著者
西本 和見
出版者
経済理論学会
雑誌
季刊経済理論 (ISSN:18825184)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.44, no.3, pp.78-83, 2007-10-20 (Released:2017-04-25)

A number of studies which apply a microeconomic approach to other social science are increasing in recent years. These studies are widespread to politics, sociology, anthropology and generally called Rational Choice Theory (RCT). There are many studies especially in politics, and researchers who support RCT assert how well RCT work in political analysis. Rational Choice Theory is fundamentally based on the idea that an actor will generally choose an option he supposes is the best when he has several options to choose, and logically explains political phenomena as a consequence of rational action of individual. In politics, the methodology of RCT started to be applied to political analysis in 1950s, mainly set in America, and be introduced by economic researchers like K. J. Arrow, J. M. Buchanan. Therefore, RCT had strong influence from these economic researchers and was close to microeconomic approach especially at the beginning. RCT originally has 6 characters which are as same as microeconomic method; (1) methodological individualism, (2) deductionism, (3) purpose-rationality, (4) preference hypothesis, (5) constraint hypothesis, and (6) utility maximum. These characters show that RCT has similarity to neoclassical economic theory of 1930s through ideas of K. J. Arrow and J. M Buchanan. However, recent studies of rational choice analysis criticize these above assumptions because they are too unrealistic to apply to social life and are apart from neoclassical economic theory. According to this criticism, RCT changed its methodology to looser assumptions. Moreover, RCT in politics is combined with new institutionalism which occurs in late-1970s to 80s in America. RCT in 1980s to 90s emphasizes an importance of governments, rules and customs in each situation. Although RCT still has plausible solutions to answer political problems, it shows us a limit of neoclassical methodology to apply to social science.
著者
岡本 英男
出版者
経済理論学会
雑誌
季刊経済理論 (ISSN:18825184)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.43, no.1, pp.4-15, 2006-04-20 (Released:2017-04-25)

Social crises like employment crisis, huge budget deficits, distrust of old-age pension and health service system, serious stagnation of countryside economies, and weakening of family are strongly correlated with economic and social policies based on neo-liberal ideology which gained power in countries like the U K and the U S in 1980' but is now outdated and unsuitable to present problems in many countries like Japan. We must deal with such problems by economic and social policies which are based on reflexive pro-welfare state idea. We previously criticized influential theories that welfare state systems have been dismantled with transformation of capitalist economies in advanced countries. On the other hand, the views are gaining ground that welfare state system has not been dismantled but has no good prospect as effective and justified social system. The following evidences are often offered to support such a view. Globalization is undermining the capacity of the interventionist and revenue-raising welfare state. Since Keynesianism is held no longer to work, welfare state lacks its own viable political economy for managing economic life. There are some truths in such views, but they are just looking at one side of the matter because they lack exact understanding what welfare state systems have developed until now. Recently, many people discuss civil society. The revival of concept of civil society is connected with rises of democratic struggles against totalitarian socialist regimes in East European countries and new social movements in the West (civil movements of black people, student and youth movements, feminist movements, peace and ecology movements). We consider how the concept of civil society makes discussions of the welfare state system productive and expands potentiality of present welfare state systems by analyzing civil society notions of leading scholars (John Keane, Jean L. Cohen and Michael Walzer). We argue that the claim that welfare state has impoverished the relations of civil society is not confirmed by an investigation into various welfare state systems. We perceive the fundamental distinction between universal and means-tested social policy measures. Universal welfare programs in Sweden cannot be seen as subversive of civil society as compared with selective social programs in the United States. We must reform welfare state systems based on the economic, political and moral logic of the welfare state. Institutions matter for great possibilities in welfare state. If citizens believe that welfare policy goals are legitimate, welfare policy is carried out in a fair manner, all citizens bear their share of the costs of a given policy, they are likely to support welfare state. We must take account of this perspective on local decentralization reforms and tax reforms. We must reform welfare state systems based on fundamental changes of economic and social systems. These changes include globalization of economy, the changing role of women, new changed relations between citizens and state. We must transform the welfare state from a safety net in times of trouble to a springboard for economic opportunity. The principal duties of a new welfare state are to promote lifelong learning, to support full employment in a modern economy and to underpin present social security.
著者
鍋島 直樹
出版者
経済理論学会
雑誌
季刊経済理論 (ISSN:18825184)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.46, no.4, pp.15-24, 2010-01-20 (Released:2017-04-25)

