著者

鶴岡 賀雄

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:2896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, pp.1-14, 2001-03-31

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Mysticism is an ambiguous term, no definition of which has ever gained general acceptance among scholars, notwithstanding its fairy frequent use in both academia and the public sphere. In this paper I attempt to examine the "historicities" of this term, in order to illuminate its historical determinations and to make evident its "genealogical" origins. Such examinations are required, I believe, if we are to continue to employ this term and evaluate it as meaningful to contemporay religious studies. In this paper, I will outline several distinct strata within a perceivable "historicity of mysticism." I designate historicity-0 as the essential factual positivity of mystics" activities in particular historical situations. I then designate the temporal dimension of history as historicity-1, in which chronological presentation of mystics becomes possible. However, a more or less "eternal" (i.e. a-historical) essence of mysticism - a variety of neo-platonistic metaphysics, a universal core of mystical experiences, etc. - is generally presupposed behind this "historicity" of mysticism. From the viewpoint of historicity-2 we can postulate significant divisions within history, because here mysticism is understood to change in value and status according to the nature of each era's knowledge and power. I hypothecize that the history of western mysticism can be divided into seven distinct periods, and outline them in detail. Historicity-3 is concerned with genealogy, where the manner in which mysticism emerges in a particular historical situation is analyzed. Here I point out two historical stages of the formation of mysticism, highlighting the parallels between them. The first is the 17th century when some advocates of theologia mystica "created" the tradition of Christian mysticism through reverence of ancient, medieval and contemporary saints and mystics, in whom the "eternal" essence of Christianity was supposedly realized. The second is the period from the latter part of the 19th century to the first half of the 20th century, when historians of religions developed the notion of mysticism as being the essence of all religion. Finally, I situate myself on the level of historicity-4, where we are obliged to be fully aware of these strata of historicity and of the fact that our considerations about them are also historically conditioned. From this location I posit some conditions in which a new evalutation of the nature of mysticism may be investigated. Throughout this paper I refer to Michel de Certeau's studies on modern Western mysticism, which provide a perspicacious and uniquely "postmodern" view of this subject.

著者

柴田 大輔

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:2896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, pp.73-95, 1999-03-31

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Die Mischwesengruppe, die im Enuma elis als Geschofe der Tiamat gegen Marduk kampft, tritt auch in einigen anderen Kontexten auf, die sich besonders auf Marduk beziehen. Ihre Statuen bef anden sich zum Beispiel vor Esagila, dem Tempel Marduks in Babylon. Die Mischwesengruppe wurde im 12. Jh. v. Chr. unter der Regierung von Nabukudurri-usur I. wahrend der Konstruktion der Marduktheologie, die auf den elf Trophaen Ninurtas aus dem Ninurtamythos basierte, geschaffen. Die Marduktheologie war eine ideologische Kulturkonstruktion, um die neue politische Verfassung von Nabu-kuduri - usur I. zu rechtfertigen. Sie basierte auf dem Enuma elis, welches seinerseits vomNinurtamythos abgeleitet worden war, um Marduk die zunachst die Stellung Ninurtas, des Kronprinzen der Gotter, der die gottliche Ordnung wiederhergestellt hat, und dann die Stellung Enlils, des Konigs der Gotter, zu geben. Weil Ninurta fur seinen Sieg von den anderen Gottern zu ihrem Konig erhoben wurde und seine Trophaen seinen Sieg symbolisieren, ist die Mischwesengruppe ein strategisches Mittel, Marduk mit Ninurta gleichzustellen. Spater wurde die Mischwesengruppe zunachst von Sanherib fur religiose Reform, dann zur Konstruktion der spaten Theologie Nabus, um Assur oder Nabu mit Marduk gleichzustellen, und schlieslich bei der Schaffung des Rituals der Schutzdamonenfiguren, um es unter Marduks Befugnis zu stellen, benutzt. Kurzum war sie ein strategisches Mittel, Marduk mit anderen Gottern zu identifizieren und neue Elemente in die Marduktheologie einzufugen.

