著者

瀬間 正之

雑誌

東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.20, pp.131-153, 2018-03

著者

田中 俊明

出版者

学習院大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究 = Journal of Asian cultures (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.22, pp.161-179, 2020-03

著者

鈴木 舞

雑誌

東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.22, pp.261-286, 2020-03

著者

若林 正丈

雑誌

東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.5, pp.121-139, 2003-03-31

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It is a well-known fact that identity politics emerged in Taiwan following its political democratization. Competing notions and discourses concerning the identity of Taiwan’s polity are vying for political support. This can be better understood in the context of post-war years, when the Taiwall state was reconstructed as a“settler state”(in Ronald Weitzer’s term)by the Chinese Nationalist Party(the Kuomintang:KMT). KMT’s retreat to Taiwan after its defeat in the Civil War against the Chinese Communists restructured Taiwan’s multi-ethnic society by bringing in a new “ethnic”group, the Mainlanders. The Mainlanders or Waishengren (literally people of outer provinces), who fled with the KMT regime to Taiwan, also monopolized the core positions of the settler state. Although this is a widely recognized fact, academic studies concerning this situation and the role of Waishengren in post-war Taiwan remain limited. This study is a preliminary effort to contribute to the existing researches on Waishengren. It first shows that a deep ethnic division between Waishengren and Benshengren (literally people of this province)was formed as a result of Bensh engren’s uprising against the KMT-led Taiwan provincial government, on February 28,1947, and the subsequent harsh suppression which claimed between 180,00 and 28,0001ives(the February 28 1ncident). Based on the demographic data of Waishengren, the study then provides a rough picture of the social outlook of Waishengren during the early years of their settlement in Taiwan.

著者

深川 真樹

雑誌

東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, pp.59-85, 2014-03-01

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一般認為,董仲舒思想以天人感應論為特徵,關於其性質,向來有君主權抑制論、君權神授論、君主主體性論的三個見解。然而整理與探討這些見解的同時,參照〈賢良對策〉的相關部分而斟酌天人感應論,便可知:君權神授論與君主主體性論,皆並非適當討論決定董仲舒天人感應論性質的主要因素,即天與君主相互關係的特性;君主權抑制論則並無完整處理此相互關係。由天人感應論的理論結構而言,可把以下兩個性質視為其中天與君主相互關係的特性:一,由天將君主行為引導到儒家理念的方向;二,君主行為與天命、陰陽、祥瑞、災異等有所相連。此考察結果應可當成再次探討〈賢良對策〉內容與性質的重要線索。

著者

辻 大和

雑誌

東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.17, pp.95-104, 2015-03-01

著者

辻 大和

出版者

学習院大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究 = Journal of Asian cultures (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.19, pp.95-128, 2017-03

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Analyzing mainly the newly found Ogura Shimpei collection, this article examines the colonial education policy on Chinese characters, hanja, and Classic Chinese, hanmun, since the annexation of Korea in 1910. First, focusing on the view of Japanese educationists in mainland Japan and colonial Korea on the Korean language, Chinese characters, and Classic Chinese, there were some arguments that aimed to abolish the teaching of Korean and Classic Chinese, while there were some arguments that opposed this abolition. The colonial government actually used the teaching of Classic Chinese to attract Korean students into entering public common schools. Second, among those who attended the official conference on Korean orthography in 1911, many Korean intellectuals showed deep geographical and historical knowledge of Korean pronunciation of Chinese characters, while Japanese colonial officials could only show their superficial knowledge of Korean pronunciation of Chinese characters. Finally, I found that Ogura, who was an official of the Educational Bureau in the Government General of Chosen at that time, was engaged in official research on Chinese literature at the royal library, the Kyujanggak. The demand from educational policy seems to have made such research possible.