J. M. Keynes argued that money is not neutral both in the short-run and in the long-run, therefore it influences on real economic activities such as production and employment. Post Keynesian economists inherit his ideas, and try to develop his original theory. This paper clarifies the essence of Keynesian revolution, and explores the direction of an alternative economic theory and policy by reviewing recent developments in Post Keynesian monetary economics. The core of Keynesian economics lies in its nature of a "monetary theory of production". The theory suggests that money plays a part of it own and affects motives and decisions. Keynes made clear that aggregate demand sufficient to generate full employment is not guaranteed even in a competitive economy with perfectly flexible wages and prices. The cause of unemployment equilibrium in a monetary economy is the existence of money which is a nonproducible asset held for the purpose of liquidity. One of the main themes in Post Keynesian economics is the endogeneity of money supply. Following the pioneer study by N. Kaldor, many Post Keynesian economists have elaborated the theory of endogenous money supply. The theory has been a cornerstone of Post Keynesian economics until now. Although the "horizontalist" approach and the "structuralist" approach are different in their nature each other, together they provide a more general theory of endogenous money. Today, the "new consensus" in macroeconomics also accepts the view that the interest rate is exogenous and money is endogenous. Nevertheless, there are significant differences between Post Keynesian monetary theory and the new consensus. The latter still retains the axiom of the long-run neutrality of money and monetary policy. In contrast, Post Keynesians consider that aggregate demand not only determines the level of production and employment in the short-run, but also influences on the long-run growth path of the economy. Hence, they maintain that monetary policy can have permanent real effects.
著者
田中 英明
出版者
経済理論学会
雑誌
季刊経済理論 (ISSN:18825184)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.42, no.4, pp.45-57, 2006-01-20 (Released:2017-04-25)

The main function of the capitalist credit system is to create additional purchasing power in advance of future reflux of money, that is, credit creation. Commercial credit is the most fundamental form of credit creation, but it has the restrictions by individual situations, such as the sum of money due, the terms of payment and the acceptability of a bill. Banking credit is the capitalist social mechanism that overcomes the limitations of commercial credit, and realizes constant and overall credit creation. An individual bank, however, will be exposed to liquidity risk as well as credit risk, by responding to various requests based on many individual situations. This paper shows that the liquidity risk of banking credit is not actualized under the following conditions. 1) The banking system which has the mechanism of bill clearing and settlement, and of inter-bank lending or rediscount, is systematized. 2) The banking system is carrying out inclusion of the whole social reproductive process. 3) The social reproductive process is smooth and favorable. Under the conditions, bank liabilities, banknotes and deposits, which banks create in the course of bill discounting, circulate as means of purchase and payment, achieving the function as reserve that idle money has accomplished.
著者
小倉 利丸
出版者
経済理論学会
雑誌
季刊経済理論 (ISSN:18825184)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.47, no.3, pp.22-35, 2010-10-20 (Released:2017-04-25)

Ogura proposes the theoretical extension of Marx's theory of exploitation on surplus labor which covers the whole of activities as not only labor but also whole of human life. In the definition of labor by Marx's theory of labor process in the Capital, characteristics of labor is substance metabolism between human and nature based on indivisibility between desire and activity, and also between conception and activity. In capitalist labor process, however, labor depends on capitalist cause to valorization independently of worker's desire and conception. Possibility of such capitalist labor needs to construct not only cause of money but also non-economic meanings on concrete labor. In this point of view, Marx's concept of labor as universal characteristics of human activity is invalid, rather activity called "labor" is historically specific category of human activity in capitalist society. Ogura's alternative view point of labor as history-binded category of human activity makes clear another uncovered view point of labor by Marx's texts from early years to late years. Paying attention to the alternative view point of labor based on Marx, Ogura tries to extend the theory of exploitation. Labor without desire and conception put void of self, which does not mean so called alienation. A structure of meaning of labor in capitalism intends to satisfy a sense of void, which brings happiness and self realization suitable for capitalist human relations. This kind of compensation mechanism does not always good, rather it has to have fundamental contradiction of causes between human being and capital. Ogura suggests a future society after capitalism has to accomplish emancipation of human being from making the worker which dominate a center of the most significant meanings as human beings.
著者
志賀 信夫
出版者
経済理論学会
雑誌
季刊経済理論 (ISSN:18825184)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.50, no.3, pp.53-64, 2013-10-20 (Released:2017-04-25)

