著者

小寺 初世子

出版者

広島大学平和科学研究センター

雑誌

広島平和科学 (ISSN:03863565)

巻号頁・発行日

no.4, pp.p1-44, 1981

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During the World War II, Japan commandeered over one million Koreans, people of one of the former Japan's colonies, to make them work in Japanese military factories and mines. When Japan surrendered to the Allied Forces, Korea was pledged to be conferred independence in due course. Those Korean workers who were emancipated from forced labour by Japan's capitulation were in a great hurry to go back to their home country to be independent soon. At this time, for some reasons nobody knows, they left Japan with arrears of wages due to them to be paid by factories where they worked. There seem to have been some conflicts between factories and Koreans or the Association of Koreans. In accordance with the advice of the Japanese Government, many factories deposited the claimed arrears of wages due to Korean workers in deposit offices of Japan. Over 30 years have passed since then. Even today, it seems, to this writer, that the deposited money has never been reimbursed to former Korean workers who are duly entitled to receive it. This fact means that those Korean people, who suffered from commandeering and forced labour have not received the arrears of wages of over 30 years ago. This sounds to be entirely unfair. Nevertheless, from legal point of view, all procedures in regard to the deposit of the arrears of wages due to Korean workers had been made without any fault. Yet, we can not but feel some sense of unfairness in this case. In this paper, the writer tries to analyse the whole process of the case of unpaied wages of Korean workers. It is a sincere hope of this writer that this study will be of some help to find a way to give rescue for those Korean people who are victims of this complicated case.

著者

市川 ひろみ

出版者

広島大学

雑誌

広島平和科学 (ISSN:03863565)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.24, pp.223-240, 2002

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Military conscription was a part of modernization. In pre-modern times, a feudal lord was not able to use all of the people for military service. By introducing universal suffrage, a modern state was able to enforce people to exercise violence. A modern state attempted to control not only its people's behavior, but also their inner life. An army has functioned as a school of nations. Through training in an army, people were standardized and disciplined. Conscientious objection was a form of "deviation" from the state integration, and therefore objectors were severely punished until the end of World War II. After the horrible experiences of war and the Holocaust, conscientious objection is considered a basic human right and by the state guaranteed. Legislation makes conscientious objection no longer a form of "deviation." The system to integrate objectors in the German Democratic Republic was the construction units (Baueinheiten). Objectors were subjected to ill treatment and lifelong discrimination. Through their experiences, they organized peace movements and provided a vital nucleus for unofficial civil movements during the late 1980s. The state of GDR had failed to integrate objectors and driven them to estrangement. In contrast, the state of the Federal Republic of Germany succeeded in integration through the introduction of civil service (Zivildienst). The number of Zivis outnumbered that of conscripts in the army in 1999. There is now a new impact of objectors on society, because they have become an indispensable part of social welfare service. Now in FRG, soldiers in the army have the right and the duty to refuse a senior officers' order, when the order is inhuman or unlawful. Soldiers should act as citizens with their own responsibility. I would like to survey the transformation of conscription system in Germany, from the viewpoint of how the state has tried to integrate each individual.

著者

大石 悠二

出版者

広島大学平和科学研究センター

雑誌

広島平和科学 (ISSN:03863565)