著者

常塚 聴

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:2896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, pp.89-113, 2001-03-31

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The purpose of this paper is to consider various understandings of Manichaeism within Chinese society. The manner in which the religious peculiarities of Manichaeism were altered or retained in China has been widely discussed in a variety of other sources. In this paper I will specifically focus on the various ways in which Manichaeism has been viewed in Chinese society. The location of Manichaeism in China can be plotted out as a series of coordinates on three axes : "domestic-foreign," "insider-outsider worldview," and "receptiveexpulsive." Most Chinese historical documentary records describe Manichaeism as a "foreign" religious group. Especially after the rebellion of Fang La (1120-1122), many political sources designated Manichaeism as an "unauthorized," "heretical," and "illegal" religious society, much like the Yellow Turban Society (huang-jin dang) of the late Han dynasty. This suggests that the political view of Manichaeism had turned from "receptive" to "expulsive" at that point. ATaoist source entitled "The Scripture of Lao-zi's Ascension to the West and Conversion of the Barbarians (Lao-zi xi-sheng hua-hu jing}" found at Dunhuang, described the deity Mani as being one of the incarnations of Lao-zi. This seems to suggest that Taoism had adopted Manichaeism into their worldview. Some sources suggest that Manichaeism was commonly recognized in Chinese society as a component of folk tradition. It may therefore be presumed that Manichaeism was recognized as having some kind of religious function within the context of indigenous (folk) beliefs. It is clear that there are obvious differences between the political and the folk view of Manichaeism. However, in order to illustrate a specifically Chinese worldview, instead of simply investigating documentary records, I endeavor to provide an analysis that encompasses both historical and folkloric approaches to illustrate the position of foreign religious traditions in historical China.

著者

鈴木 順

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:2896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, pp.167-177, 2004-03-31

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【書評】

著者

村上 興匡

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:2896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, pp.1-14, 2002-03-31

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Nakae Chomin is well known for translating Jean Jacques Rousseau's Du contrat social into classical Chinese. He was a scholar of French thought, a statesman, and a businessman in his later years. At the end of his life, Nakae announced that he was dying of cancer. His final works, Ichinen yu han and Zoku Ichinen yu han were presented as posthumous documents, thought they were published while he was still alive. These books were read by many people, and clearly demonstrated his atheistic and materialistic ideas about life and death. His thought attracted a great deal of attention, and there was a great deal of speculation as to whether or not Nakae's actual manner of dying would conform to his stated principles. Nakae's funeral was held as "a farewell ceremony" without religious content. It is known as the first "kokubetu-shik? to have been held in Japan. Despite the protests of those close to him, Nakae insisted that his funeral be held without religious ceremony. Some at the time described his request as selfish. In the Meiji era, with some exceptions, people generally did not accept Nakae's ideas about the funeral ceremony. However, in the 1970s some thinkers, particularly those concerned with medical issues, began to express the opinion that one's funeral is a final expression of one's life. These ideas have become more publically accepted in the last decade.

著者

西村 明

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:2896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, pp.145-158, 2000-03-31

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In 1895, there was a cholera epidemic in Japan. Masuda Keitaro, a policeman, died of the epidemic as he instructed people about hygiene and nursing patients in Takakushi, Saga. He is said to have said, "I will take away the cholera of this area when I die." After he died, people in Takakushi considered Masuda a deity and made a monument in stone to him. Later, people regarded him as a god of disease, and worshippers praying for their recovery from illness increased in number. The monument became Masuda Shrine. Early in the Showa era, people in police and education circles began admiring Masuda for his self-sacrificing behavior. A nationalistic thought movement, "Nihonseishin ron" (the Japanese Spirit argument), was behind these admiring movements. After the war, a doctor, Uchida Mamoru, interpreted Masuda's behavior as philanthropy. The policy "Shinto Shirei" of GHQ lay behind this thought. In this process of Masuda worship the acceptance of the death by the living changed from the second personal death "thy death" to the third personal death "his death". It is possible to interpret Masuda worship by examining this shift.

