著者

雨田 英一 Eiichi Ameda

出版者

学習院大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究 = Journal of Asian cultures (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.2, pp.385-418, 2000-03-31

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Fukuzawa Yukichi福沢諭吉was a very enthusiastic nationalist in modern Japan. At the salne time, he absolutely insisted that all freedoms and rights be guaranteed to a11 individuals. It was a persistent purpose throughout his work to show how to achieve both individual and national independence without contradiction. He claimed that it depended upon a sweeping transformation of the Japanese people, and that the chief agenda for bringing about that transformation was not only education, but also race improvement. Some may claim that there was logically an inherent contradiction in his statements,1eading him into an intellectual dilemma, since race improvement is contrary to the inalienable rights of mankind that he had defended. However, in Fukuzawa’s view, there was no contradiction; in fact, we cannot show that he ever faced such a dilemma. The reason why is explained in the present article, which deals with some basic elements of Fukuzawa’s thought.

著者

堀井 裕之

出版者

学習院大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究 = Journal of Asian cultures (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.19, pp.428-399, 2017-03

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It is not possible to unravel the nature of the Sui and Tang administrations without addressing the role played by the Han Chinese" dominant families"(門閥) in the amassing of societal respect by the governing class. However, previous research has not actively discussed the degree to which these "dominant families" played a role in the formation of the Sui and Tang administrations. This paper examines the so-called Yuegongfang(越公房) lineage of the Hongnong Yang clan(弘農楊氏), representative of the Han Chinese "dominant families," by studying epitaphs(墓誌) and historical documents that have continuously been unearthed in recent years. As a result, this study demonstrates that the Yuegongfang clan maintained clan unity by establishing vast family burial grounds in Huayin(華陰)—the clan's birthplace—and comprised of a great number of family lineages. In addition, the Yuegongfang, who possessed this foundation in rural society and were the central lineage of the Yang dominant family, shared their surname with the Sui Dynasty's Imperial House, allowing them to obtain a position corresponding to that of the Imperial Family. In time, they were made part of the Zongwei (宗衛)— the Crown Prince's guard—thus taking charge of the Imperial House's military organization. This became the source of the Yuegongfang's powerful influence, strong enough to affect the Crown Prince's dethronement. This relationship between the Yuegongfang and the Sui Imperial House can be rephrased as the merging of Han Chinese "dominant families" and the emerging non-Han clans. Here, this paper inquiries anew into the significance of the influence of China's dominant families in the formation process of the Sui and Tang administrations.

著者

小島 浩之 Hiroyuki Kojima

出版者

学習院大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究 = Journal of Asian cultures (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.10, pp.203-228, 2008-03-31

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This article mainly analyzes the formation process of the career path of elite bureaucrats in Tang Dynasty。 Moreover, from the viewpoint of the history of personnel policies, the Wu Zhou(武周)era in Tang Dynasty is discussed. In 698, an edict was issued, stating that the appointment of lower bureaucrats had to be based on their qualifications, when they entered officialdom. As a result, for the imperial examination, the career of successful candidates was distinguished from that of the lower classes. After three years, the Wu Zhou(武周)government determined that some posts in the bureaucratic system were to be able to be promoted to dignity early for the lower bureaucrat. This government decisionknown as Ge Pin Gui Ding(隔品規定)-constituted the support plans for candidates who were successful in the imperial examination. These successful candidates had a lower position in officialdom, and without the new policy, it was impossible for them to acquire a dignified position. Thus, the career paths of the elite bureaucrats in the Tang Dynasty were influenced by these personnel policies in the Wu Zhou (武周)era. A representative example of such career paths is the progression to Prime Minister by passing a selective examination eligible to candidates holding certain posts presented by the Ge Pin Gui Ding(隔品規定)policy. Such persona1 policies introduced by Empress Wu revealed one aspect of the security granted to successful candidates in the imperial examination.

著者

伊藤 英人 Hideto Ito

出版者

学習院大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究 = Journal of Asian cultures (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.20, pp.105-129, 2018-03

著者

林 鳴宇 Mingwu Lin

出版者

学習院大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究 = Journal of Asian cultures (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.7, pp.321-347, 2005-03-31

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The offering of the body for burning is a kind of a Buddhistic self-immolation. Based on the Buddhism of Mahayana, the body is burned, and it is supposed to be the highest form of selfless giving. However, it is difficult to accept that a situation that causes such evident pain and an act that can occasionally be interpreted as recommending people to commit suicide are healthy religious acts. Conventionally, many of the Chinese emperors strictly forbade this offering. However, it was continuously practiced by Buddhists because they yearned to attain the Pure Land, by discarding the body and yearned to fulfill an important vow。 In the Chinese Tiantai school of Buddhism, which believes in the“Lotus Sutra,”some priests not only theoretically interpreted this practice, but many also practiced it. There exists a great difference in opinion regarding offering the body for burning, and it has been widely debated. The following three problems are discussed in this paper: (1) The origin of the practice of offering the body for burning. (2) Diverse views on offering the body for burning in Chinese Buddhism. (3) The offering of the body for burning in the Chinese Tiantai school of Buddhism.