巻号頁・発行日

no.13, pp.p101-122, 1990

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United Nations Security Council Resolution 242 was adopted by unanimous vote on November 22, 1967, in order to settle problems in the aftermath of the Fourth Middle East War (the so-called Six Day War) in which Israeli armed forces occupied vast areas of Arab territory-the West Bank of the Jordan River and the Gaza Strip in Palestine, the Golan Heights in Syria, and the Sinai Peninsula in Egypt. The historic U. N. resolution, stressing 'inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war' and 'the need to work for just and lasting peace' in the Middle East, called for withdrawal of Israeli armed forces from occupied territories and the tacit recognition of the State of Israel by the Arab states which had advocated the eradication of the Zionist state from the political map since the First Middle East War of 1948. Resolution 242 has long been regarded as a starting point for the peaceful settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflicts. In the prolonged process of seeking peace in the region, the spirit of the 1967 international accord was partially fruitful when Egypt and Israel concluded a peace treaty in 1979. Occupied land on the Sinai Peninsula was returned to Egypt. However, the Israelis have never yielded an inch regarding other occupied territories. The Golan Heights was annexed in December 1981 and Arab Palestine has continued under Israeli rule for nearly a quarter of a century. Toward the end of 1987, a Palestinian national revolt (intifada in Arabic) against the agelong occupation erupted in the Gaza Strip and spread quickly over the whole of occupied Palestine. In spite of suppressive measures taken by Israeli authorities, the resistance has not ceased even today, claiming a death toll of nearly a thousand over the last three years. The Iraqi conquest of Kuwait in early August 1990 stirred the frustrations of Palestinians. The U. N. Security Council adopted Resolution 630, calling for immediate and unconditional withdrawal of Iraq's invading forces from the soil of Kuwait on August 2. It also adopted Reso

著者

友次 晋介

出版者

広島大学平和科学研究センター

雑誌

広島平和科学 (ISSN:03863565)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, pp.117-126, 2018-03

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Whereas the goals of gender-mainstreaming were steadily set in many fields especially related to the environment, welfare, and development since the late 1990s, the pace of developing the argument on gender balance in the international arena of nuclear disarmament was very slow. Under such circumstances, United Nation Security Council resolution 1325 (2000) was surely a landmark because the necessity of gender-consciousness was clearly expressed in the field of security issues. The resolution 1325 mainly aimed at promoting gender equality in peacebuilding process after the internal armed conflicts, although activists and experts started to link the gender and the interstate matters of nuclear disarmament, in line with the spirit of the resolution. Nonetheless, there were still few discussions regarding the gender equality in nuclear disarmament for a decade after that resolution was adopted. It was the presentation by Ms. Mary Olson, policy expert at Nuclear Information and Resource Service who changed the situation. Her presentation at the Vienna Conference on the Humanitarian Impact of Nuclear Weapons in December 2014, demonstrated the evidence that radiation damage could be more serious to women. Her argument encouraged Ireland to advocate gender equality more progressively in the policy field of nuclear disarmament by presenting a working paper titled "Gender, Development and Nuclear Weapons" to the 2020 NPT Review Conference Preparation Committee held in May 2017. It is also worth mentioning that Olson made a speech at the Vienna Conference on the Humanitarian Impact of Nuclear Weapons that facilitated a discussion for the adoption of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. In the preamble of this treaty, significance of gender-mainstreaming was clearly stipulated. Meanwhile, International Law and Policy Institute (ILPI) and United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research (UNDIR) jointly published an influential report "Gender, Development and Nuclear Weapons" in 2016. Gender conscious arguments are considered to be getting more observable from thereafter.

著者

山下 明博

出版者

広島大学平和科学研究センター

雑誌

広島平和科学 (ISSN:03863565)

巻号頁・発行日

no.34, pp.93-115, 2012

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The Bell Boeing V-22 Osprey is the tiltrotor aircraft. In 2012, U.S. Marine deployed Osprey at the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station in Okinawa prefecture. But, Okinawa residents have opposed the move, citing safety fears. I think Osprey is the ideal aircraft blending the best of helicopters and airplanes, and it will be available for purposes other than military in a near future. This paper attempts to show that Japan should take note about the danger of unmanned aerial vehicle rather than Osprey. First, I explain the position of Osprey in the classification of aircraft and the history of aircraft. Next, I discuss the motivation of rapid development of aircrafts is war. Then, I describe the special features and manipulation of Osprey. Finally, I discuss the safety fears by the deployment of Osprey.

