著者

小林 良生

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.258, pp.97-102, 2011 (Released:2021-07-22)

著者

中根 美知代 佐藤 賢一 大谷 卓史 小山 俊士 村上 祐子

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.256, pp.232-246, 2010 (Released:2021-07-22)

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.256, pp.247-253, 2010 (Released:2021-07-22)

著者

鈴木 達彦 遠藤 次郎

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.257, pp.1-8, 2011 (Released:2021-07-22)

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This paper reveals the dosages of decoctions in Shanghanlun(傷寒論) in relation of pills and powder formulations, and obtains following results. At the first examination of the system of weight, while Taohongjing(陶弘景) shows three kinds of system of weight: [(1) lliang(両) is equivalent to 14 g. (2) lliang = 7 g (3) lliang = 1.4 g], he describes the necessity of the corrective system of weight among the decoctions, the pills and the powder formulations. After Song(宋) dynasty. Zhusanfa(煮散法), which is the method of preparing the decoction by placing powder ingredients of prescriptions in water and simmer, have been mainly adopted. In the term of Zhusanfa, although the whole quantities of prescriptions are written with the ancient weight unit, the notation of the dosage is indicated by the current weight unit, Qian(銭). In Shanghanlun, since the dosage form seems to have been changed from the pills or the powders into the decoction, some of decoctions contain impractical dose for decoction.

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.257, pp.9-10, 2011 (Released:2021-07-22)

著者

下野 葉月

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.257, pp.11-17, 2011 (Released:2021-07-22)

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Francis Bacon, known for his modern enterprise to isolate philosophy from theology, had religious motivations embedded in his "new philosophy." How was he able to balance this ostensible contradiction ? fn examining this issue, I will reconsider his definition of theology and philosophy, as well as what he considered the ominous mixture of the two. Central to this examination would be his idea of "reason" and how he thought it should be applied to philosophical and theological endeavors respectively : while reason is confined to its "secondary" or relative use in drawing theological lessons, in natural philosophy, its "primary" or absolute use is allowed to illuminate boundless realm of knowledge. I argue that he made the definition of theology and philosophy clear to achieve some religious ends : first to dissipate religious contentions of the time, secondly to criticize the widespread Paracelsian interpretation of Genesis, and lastly to establish his "new philosophy." In order to fully understand his program for the reform of learning, the often forgotten domain of theology must be taken into account. Only then does it become possible to approach the uniqueness of his "new philosophy."

著者

伊東 博明

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.257, pp.18-24, 2011 (Released:2021-07-22)

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Francis Bacon is generally considered as a 'modern' thinker, whose "works were all directed at replacing the philological and literal type of culture with the techno-scientih'c one"(Paolo Rossi). But does this evaluation hold for his De safiientia velcrum, where he interpreted thirty-one mythological figures and their fables in a typically humanistic manner ? This paper is an attempt to give a possible answer to this question. In his Advancement of Learning (1605), Bacon doubted that ancient fables contained "the religious, political, and philosophical secret or mystery." This scepticism, however, vanished in his De sapientia velerumc (1609), where he said that "beneath many fables of ancient poets there lay from the very beginning a mystery and an allegory." He expounded the same view in De dignitate et augumenlis scientium (1623), a treatise that put forward his definitive views on many issues. This chronological survey indicates that the attraction of the ancient fables was too strong for Bacon to refrain from giving fantastic interpretations to them. However. Bacon also tried to escape from the humanistic and allegorical way of thinking, saying that "the truth must be discovered by the light of nature, not recovered from the darkness of the past." It is this duality that defines the singular place occupied by Bacon in the history of philosophy.

著者

柴田 和宏

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.257, pp.25-30, 2011 (Released:2021-07-22)

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This paper explores the notions of density and rarity in Francis Bacon's matter theory and demonstrates their central role in his natural philosophy in its theoretical and practical dimensions. The distinction between density and rarity derived from his fundamental perception of matter and enabled him to explain the causality of various natural phenomena. His notion of spiritus was also based on this distinction. These theoretical aspects were intimately connected to practical spheres in his project of domesticating nature, for Bacon believed density and rarity to be a major source in making useful products for mankind. This can be illustrated through the analysis of his discussions on the production of gold and the prolongation of life.