The attention to a Basic Income (it is only hereafter written as BI) shows the rise. A high unemployment rate, expansion of poverty and a gap, and a malfunction of the social security system, etc. caused the attention. About the malfunction of a social security system, for example, exclusion of some people by the contributory principle in a social insurance system, the lowness of the capture rate of the social assistance system accompanied by a means test, etc. can be mentioned. The process of the policies for resulting to BI system in this paper is examined. The standard of this ranking is expansion of a concept of work. And the possibility of a perfect BI system can be on the extension. This paper is especially focusing on the process of Workfare, Activation, and Participation Income. And it shows perfect BI as one of the policies which can come after Participation Income. Although BI is generally what separates income from work, this paper is discussing it as a result of expansion of a concept of work. If BI is introduced in uncritical only for reasons of the malfunction of the present policies without taking into consideration about the process, such a BI system has a high possibility of misleading to curtailment of social services. This meets the demand of neo-liberal BI. It is called BI from the "right." The logic deployment in this paper has taken the method of starting from examining a social inclusion strategy at present. And in it, Negative Income Tax and Participation Income are discussed as partial BI. About the former, this paper is a negative position for several reasons. Taro Miyamoto (2009) writes Activation more affirmative as social conclusion strategy, and this paper agrees about it. In this paper, reference is further made about the process of Participation Income from Activation. If it is asked whether BI system is possible at present, this paper answers "No". However, as one of the possibilities after Participation Income, it should not be eliminated completely.
著者
森岡 孝二
出版者
経済理論学会
雑誌
季刊経済理論 (ISSN:18825184)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.42, no.1, pp.22-33, 2005-04-20 (Released:2017-04-25)

This paper discusses the transformation of employment relations inspired by market individualism and major structural changes in contemporary capitalism. Recent decades in Japan, the USA, and other countries have witnessed the rapid growth of contingent employment. Workers have become polarized into those who work shorter and longer hours. At the same time, average annual working hours have risen, reversing what had been a trend toward long-term decline. Behind these trends are the deregulation of the labor market and market individualism, which treat employees as if they were independent craft workers, and leads to calls for the diversification of employment patterns and individualization of working hours. Four elements of "new economy" capitalism are the source of this transformation. First, the process of globalization has caused intensified competition, forcing the restructuring of production methods and work organization, leading to deteriorating working conditions in the home countries of multinational corporations. Second, advances in information and communication technologies have promoted the outsourcing of business operations and the replacement of full-time employees by part-time and temporary workers. Moreover, the information revolution in offices has given rise to a "24-hour economy," with matching job stress that erodes the private sphere of workers' lives. Third, today's consumer society and the accompanying feminization of the labor force have produced overconsumption driven by a spirit of emulation and unlimited desires, resulting in what Juliet Schor called "the cycle of work and spend." Consumers' pursuit of convenience and low prices has brought employment instability and longer working hours. Fourth, recent management style changes that make stock price performance the highest priority have encouraged downsizing and layoffs. Employees accepted these unpleasant outcomes without much resistance as long as they held stocks, especially when stock prices continued to increase in the 1990s in the USA. The paper concludes that there is an integral relationship between market individualism in worlds of work and structural changes in contemporary capitalism. Driven by developments in information and communication technologies, globalization spreads employment instability and longer working hours by encouraging competition for advantage among consumers and investors. However, contrary to what market individualists think, in this age we need labor policies that place emphasis on workers' common interests and trade unions that represent workers collectively.
著者
小沢 修司
出版者
経済理論学会
雑誌
季刊経済理論 (ISSN:18825184)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.49, no.2, pp.16-21, 2012-07-20 (Released:2017-04-25)