著者

篠田 英朗

出版者

広島大学

雑誌

広島平和科学 (ISSN:03863565)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, pp.1-24, 2001

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The Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice on the legality ofthe use and the threat of nuclear weapons on July 8, 1996, was a historic achievement inthe history of debates on the legality of nuclear weapons. It drew great attention ofacademics, governments, and civil society organizations and is now recognized as animportant milestone for those who are interested in the issue of nuclear weapons.However, this does not mean that the Opinion concluded the debate on the legality ofnuclear weapons. Rather, it stimulated further discussions and created new problems onthe issue of the legality of nuclear weapons. This article is intended to examine theOpinion in order to identify the polemics that concern the very normative framework ofcurrent international society. The main focal point is the jus cogens character ofinternational humanitarian law, which the Court avoided. In so doing, this articleidentifies the confusion in the Opinion and among the Judges about the relationshipbetween jus in bello and jus ad bellum applied to the use and the threat of nuclearweapons. The article also argues that the notorious concept of "an extreme circumstanceof self-defence, in which the very survival of a State would be at stake" was anunfortunate result of sterile understanding of the relationship between law and politics.

著者

小寺 初世子

出版者

広島大学平和科学研究センター

雑誌

広島平和科学 (ISSN:03863565)

巻号頁・発行日

no.5, pp.p83-106, 1982

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The progress realized through the efforts at codification of international law since the First Hague Peace Conference of 1899 is, in this author's opinion, quite remarkable in respect to the law of state responsibility. The topic of state responsiblity was already listed among those selected as being suitable for codification when the Conference on the Progressive Codification of International Law was held in 1930 under the auspices of the League of Nations, which ended without success. This topic was revived by the International Law Commission of the United Nations. As the Commission's work proceeded, a trend has been evolved in the theory of international law on legal responsibility of state for its illegal acts or ommission. In other words, criminal responsibility of state has come to be discussed. In fact, not a few treaties now provide for punishment of individuals responsible for state's international crimes. Thus, a new kind of international law, 'international penal/criminal law' or 'penal/criminal international law' has come to attract our attention. And at the same time, the principle of legality has become an important rule in this new law. This short paper is to sum up a tentative result of the author's research on the question of how the principle of legality is, or is not, observed in international criminal law. Her conclusion is, in short, that the principle of legality is proclaimed in the International Bill of Humen Rights. However, neither the principle itself nor provisions in accordance thereto (especially in the provisions of penalties) are yet to be found in any of treaties in the field of international criminal law. One of the reasons the author chose this thenie which is new to her, is, in her belief, that the development of an effective system of punishment of international offences (especially those against peace) will lead to the establishment of peace and security of makind. Various relevant questions have, however, been left undiscussed here, which the author hopes to deal with in th

著者

小林 文男 橋本 学 柴田 巌

出版者

広島大学平和科学研究センター

雑誌

広島平和科学 (ISSN:03863565)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, pp.41-84, 1993

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The purpose of this paper is to verify differences of the 'Peace Declarations' delivered in Hiroshima and Nagasaki in August 1993. Needless to say, both these 'Declarations' appealed the total abolition of nuclear weapons and complete disarmament in the earth. But, in practice, there were so many differences of content between them. The authors sent out questionnaires for 311 members of Hiroshima university students. The question is 'As to the 'Peace Declarations' made in Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1993. Which 'Declaration' do you feel sympathy for Hiroshima's or Nagasaki's ? And give your reasons for choosing it'. As a result, Nagasaki 'Peace Declaration' proved to have far higher opinions of the subjects than Hiroshima. The main reasons are as follows: (1) It was easier to understand 'Peace Declaration' of Nagasaki than of Hiroshima. (2) Hitoshi Motoshirna, the Mayor of Nagasaki,admitted that Japan had aggressed the Asian countries from 1910 to 1945, showed more friendly attitude to these countries than Takashi Hiraoka, the Mayor of Hiroshima. Nagasaki 'Peace Declarations' have had higher opinions than Hiroshima since the authors began this investigation on 1990. However, the 'Declaration' of Nagasaki in 1993 have more faults than the past 3 years beyond doubt. Because the support rate against it have come down than before. The faults are as follows: (1) The Nagasaki 'Declaration' never mentioned 'PKO' (Peace Keeping Operation) which Japan come up against now. (2) The Nagasaki 'Declaration' didn't definite the concreate compensation and assistance to non-Japanese victims of Atomic Bomb.

