1972

著者

内田 次信

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, pp.14-28, 1981

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Was Pindar "honest" or not in his praises of victors? To answer this question we should deal with each ode separately, for his odes were written for different men, on different occasions. I discuss three cases in this paper(the text used is that of Bowra). First, Isthmian 2. I interpret its proem in line with Farnell and Bowra. The poet is asking Thrasybulos in indirect words for the payment promised, seemingly, by the late Xenocrates in exchange for this ode or the odes including this. Now, the poet's veiled requestruns through the ode. In vv. 23-27, "ανεγνον" and "ασπαζοντο" point, as a preliminary suggestion, to vv. 43-45, where Thrasybulos is required not to reject "these hymns". In vv. 35-42, the long praise of the late father hints, "You, the son, should be equaly hospitable". The poet tries to bring home this hint by quoting his own Pyth.6 (vv. 50 ff.) , an ode which was written to praise the son's filial devotion to the father. Thrasybulos is asked to perform as a dutiful son this Isthm. 2 which celebrates his father's memory. Now, in conclusion in this ode, Pindar's praises of his Standesgenossen are never wholly false on any occasion. In this case, however, we cannot but feel that the words to Thrasybulos(v. 12, 48) are somewhat "cajoling", and that the praise of the father is intended in part as a"tool". Secondly, Ol. 13 and fr. 107. It is argued by Norwood and Meautis that the poet dislikes Xenophon, the receiver of these odes. One of Norwood's points is that Xenophon receives not a word of praise in Ol. 13 except the mere naming of his victories. But, the words of v. 1 or vv. 30-1 serve fully as praise. Moreover, the long praise of Corinth or the Corinthian virtues in vv. 4-23b is not irrelevant, but intensifies as a foil the value of the rare achievement of Xenophon praised in vv. 30-1. In the section after the myths no mention of Xenophon is made(Hamilton, Epinikion 108 n. 5). It is not a mark of Pindar's coldness to Xenophon. Fr. 107 for the hieroduloi is also called to witness by the two scholars. The poet is playful in this fragment through and through. Vv. 1-9 recall to us the Greek "prejudice" about women's lewdness shown mythologically in Teiresias' story. Pindar is jokingly indignant of the license given to the hieroduloi. Vv. 13-15 are also playful. Pindar was doubtlessly embarassed at first by the order of a song for the hieroduloi, but he performed this difficult task with professional sincerity and tact. This is the point of v. 16. To sum up, we probably cannot say Pindar "loved" Xenophon, to be sure, but the argument that Pindar disliked him is out of the question. The fragment shows the smiling attitude of the poet to Xenophon. Finally, Pythian 10. This is one of the most fervent odes of the poet. The twentyyear-old poet, who feels great gratitude(cf. vv. 64-68)to Thorax for receiving an order for a Pythian victory for the first time in his poetic career, and who is filled with hopes of his own future glory, idealizes the aristocratic Thessaly as an aristocrat himself, and compares admiringly its happiness which has now been brought about by Hippocleas' victory with the blessedness of the Hyperboreans. His praise of the Thessalian aristocrats is whole-hearted.

著者

長瀬 真理

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, pp.69-80, 1987-03-30 (Released:2017-05-23)