著者

西村 明

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:2896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, pp.47-61, 2002-03-31

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This paper deals with Nagai Takashi's thoughts on the victims of the atomic bombing of Nagasaki. Nagai, a doctor of radio therapeutics at Nagasaki Medical College, wrote many literary works about the aftermath of the atomic bomb. Just before 1995, the fiftieth anniversary of the attack, Takahashi Shinji criticized Nagai's thought, describing his works as "Urakami holocaust doctorine." Two Catholic thinkers, Kataoka Chizuko and Motoshima Hitoshi, argued against Takahashi. This paper further evaluates Takahashi's criticism of Nagai's ideological role in postwar Nagasaki. Nagai's attitude toward the atomic bomb dead was influenced by his experience of continually facing the death of the victims of radiation throughout his life and career. He deliberated on the meaning of death, and came to use the term "holocaust" to describe the atomic bombing. However, though he defined the atrocity, he was ultimately unable to articulate ideas that would lead to an end to war and the establishment of permanent peace.

著者

飯田 篤司

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:2896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, pp.183-195, 2000-03-31

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【書評】

著者

シッケタンツ エリック

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:2896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.22, pp.171-176, 2005-03-31

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【書評】

著者

高橋 原

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:2896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.14, pp.111-125, 1997-03-31

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Recent research into C. G. Jung has shown that Jung's thought was unique and that Freud's influence was, in fact, not crucial. Jung's thought can best be understood, therefore, in the context of his life as a whole. Drawing from his autobiography and other materials published after his death, we now know that Jung, from childhood, was motivated to integrate his split personality. This split generated his two modes of experiencing religion - traditional Christianity and his particular experience of God - and he felt a tension between the two. Jung's mature thought always focused on Christianity. The "reinterpretation of Christianity" was one of the central themes of his thought, its purpose being the reconciliation between his own psychology and traditional Christianity. The answer had not yet been found in 1912, when his cooperation with Freud came to an end. It seems that the answer instead began to take form in the period between 1913 and 1918, his "critical years" (Homan's term). In this light, the Answer to Job (1952) occupies a special position in Jung's life and work. In that book, I suggest, we can see Jung's "starting point" and "end result" come together. He reinterpreted Christianity and "developed its myth" so as to give a place to his secret experience of God in a Christian context.

著者

高橋 原

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:2896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.22, pp.21-32, 2005-03-31

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This essay focuses on some recent criticisms of C. G. Jung's religious thought. Some of them are based on the newly discovered documents and put new light on Jung's thought. Two types of views can be pointed out among the critics ; one considers Jung as a clinical psychologist and another as a religious thinker.Typical Freudian criticism belongs to the former and doesn't find any value in Jung's religious writings ; that is, Jung's religious or theological writings are the results of his childhood psychological problems and/or his break with Freud influenced upon them. Richard Noll's controversial book, Jung Cult, belongs to the latter. According to Noll, Jungian psychology started as a cult whose charismatic leader was Jung himself. In contrast to these critical view, there are certain Jungians who welcome him like a prophet. Edward Edinger is one of such Jungians, who considers Jung's Answer to Job like a holy scripture. So, for the proper understanding of Jung's thought and his influence as a whole, it's important to have a look at the context or constellation of the recent controversy as well as those in Jung's life time.