著者

坂本 邦暢

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.257, pp.31-36, 2011 (Released:2021-07-22)

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Francis Bacon was a major early modern critic of Aristotelianism. In addressing its matter theory, he mainly attacked the concept of prime matter, which, for many Aristotelians, was deprived of any attribute. He denied this doctrine on the basis of the inseparability of matter from its quantity and power. By examining theological and natural philosophical dimensions of this idea, this paper reveals the close interconnection among various fields of knowledge in Bacon's thought.

著者

森脇 靖子

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.255, pp.163-173, 2010 (Released:2021-08-02)

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In 1891, Silk Association of America warned Japanese vice-consul in New-York that the quality of Japanese raw silk was sub-standard. It advised both an improvement of silkworm breeds and a reduction in Japan's more than 300 silkworm breeds. In 1893, the engineers at the Institute of the Ministry of Agriculture and Trade (I.M.A.T.) began applying themselves to the task, though there was little scientific knowledge of breeding by crossing. By 1910, I.M.A.T. could not develop suitable silkworm breeds. However silkworm breeders had achieved some improvements through hybridization. When Kametaro Toyama who had known the breeder's breeding by crossing, began to interbreed in 1900, he did not know Mendelism. But Toyama had learned about the heredity and variation of hybridization, through the book, 'The Germ-Plasm' of A. Weismann. In 1901, he read the paper of H. de Vries and found out about Mendelism. From 1902 to 1905, he continued silkworm cross-experiments in Thailand (then Siam). In 1906, he confirmed that Mendel's law could be applied to silkworm in his doctoral dissertation. And he insisted on making f_1 hybrid for improvement of silkworm. In 1909, he published the book, 'Sansyuron' which he presented his method of breeding based on Mendelism. Only in 1910 did the engineers at the I.M.A.T., including S. Ishiwata, accept Mendelism and Toyama's methodology. After that, under the leadership of Toyama, I.M.A.T. began improving silkworm breeds and succeeded in producing an excellent f_1 hybrid by 1913. As a result, the Japanese raw silk was rapidly improved in quality.

著者

水沢 光

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.255, pp.174-178, 2010 (Released:2021-08-02)

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.255, pp.179-180, 2010 (Released:2021-08-02)

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.255, pp.181-188, 2010 (Released:2021-08-02)

著者

金山 浩司

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.256, pp.193-205, 2010 (Released:2021-07-22)

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The present study seeks to reveal the unknown political factor of the philosophical-ideological disputes over physics in the pre-war Soviet Russia. Previous studies on this issue assumed conflicts between the two definite fractions to have a basic framework: courageous leading physicists on one hand, and foolish communists or old-generation scientists on the other. Such a distinct dichotomy, however, may have to be reconsidered after studying archival material. That is to say, the relationship between A.A. Maksimov, one of the representatives of communist ideology, and V.F. Mitkevich, a prominent specialist of the electrical technology, was more ambivalent than it seems to be. These two men apparently had a common aggressive character: both of them charged leading physicists, such as Ya. I. Frenkel' and A.F. Ioffe, of having an idealistic view. Yet, the correspondences exchanged between these 'opponents' clearly show that they severely disagreed (until 1937) on issues such as ontological views on mathematical notions or terminologies to be used in the dispute. Occasionally, the communist even criticized the electric engineer for overemphasizing the dangers of modern physical theories to materialism, an official Soviet philosophical system. Hence, until the mid 1930's, Mitkevich and Maksimov did not become confident allies of each other. This awkwardness might be regarded as one of the reasons why the dispute over the interpretation of modern physics did not result in a clear break between the professional physicists and the 'opponents'.

著者

三浦 宏文

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.256, pp.206-215, 2010 (Released:2021-07-22)