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The questions of the authenticity and chronology of Plato's texts are long-standing arguments This paper deals with the analysis of some prose style 'concerned with word order. One of the particular features of the Greek language is its freedom with word order The choice of word order is supposed to reflect personal habit or style which can be defined by studying the frequencies of certain patterns of combination of words. The conclusions are based on data obtained in a pilot computer project organized by Dr. L Brandwood from the University of Manchester in which I participated from October 1, 1980 to March 31, 1982 The purpose of the project is to investigate some specific stylistic features of texts from different periods of Plato's career, with the aim of producing certain quantitative measures of sentence structure and establishing new methods or principles of stylistic comparison The study was carried out usmg a system of classifying elements of sentence according to their syntactic function. The categories and code numbers are twelve : noun (0), verb(1), direct object (2), indirect object (3), predicate (4), attributes of these items (5), (6), (7), (8), (9), adverb (62) and prepositional phrase (63) The combinations of word order in each category are checked according to two patterns, 'coordinate' and 'split' The coordinate is the case where more than two words of the same class are used in parallel position m a sentence The split means the gap between a word and other related words in the same class The Greek texts of Plato were already available to us on magnetic tape Among Plato's writing we chose three texts, Laches, Theaetetus, and Philebus which are generally agreed to come from three different periods of his life We were also able to obtain a tape of Xenophon from which Memorabilia was chosen In order to check the consistency of our measures withm individual works, each text was sub-divided into four sections As the project is still underway, it is too early to make many claims for our methods. But I can say that in this instance, at least, checking word order has proved an effective measure of stylistic difference. It is fully recognised that the style of Philebus stands out clearly from that of the other three dialogues The figures for coordinate and split in Philebus are extremely high compared with the other three, especially in the case of the split in the prepositional phrases. We could say, 'the greater the frequency of splits, the more complicated the sentence' Philebus is commonly grouped chronologically with Leges, Timaeus, Pohticus and Sophistes as belonging to the later period of Plato's writing These dialogues are famous for being difficult to read It is an open question how far our syntactic code system would cover the complicated implication of sentence structures But whatever the interpretation, it is important to have some quantifiable and objective methods with which to work.

著者

中務 哲郎

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, pp.26-37, 1986

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ヘロドトス『歴史』のテーマは何か,という大問題にこのような小論で答えようとするのは,いわば「鶏刀を以て牛を割く」類の暴挙との誹りを受けるかもしれないが,以下に筆者の考えの大要を述べてみたい.

著者

森 進一

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.28, pp.1-12, 1980

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『法律』のなかで,「最も難解な節の一つ」とされている,859c6-864a8の箇所をとりあげて考察してみたい.初めに,その箇所をとりあげた意図について,簡単に述べてみる.

著者

金子 善彦

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, pp.88-100, 2007

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In Motu Animalium (MA, hereafter), Aristotle repeatedly says, "The soul moves the body", "Desire moves the animal", etc.. Commentators, who interpret Aristotle's philosophy of mind in a non-dualistic way, would find these claims perplexing, since they appear to imply that the soul is a non-material substance, separable from body, and imparts motion to body. Martha Nussbaum, one of the most influential proponents of the functionalistic interpretation of Aristotle, argues that the capacities of the soul are called "the movers of the animal" because of their role in the explanation of goal-directed motions, not of their causal agency, and so his claims there do not imply the Cartesian or Platonic conception of the soul as an incorporeal agent. However, although this sort of view is dominant in the recent literature, I don't think that it is a plausible reading. A number of passages in MA suggest that Aristotle takes the animal soul, or part of it, to be a causal agent in the quite literal sense, by which an animal can be moved to act. That wouldn't be so embarrassing if you saw that it is his theory of causation and other connected doctrines that lie behind the account of animal movements in MA. My aim in this paper is to show that this is a crucial aspect of Aristotle's philosophy of mind and action developed in MA. The first part of my discussion treats the MA's account of the initiation of animal (and human) movements. Aristotle explicitly says that the capacities of the soul, such as perception, imagination, thought and desire, have by themselves the power to alter a bodily organ (on his view, the heart). It is important to notice that he thinks such an alteration occurs because an animal's soul receives a certain form from the external world and thereby acquires the power to change its physiological state. The idea is that the form itself, both internal and external, has the causal efficacy by virtue of which the alteration in an animal at the material level can be brought about. I show that this idea is the key to understanding Aristotle's view, and that he makes use of it here on the basis of both the theory of formal and efficient causation he has established in Physics and his other writings, and the view which might be called "isomorphism" developed in De Anima. Next, I turn to another passage from MA. It is supposed to strongly support the functionalistic interpretation because Aristotle seems to introduce the connate pneuma to provide a material basis for mental causation. However, a careful reading will show that he insists there is a distinct type of alteration that the soul itself, rather than its material correlate, would undergo, which he calls "energeia" elsewhere. Here too he holds that a physiological change like that of pneuma takes place just as the result of this formal level causation. I conclude by suggesting in brief that such a picture of Aristotle's philosophy may throw some light on the problem of mental causation.