著者

桝谷 祐一

出版者

学習院大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究 = Journal of Asian cultures (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.19, pp.129-147, 2017-03

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In 1881, Chosŏn-Korean government dispatched two delegations, Yŏngsŏnsa(領選使, Emissary dispatched to the Qing Dynasty) which sent to Qing Dynasty and Chosa Sich'altan(朝士視察団, Korean Courtiers' Observation Mission to Japan in 1881) to Meiji Japan. As a result, The word Haksaeng(学生) from Qing and Saengdo( 生徒) from Japan were brought in. There is the possibility that Haksaeng, which means Educatee(被教育者, a recipient of education), was used as the title to call the educatee in Tongmunhak(同文学, School of Interpreters), the Institution for educating foreign language. However Haksaeng was not general in use as vocabulary. Saengdo settled in for a short time. From early 1886 Saengdo has vanished and Hakto(学徒) was used. In the same period Yugyŏng kongwon(育英公院, the Royal College) was established, and a educatee of Yugyŏng kongwon called oneself Hagwon(学員). That is why, in my argument, they wanted to distinguish themselves from Hakto through using differentiated vocabulary. By analyzing historical materials, I find the tendency: The word Haksaeng was used as the calling title of educatee of Qing or Japan nationality. Contrary to the above case, there was a tendency that educatee of Korean nationality was not called as Haksaeng. The change of the calling title of educatee went along with Korea's effort to free them from the fetters of Qing's intervene. I assume that the reason why Hakto or Hagwon was used as vocabulary for calling title of educatee is the expression for Korea's identity which differ from Qing or Japan's.

著者

武内 房司

雑誌

東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.19, pp.31-72, 2017-03

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DAINAN KOOSI founded by MATSUSHITA Mitsuhiro (1896-1983) in Hà Nội in 1922, transferred to Saigon in 1928, should be paid more attention by two reasons. First, it was one of the oldest and most successful Japanese trading company born and developed in French Indochina, and occupied an important position in Modern Japanese-Vietnamese Relations. Second, DAINAN KOOSI kept close contact with the Vietnamese Nationalist Movements, especially MATSUSHITA supported the wide-ranging activities of the Việt Nam Phúc Quốc Đồng Minh Hội (League for the National Restoration of Vietnam) led by Cường Để during the World War II. This paper will focus and shed the light on the economic and political activities of DAINAN KOOSI based on the Pan-Asianism during the World War II in French Indochina, especially on MATSUSHITA's positive participations in the Vietnamese Nationalist Movements, for example, the League for the National Restoration of Vietnam led by Cường Để, using such Archival Documents in Vietnam, France, Japan.

著者

李 正勲

出版者

学習院大学

雑誌

東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, pp.319-337, 2011-03

著者

李 虎男

出版者

学習院大学

雑誌

東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, pp.359-367, 2011-03

著者

安部 清哉

雑誌

東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.15, pp.540-491, 2013-03-01