著者

佐々木 中

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:2896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.22, pp.53-70, 2005-03-31

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Dans un entretien, Michel Foucault a parlé de Pierre Legender, avec un ton critique, quecelui-ci, en réduisant les procédures de pouvoir à la loi d'interdicton, ne puvait penser du pouvoir que de facon négative, homogène et symbolique ; qu'il ne comprenait pas des procédures positives de pouvoir qui visent directement au corps, comme un pouvoir disciplinaire. Peut-être, sa crtique est bien justifiée,mais,en examinant ses arguments de près, nous nous appercevons qu'elle n'est possible qu'en negligeant ce que Legendre conçoit en terme de "rite". À partir de ce point litigieux, nous pouvous soulever de plusieurs arguments interessants : repenser le concept de rite : réexaminer les forme comtemporaines du rituel d'un point de vue différent. : relire les oeuvres de Foucault comme traités sur la stratégie des rites. : remesurer la portée des remarques de Nietzhe dans son "Zur Genealogie der Moral".

著者

小川 有閑

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:2896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, pp.179-184, 2004-03-31

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【書評】

著者

山本 栄美子

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:2896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, pp.49-66, 2008-03-31

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It is commonly held that philosophers have contributed little to bioethics which had already developed to a great degree in the United States by the early 1990s. Peter Singer is one of the leaders of the practical ethics movement, and one of the most famous and influential philosophers alive. He has considered not only philosophy and ethics, which are his areas of specialisation, but also politics, economy, medical care, environment, international aid and sociobiology from his own philosophical framework following a strand of utilitarianism, and devoted himself to produce his own practical and philosophical solution about today's various problems. He also served as the first president of the Institute of International Bioethics, the chair of the Great Ape Project and an animal rights organization. Before holding many important posts, he had already inspired philosophers to participate in Bioethics in the early 1970s. The primary purpose of this article is to consider the relationship between Singer and Bioethics from the perspective of religious studies.

著者

村上 興匡

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:2896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, pp.99-113, 1990-03-20

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Drawing on the results of a survey of Jizo worship which was conducted in the Umeda district of Osaka from 1986 to 1988, this article considers the relationship of the urbanization after World War II with a transition in the custom of worshipping Stone-Buddhas. Especially after the International Exposition at Osaka in 1970, the development of residential areas in the surburbs of Osaka added to the Umeda district the character of an urban-terminal area, and weakened the character of the living space. Consequently, the character of Jizos in the Umeda district has also changed, from that of gods which guard the inhabitants of the area they occupy, to that of gods which confer a benefit on the believers visiting their shrines.

著者

松岡 秀明

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:2896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.15, pp.13-25, 1998-03-31

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The Church of World Messianity (Sekai Kyusei Kyo), a Japanese new religion, has propagated in Brazil since 1956. The religion claims that it has 250,000 followers and 95 percent of them are non-Japanese. By comparing Messianity with Catholicism and kardecismo, a Brazilian spiritualism, this paper tries to elucidate the reason why the religion was accepted by non-Japanese Brazilians. Messianity defines itself as a religion that realizes the prophecy of Christianity. Further, Messianity's care of its followers is attractive for Catholics because liberation theology, which has retained remarkable influence in Brazil since the 1970s, focuses on the salvation of society rather than on individual salvation. Kardecismo is closer to Messianity than Catholicism, however. Both Messianity and kardecismo (1) believe in the existence of the spirit world, (2) put importance on the procedures which transfer transcendental energy from one human being to another (3) believe in reincarnation, (4) urge spiritual evolution; raise the spirit's level in the spirit world. These similarities are not by coincidence. Western spiritualism reflects in Messianity's doctrine, because the founder Okada Mokichi was interested in Western spiritualism and read its literature in Japanese translation. With its closeness to Catholicism and kardecismo both in doctrinal and practical aspects, Messianity has achieved success in propagation in Brazil.

著者

矢野 秀武

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:2896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, pp.127-132, 1992-03-30

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【書評】

著者

池澤 優

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:2896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, pp.103-128, 2004-03-31

著者

西村 明

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:2896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.15, pp.117-122, 1998-03-31

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【書評】

著者

佐々木 中

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:2896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, pp.11-24, 2004-03-31