著者

宮田 節子 Setsuko Miyata

出版者

学習院大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究 = Journal of Asian cultures (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.17, pp.359-375, 2015-03

著者

堀井 裕之

出版者

学習院大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究 = Journal of Asian cultures (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.19, pp.428-399, 2017-03

著者

松島 隆真 Takazane Matsushima

出版者

学習院大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究 = Journal of Asian cultures (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.21, pp.87-115, 2019-03

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研究ノート

著者

藤本 幸夫 Yukio Fujimoto

出版者

学習院大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究 = Journal of Asian cultures (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.16, pp.239-250, 2014-03

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東洋文化講座「大陸から目白へ : 学習院の東アジア学資料」講演録

著者

小林 亮介 Ryosuke Kobayashi

出版者

学習院大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究 = Journal of Asian cultures (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.13, pp.21-52, 2011-03-31

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After the collapse of the Qing Empire in 1912, the Republican China asserted its authority over the whole of Tibet. The Dalai Lama government, in turn, also claimed independence and planned to unify Tibetan borderlands overlapping Chinese provinces. Therefore, Eastern Tibet, located between Tibet and China, inevitably became a central issue of this border dispute. Previously, many scholars have examined this dispute from the perspective of the historical process of the binary relationship between China and Tibet and from that of the history of the Chinese frontier policy. However, they have rarely focused on the indigenous Tibetan leaders who actually ruled Eastern Tibet. My paper examines the development of tripartite relationship between Qing Empire, Dalai lama government and indigenous leaders in Eastern Tibet, by clarifying the Kingdom of Derge(sDe dge), De ge Tusi(徳格土司), was committed to the Dalai Lama government and the Qing Empire during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. To do this, I based on primary materials in English, Chinese and Tibetan。 This historical process of the Derge Kingdom shows us part of the radical change of Eastern Tibet from the intermediate region between China and Tibet to the front line that both governments planed to unify.

著者

板橋 義三 Yoshizo Itabashi

出版者

学習院大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究 = Journal of Asian cultures (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.22, pp.235-256, 2020-03

著者

扎西 才譲 Tsering Tashi

出版者

学習院大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究 = Journal of Asian cultures (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.13, pp.592-575, 2011-03-31

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使役文可分力宜接干預型,同接干預型,非干預型三秤。本文岡述了日,藏培中的同接干預型使役文的吋恣。当“冠程性劫洞”充当使役文凋沼吋,爾和悟言都表示‘友生放任’和‘遊行放任’,后鎮“ておく/~‘xi zhak”吋則表示‘控制中的遊行放任’;当“瞬同性劫洞”充当型胃悟吋,后鎮“ておく/~‘ ?堰@zhak”オ能表示‘控制中的送行放任’。 安多藏濡中表示‘放任’的最典型的句型是“假定型使役文”,日梧中不存在逮科句型。当“Lt程性劫洞”充当“假定型使役文”凋活吋表示‘炭生放任’,如后躾“~‘xi zhak”表示‘控制中的送行放任’;“瞬1司性劫洞”充当潤培吋表示‘炭生放任’,如后鎮“~‘xi zhak”表示‘控制中的遊行放任’和‘控制中的結果鑑鍍放任’。

著者

橋本 繁 Shigeru Hashimoto

出版者

学習院大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究 = Journal of Asian cultures (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.20, pp.33-58, 2018-03

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研究ノート

著者

市元 塁 Rui Ichimoto

出版者

学習院大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究 = Journal of Asian cultures (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.22, pp.189-210, 2020-03

著者

田中 俊明

出版者

学習院大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究 = Journal of Asian cultures (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.22, pp.161-179, 2020-03

著者

辻 大和

出版者

学習院大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究 = Journal of Asian cultures (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.19, pp.95-128, 2017-03

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Analyzing mainly the newly found Ogura Shimpei collection, this article examines the colonial education policy on Chinese characters, hanja, and Classic Chinese, hanmun, since the annexation of Korea in 1910. First, focusing on the view of Japanese educationists in mainland Japan and colonial Korea on the Korean language, Chinese characters, and Classic Chinese, there were some arguments that aimed to abolish the teaching of Korean and Classic Chinese, while there were some arguments that opposed this abolition. The colonial government actually used the teaching of Classic Chinese to attract Korean students into entering public common schools. Second, among those who attended the official conference on Korean orthography in 1911, many Korean intellectuals showed deep geographical and historical knowledge of Korean pronunciation of Chinese characters, while Japanese colonial officials could only show their superficial knowledge of Korean pronunciation of Chinese characters. Finally, I found that Ogura, who was an official of the Educational Bureau in the Government General of Chosen at that time, was engaged in official research on Chinese literature at the royal library, the Kyujanggak. The demand from educational policy seems to have made such research possible.

著者

桝谷 祐一

出版者

学習院大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究 = Journal of Asian cultures (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.19, pp.129-147, 2017-03

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In 1881, Chosŏn-Korean government dispatched two delegations, Yŏngsŏnsa(領選使, Emissary dispatched to the Qing Dynasty) which sent to Qing Dynasty and Chosa Sich'altan(朝士視察団, Korean Courtiers' Observation Mission to Japan in 1881) to Meiji Japan. As a result, The word Haksaeng(学生) from Qing and Saengdo( 生徒) from Japan were brought in. There is the possibility that Haksaeng, which means Educatee(被教育者, a recipient of education), was used as the title to call the educatee in Tongmunhak(同文学, School of Interpreters), the Institution for educating foreign language. However Haksaeng was not general in use as vocabulary. Saengdo settled in for a short time. From early 1886 Saengdo has vanished and Hakto(学徒) was used. In the same period Yugyŏng kongwon(育英公院, the Royal College) was established, and a educatee of Yugyŏng kongwon called oneself Hagwon(学員). That is why, in my argument, they wanted to distinguish themselves from Hakto through using differentiated vocabulary. By analyzing historical materials, I find the tendency: The word Haksaeng was used as the calling title of educatee of Qing or Japan nationality. Contrary to the above case, there was a tendency that educatee of Korean nationality was not called as Haksaeng. The change of the calling title of educatee went along with Korea's effort to free them from the fetters of Qing's intervene. I assume that the reason why Hakto or Hagwon was used as vocabulary for calling title of educatee is the expression for Korea's identity which differ from Qing or Japan's.