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The Vaisesika School, which is one of six Indian orthodox schools of Philosophies, is known as ancient realism. In this paper, the author intends to examine the theoretical structure of the concept of 'matter' in this school, based on the three main texts, Vaisesikasutra (1C.A.D.), Dasapadarthi (勝宗十句義論4〜5C.A.D.), and Prasastapadabhasya (6C.A.D.). The Vaisesika system is said to have two substantial elements. One is rupa, the other murtatva. Basically, the rupa was a word meaning both color and form, and was used to indicate a matter in ancient India. Also in the Vaisesika school the meaning of rupa was the same as its general meaning in ancient India until the time of the Vaisesikasutra. But after the Dasapadarthi, the rupa was strictly restrained to only one meaning, that of color. On the other hand, the term of murtatva began to be used as a term for form simultaneously in the Dasapadarthi. In the following Prasastapadabhasya, moreover, the term of rupa was used only to mean color, and the term of murtatva meant form of the moving substance. From this, it can be confirmed that, at the time of the Dasapadarthi, the change of the concept of rupa occurred simultaneously with the new concept of murtatva relating to motion. We can, therefore, conclude that the problem of motion affected the concept of matter in the Vaisesika theory.

著者

岡田 大士

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.256, pp.227-231, 2010 (Released:2021-07-22)

著者

小林 良生 浜谷 康郎

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.254, pp.78-90, 2010 (Released:2021-08-02)

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In the 13^<th> Scroll "the Zusho (no) ryo (the Documentation Bureau) " in "the Codes of Engi (the Engishiki) " completed in 927 AD, there are four articles concerning the oldest paper technology, i.e., " the annual papermaking article (nenryoshi-jo) ", "the paper flower article (shika-jo) ", "the article of raw materials for paper (shiryo-jo) " and "the article of one day's norms of papermakers in the each process (zoshi-jo) ". These articles described the lists of raw materials, expendables, tools and equipments for papermaking including their quantities, volumes or sizes. This was because the Zusho (no) ryo mentioned the duties of supplying all amounts of paper used in the Imperial Court. In this study with the intention of grasping the papermaking methods in the old days, the description of the articles mentioned above were construed word for word and all the tools and equipments as well as expendables were carefully examined from the view-points of their usage and applications. The manipulation to arrange suitably these tools and equipments as well as expendables with the papermaking process resulted in building up the image of the papermaking ways in the ancient times. On the base of the amounts of raw materials and the paper made thereof, the basis weights of thick colored paper, thin paper-mulberry paper and gampi paper as well as the pulping yield of the bast fibers were calculated, respectively. The bast fibers were found to be cooked with addition of 20-30wt% alkali from ashes with yielding 58%. The paper was made by using an oblong mould in an oblong vessel, which has supposedly stimulated to shake during papermaking and to transfer from Tamezuki to Nagashizuki. In the process of drying wet paper, it was found that the width of drying board was narrower than those of wet papers, which obliged to stick them on the board with folding the edge of the wet paper by aid of a kind of glue. By comparison of the one day's norms of papermaking the reason was made clear why hemp cloth and Sophora flavescens disappeared from the list of raw materials for papermaking. Finally the method of the dyeing paper for paper flowers was clarified.

著者

中野 浩

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.254, pp.91-100, 2010 (Released:2021-08-02)

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Minamata disease occurred because inhabitants consumed the polluted seafood. The official confirmation of Minamata disease was in 1956. However, the material cause of that disease was uncertain at that time. The Minamata Food Poisoning Sub-committee, under authority of the Food Hygiene Investigation Committee of the Ministry of Health and Welfare, determined the material cause of Minamata disease to be a certain kind of organic mercury in 1959. The sub-committee was dissolved after their report. The discussion about the investigation of the cause was performed in a conference initiated by the Economic Planning Agency, which was titled "Minamata Disease General Investigation and Research Liaison Council". The Participants were eight scientists; four fishery scientists, two chemists, and only two medical scientists, which implied that only examination of the organic mercury was to be discussion. The conference was held four times from 1960 to 1961. In the first and second conferences, the organic mercury research from a medical perspective progressed in cooperation with fishery sciences. In the third conference, it was reported that UCHIDA Makio, professor of Kumamoto University, had found organic mercury crystal in the shellfish found in Minamata-bay. Authorities of biochemistry and medicine in the third conference criticized UCHIDA's research. At the fourth conference, reports contradicting his research were presented. Although those anti-UCHIDA reports were not verified, AKAHORI Shiro, the highest authority of biochemistry, not only accepted them, but also expressed doubt in the organic mercury causal theory. Therefore, this theory was recognized as uncertain.

著者

石山 洋

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.254, pp.101-106, 2010 (Released:2021-08-02)

著者

矢島 道子

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.254, pp.107-108, 2010 (Released:2021-08-02)