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日本語の方言分布に見出した「南北方言境界線」は,日本列島における南北での気候の相違を主要な要因として形成されたものであった(安部1999)。同様に,気候の南北差と一致する方言境界線は,中国語にも,朝鮮語にも存在していた。これら3つの言語の南北方言境界線をっなぐと,ほぼ同じ緯度的位置において東西に横にっながっているひと続きの境界線となり,相互に関連性があることがわかる。アジアの3言語には,南北を2分する,連続する一つの方言(言語)境界線が存在していると解釈される(「モンスーン・アジア南北方言境界線」)。\ 気候の相違(最寒月期1月の平均気温0度等温線に代表させられる)が,言語(方言)の相違に影響するなら,同様の理由により,ヨーロッパ大陸のインド・ヨーロッパ語族(IE語族)の方言(語派)の境界線と気候の境界線も,同じ位置に存在するであろうことが推定された。\ 本稿では,東アジアの南北方言境界線気候境界線,および,文化人類学的諸特徴の境界線が,日本語,朝鮮語,中国語で一致していることを,それらの基礎的データである個々の分布地図も含めて改めて提示する。新たに,同じ現象が,ヨーロッパ大陸のインド・ヨーロッパ語族の2大分派Centum-Satemにも見られることを,世界で初めて指摘する。さらに,それら東洋と西洋の2つの地域における南北(東西)の方言において,同じ音韻対応[k-p(kw)]の現象があることを指摘する。\ これらの一致を示すことによって,東アジアの言語・文化と,ヨーロッパ大陸のインド・ヨーロッパ語族およびヨーロッパ文化の比較言語・比較文化論的研究の必要性を主張するものである。\ In this paper, the common linguistics feature between the east Asian language and Centum-Satem is ponited out.\ "Boderline of dialect in the south and the north" in Japanses was formed partly due to the difference of the climate. In the Chinses dialect, a similar remarkable borderline of dialect between south and north exists at the same latitude position. Also in the dialect of Korean language, between the south and north this kind of remarkable borderline also exists in the same geographic position. These three south and north boaderlines have the same one consecutive dialect borderline of the bout. The difference in the north and the south of the climate divides the language in the region into two.\ In European language, the similar borderline of the climate can be confirmed in the boundary of Centum-Satem. And in the south and north area of each boderline in Asia and Europe, the same phonetic correspondence [k-kw (p)] exists. The difference in the south and the north of the culture that the climate had produced influenced inventing two types of the languages in Asia and Europe similarly.\ In this thesis, this common feature seen in an each borderline of east Asia and Europe language is pointed out for the first time in the world. I stress on the necessity of the comparison research on east Asia and a European language by showing these common features.

著者

中川 雅彦

出版者

学習院大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.18, pp.315-322, 2016-03

著者

半井 清 宮田 節子 近藤 釼一 岸 謙 梶村 秀樹 姜 徳相 梁 哲豪

出版者

学習院大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.18, pp.187-228, 2016-03

著者

小田 安馬 宮田 節子 穂積 真六郎 姜 徳相 権 寧旭 申 国柱 金 己大

出版者

学習院大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.18, pp.229-313, 2016-03

著者

伊藤 真美子

雑誌

東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.17, pp.377-390, 2015-03-01

著者

小幡 みちる

出版者

学習院大学

雑誌

東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, pp.1-28, 2009-03

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北魏的道教像是窺祝在当時社会的宗教実隊状恋的重要資料,有美道教造像的研究,到現在力止杁佛教美木史,道教思想史等的立場被討愴。不せ,道教像集中在美中的理由,像的制作主体在是急祥的人伯附有到現在力止不一定明碗。 筆者対美中迭奈地域性着眼,叙述了新天師道主劫了的冠謙之是美中出身,遊行了杁当地道教信仰中改革這幼的事,上谷冠氏通せ宗教的國絡和通婚美系等杁美中在洛阻以南的地杓筑勢力基石出的事,更加北魏政枚力了隼北支配的貫御打算利用那祥的勢力的事。