This paper is the one to supplement the content I have insisted so far from the standpoint to welcome to discussions of basic income from Marxian economics. Makoto ITOH points out the two currents in discussions about basic income. One of the currents aims to reform of social security system in the capitalism economy, and another one is one of the income allocation in the socialism economy. He says that the author is limited to the ones from the former, and that from the latter investigation needs to be done. I agree in pointing this out. Why I have made a study of basic income from the standpoint of the former? To introduce basic income theory to Japan, and put it on the study widely as a real reform agenda, I considered that it is necessary for hammering basic income theory to the front as a countermeasure to the dysfunction of the social security system. However, the origin of the author is in Marxian economics, and I very much expect and welcome the development of basic income discussed from the standpoint of the latter. My understanding of basic income is that conflicts of capitalism development and human life in the 21 century stage requests it, and it is the income security version of "new public policy to support human activities". This understanding is the ones based, on sense, social policy essentially controversy took place once. I have adopted the view that capitalism cannot prolong without introducing a basic income. Basic income will be introduced under capitalism to achieve "apitalism with a human face", in there "counter relationship between capital and labor" will prepare the next stage, this is my understanding. ITOH has criticized the author's theory of financial resources. The author has done a trial calculation of income tax revenue from the argument that basic income funds are suitable to procure from the value produced every year from all of our labor. But, at the argument, he says, it isn't suitable that an estimate is limited to the appropriation of earned income. I agree on this point, too. Exactly speaking, financial resources of basic income should be a national income. If basic income to the tax coffers will be introduced, the employer contribution in social insurance will be reduced. So, I have done a suggestion to impose the new tax equivalent to reduction of the employer contribution. Because I think that the expense of socially necessary to ensure a workforce, i. e. housing, childcare, education and so on, is a course load for the business owner. This proposal is similar to the idea of "jobs tax" that MURAOKA has proposed. Finally, I want to emphasize to oppose the plan to enrich the social services against a neo-liberal basic income theory.
著者
長原 豊
出版者
経済理論学会
雑誌
季刊経済理論 (ISSN:18825184)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.43, no.4, pp.27-40, 2007

Facing the historically specific socio-political situation of Japan since the 68 and the 89/91 under which nigh no marxian economist ventures to attempt to decipher the capitalist expropriation and exploitation as the historically specific continuous events, I, not only having in mind Toni Negri and Felix Guattari's desire such as "[n]ow everything must be reinvented," but also being inspired by a marxian Geist like "the Bliz of reason, the Jetzt of the moment of rupture" (Negri), would map out the European as well as the North American pole-mos around them. Paraphrazing from the political viewpoint, I perforce aim at intervening into the Japanese marxian circus so as not to shrink from theoretically setting up the praxis-laden arena where the Japanese autistic marxian academia cannot but at once re-member and re-cuperate the very point-the 1920s-from where they got their efforts started. The two diametrical poles are axiomatically established as the symbolic exemplars: the so-called Analytical Marxism (or Rational Choice Marxism) on one hand; the Operaismo type of marxian standpoint on the other. This setting is chosen not simply in terms of the theoretical standpoint per se but with a perspective for the praxis in the street to come. I describes the former as the camp which eventually arrests the theory of exploitation in that of PC type justice by introducing at the outset the very axiom of the methodological individualism which presupposes that the exploitation takes place in the rationally "equal" exchanges among the homogeneous "producers" fabricated following its own axiom, which, in its turn, eventually corners itself to discover as the cause of exploitation the so-called initial inequality of the assets even breaking the initial axiomatic circle of its own. In a stark contrast to the former, the latter, following Marx, grasps the expropriation-cum-exploitation as the processes of the formal/substantial subsumption of labour-power by capital. These two historically continuous as well as structurally juxtaposed processes can be lumped together under the Deleuzo-Guattarian notion of "appareil de capture". In other words, the latter posits it as that which takes place not simply in the capitalist processes as such but also in the socalled originary accumulation of capital incessantly functioning behind it since its advent, which eventually culminates in the total subsumption of the Socius up until to the point at which the reproduction of life itself is totally subsumed and commanded by capital (the advent of the bio-politique as the socio-political system of expropriation/exploitation). After having so mapped them out and then translated them as the very political contrast between the camp which insists on the very existence of the inequality of the initial endowments and the belated corrective of it by the State on the one hand and the camp which underscores the total subversion of "the state of affair" (Marx) where the living labour is being expropriated-qua-exploited by the dead labour (capital) on the other, I, by highlighting the specific parlance such as the "Arbeit der Oberleitung " and the "Strasse" in Das Kapital III-"Die kapitalistische Produktion selbst hat es dahin gebracht, dass die Arbeit der Oberleitung, ganz getrennt vom kapitaleigentum, auf der Strasse hermlauft"-, explicitly allude a viability of the strategy of "having-sabots-on" or of "le refus du travail" in the "Strasse" almost totally organized as the social factory: in order to re-capture back our living labour as the "form-giving fire" (Grundrisse) from the dead labour and substantially re-subsume it as our own "living time."
著者
阿部 浩之
出版者
経済理論学会
雑誌
季刊経済理論 (ISSN:18825184)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.47, no.2, pp.64-76, 2010-07-20 (Released:2017-04-25)