著者

安部 清哉

出版者

学習院大学

雑誌

東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.15, pp.540-491, 2013-03

---

日本語の方言分布に見出した「南北方言境界線」は,日本列島における南北での気候の相違を主要な要因として形成されたものであった(安部1999)。同様に,気候の南北差と一致する方言境界線は,中国語にも,朝鮮語にも存在していた。これら3つの言語の南北方言境界線をっなぐと,ほぼ同じ緯度的位置において東西に横にっながっているひと続きの境界線となり,相互に関連性があることがわかる。アジアの3言語には,南北を2分する,連続する一つの方言(言語)境界線が存在していると解釈される(「モンスーン・アジア南北方言境界線」)。 気候の相違(最寒月期1月の平均気温0度等温線に代表させられる)が,言語(方言)の相違に影響するなら,同様の理由により,ヨーロッパ大陸のインド・ヨーロッパ語族(IE語族)の方言(語派)の境界線と気候の境界線も,同じ位置に存在するであろうことが推定された。 本稿では,東アジアの南北方言境界線気候境界線,および,文化人類学的諸特徴の境界線が,日本語,朝鮮語,中国語で一致していることを,それらの基礎的データである個々の分布地図も含めて改めて提示する。新たに,同じ現象が,ヨーロッパ大陸のインド・ヨーロッパ語族の2大分派Centum-Satemにも見られることを,世界で初めて指摘する。さらに,それら東洋と西洋の2つの地域における南北(東西)の方言において,同じ音韻対応[k-p(kw)]の現象があることを指摘する。 これらの一致を示すことによって,東アジアの言語・文化と,ヨーロッパ大陸のインド・ヨーロッパ語族およびヨーロッパ文化の比較言語・比較文化論的研究の必要性を主張するものである。 In this paper, the common linguistics feature between the east Asian language and Centum-Satem is ponited out. "Boderline of dialect in the south and the north" in Japanses was formed partly due to the difference of the climate. In the Chinses dialect, a similar remarkable borderline of dialect between south and north exists at the same latitude position. Also in the dialect of Korean language, between the south and north this kind of remarkable borderline also exists in the same geographic position. These three south and north boaderlines have the same one consecutive dialect borderline of the bout. The difference in the north and the south of the climate divides the language in the region into two. In European language, the similar borderline of the climate can be confirmed in the boundary of Centum-Satem. And in the south and north area of each boderline in Asia and Europe, the same phonetic correspondence [k-kw (p)] exists. The difference in the south and the north of the culture that the climate had produced influenced inventing two types of the languages in Asia and Europe similarly. In this thesis, this common feature seen in an each borderline of east Asia and Europe language is pointed out for the first time in the world. I stress on the necessity of the comparison research on east Asia and a European language by showing these common features.

著者

王 瑞来

雑誌

東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.2, pp.419-477, 2000-03-31 (Released:2013-03-15)

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This paper is the second in a series of research on the formation of Chinese imperial sovereignty through various political figures. The present article discusses Wang Dan王旦, one of the premiers of the Northern Song Dynasty. As a premier, Wang Dan made no outstanding achievements, nor did he earn a despotic reputation. That is why researchers have not paid any attention to him thus far, as revealed by the fact that there is not one published treatise dealing with him. Wang Dan’s political career spanned the reign of Zhen Zong真宗, the third emperor of the Northern Song Dynasty, who was the first emperor to succeed to the throne in normal fashion. Wang Dan served as premier for 12 years during the 26-year reign of Zhen Zong。 He was called“a good premier in a peaceful time”平世 之良相.The ruling group he headed led the Song Dynasty to a period of great prosperity, while at the same time leading Dynasty politics onto the track of dictatorship by its premiers, not absolute monarchy, as generally thought. The ordinary deeds of Wang Dan exerted decisive influence on trerds in imperial sovereignty during the reign of Zhen Zong. While presenting a series of concrete statements and actions of Wang Dan, this article discusses issues surrounding viewpoints concerning the relationship between the Song emperors and their ministers.

著者

五味 知子

雑誌

東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, pp.1-29, 2014-03

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众所周知,明清时期对女性贞节的要求极为严格,而要求守护贞节的对象一般是指担负家族传宗接代责任的女性。然而,清代中期甚至连婢女也被列入贞节表彰的对象。如果婢女身处主人家时,那么其忠诚及贞节的对象又是谁呢?明清时期,不让婢女婚配,使其终生服劳役的习俗称为"锢婢",这种现象是在平衡当地的男女比例、结婚需求、婢女身价等要素的过程中产生的。在地方官的著述及善书中,都强调应遏止锢婢,令婢婚配。但当主人染指婢女对自身家庭有利时,善书中并不一定视之为"恶"。尤其当婢女成为妾时,意味着可以提升自己的身份,是一种幸运。另一方面,担心婢女与终生服劳役的奴仆婚配后,婢女会永久固定在"贱民"身份的记载并未见诸史料。同时,婢女出嫁时的条件,究竟是正妻或是小妾好,管窥所见也未有相关记述。由此可见,关于锢婢的社会观念充满了矛盾,这正是贞节、身份与家庭之间剪不断理还乱关系的写照。