Today, as the market economy progresses, fields such as family care, nursing care, medical care, and childcare are transacted as interpersonal service labor in the market, and wage laborers are becoming increasingly in charge of such services. With regards to this trend, the concept of emotional labor was proposed by Hochschild as something that expresses a feature of interpersonal service labor in contemporary capitalism. Emotional labor aims to create an appropriate mental state in the targeted people (Hochschild). In interpersonal service labor, emotional labor is used for smoothly performing the work concerned, and it is often an essential factor. Emotional labor can be discussed as a series of labor processes consisting of three phases: (1) the emotion of the laborers toward customers; (2) acting as a visible expression of emotion; and (3) the emotion of customers that receive the service concerned. In discussions that focus on emotion, emotion management has often been considered a skill in emotional labor, and it is necessary to pay more attention to (2) acting as a visible expression of emotion. In a wide sense of general labor, emotional labor is performed in the form of nursing care or the like as part of household work. When it becomes associated with commodity economy, interpersonal service takes the form of article of commerce, and it may be provided in the form of selfemployment (for example practicing psychiatrist and psychological counselor), or it may be provided as wage-labor. Even in the same wage labor, there are qualitative differences between emotional labor in standardized customer service that is regulated by a manual, as is represented by fast food restaurant service (type A) and emotional labor by nursing/care personnel or the like (type B). In type B, it is difficult to complete service just by combining surface acting; instead it requires deep acting, unlike type A. In emotional labor by nursing/care personnel or the like (type B), it is necessary to consider the situation in which laborers and customers face each other in the form of multiple laborers versus multiple customers; and group-to-group, instead of one-to-one or individual-to-individual. Since Hochschild's proposal, emotional labor, which has tended to be discussed from the viewpoint of individual-to-individual, needs to be reevaluated from the viewpoint of group-to-group, with capitalistic labor organizations in mind. In emotional labor performed by a labor organization, acting becomes rather theatrical; or in other words, emotional labor is performed cooperatively. While taking a theatrical structure, emotional labor progresses qualitatively. Discussions on emotional labor are considered to have abundant possibilities to elucidate what kinds of features are possessed by labor power that is a commodity closely related to character, and how labor power commodities are formed and function in capitalism.
著者
涌井 秀行
出版者
経済理論学会
雑誌
季刊経済理論 (ISSN:18825184)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.52, no.4, pp.44-53, 2016-01-20

This paper offers a description of how economic development in Japan was accomplished so quickly. The industrial production index (based on GDP) in five advanced countries shows the rapid economic growth of Japan after World War II. The economy grew about eightfold in the 25 years from 1955 to 1980, which was as much as 2.5 times the economic growth of the United States, Germany, and France, and 1.6 times that of Britain. The speed of economic growth of Japan was phenomenal. This paper discusses the issue of this speed. How was Japan able to increase its productive force rapidly and become an industrialized nation so quickly? The speed shows the differences of structure in various economies, which will be described from the following two perspectives: The first perspective is the world-historic condition, i.e. the Cold War structure, or the U.S. Cold War system vs. the U.S.S.R Cold War system. The second perspective is Japanese domestic conditions, which are broken down under three headings: (1) Capital (funds; machine or technology); (2) Labor (person); (3) Land ownership (agriculture and farmers). From these three conditions, the author defines the Japanese Capitalism structure after WWII as " Exogenous Reproduction Structure." This paper discusses "land ownership." There are three types of land ownership: agricultural land, land for housing, and land for enterprise. Japan accomplished its rapid economic growth by converting the land ownership into capital. Originally, land was not a value-thing, but Japan created the capital by putting a price on the land. It has become the fictitious capital. The stagnation of the Japanese economy is not a problem of business cycles (prosperity-depression), but rather a problem of structure, which appeared as marginal villages (depopulated villages and towns with most inhabitants being senior citizens) in rural and city communities. The Japanese economy has shrunk. The long-lasting sluggish economy is called the "Lost Two Decades." This is the state of the present Japan.