著者

松浦 陽子 佐藤 健一 川野 徳幸

出版者

広島大学平和科学研究センター

雑誌

広島平和科学 (ISSN:03863565)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, pp.75-100, 2015-03

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The purpose of this paper is to explore the peace concepts in Nagasaki by analyzing "Nagasaki Peace Declarations". First, we discuss the meaning components of a concept of peace in three dimensions: the substance or value dimension; the promoting factor dimension; and locus dimension. The results show: (1) The meaning components of the peace concept in the substance or value dimension come down to three further concepts; "nuclear abolition," "absence of war," and "relief for the atomic bomb survivors." (2) The meaning components in the promoting factor dimension can be divided into seven groups; "atomic bomb experience," "the Japanese government," "the United Nations," "treaty," "nuclear states," "countries" and "individual persons". (3) Each promoting factor dimension corresponds with specified meaning components in the substance or value dimension. For example, Nagasaki Peace Declaration expects "the United Nations" to promote "nuclear abolition" and "absence of war." (4) The concept of peace can be divided into two aspects; unchangeable and changeable aspects. (5) Unchangeable peace concept is the absence of war in the world and in the next generations. (6) The most important changeable components of the peace concepts are "nuclear abolition" and "relief for the Atomic Bomb Survivors" promoted by the Japanese government after 1980s.

著者

小林 文男 柴田 巌

出版者

広島大学

雑誌

広島平和科学 (ISSN:03863565)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.22, pp.201-234, 2000

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In August 1999, Hiroshima and Nagasaki observed the fifty-forth anniversary of the atomic bomb dropping. As usual, the Mayors of Hiroshima and Nagasaki each delivered the Peace Declarations at the Peace Memorial Ceremonies. Needless to say, Hiroshima and Nagasaki have appealed for the total abolition of nuclear weapons and the creation of lasting world peace since that fatal day. The purpose of this paper is to verify how Hiroshima and Nagasaki's appeals which are showed in the ""Peace Declarations 1999"" move the foreigner on the results of inquiries for 35 Chinese students in Chiba Institute of Technology. The findings of our survey are as follows: [1] Only 8.6% of students were in favor of both of them. [2] one-fifths were for Hiroshima Peace Declaration. [3] 37.1% were for Nagasaki Peace Declaration. [4] Over 30% of students (34.3%) were in favor of neither of them. This time, among students, 28.6% ( [1] + [2] ) rated Hiroshima Peace Declaration ""good"" or ""excellent"", while 45.7% ( [1] + [3] ) rated Nagasaki Peace Declaration in this way. Certainly, Nagasaki's rate was superior to Hiroshima's rate, however, the Hiroshima's point is the second hightest in the last five surveys (49.5% in 1991). By cotrast, the Nagasaki's point was the lowest in the past (down 25.7% from 1998). Most striking of all, 34.3% of Chinese students were in favor of neither of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. This point is the worst in the last surveys. Why they were against Hiroshima and Nagasaki Peace Declaration in 1999 ? The reasons are as follows: (1) These Peace Declarations didn't mention of Japan's War Responsibility. They believe that Japanese should not victimize oneself just because of atomic bomb, and they demand that Japanese should remember ""Nanjing Massacre"" and other sad incidents occured during Sino-Japanese war(1931-45) . (2) They question whether the total abolition of nuclear weapons equals to a peace of the world. They hope Hiroshima and Nagasaki will appeal to all nations states not only to abolish nuclear weapons bu

著者

村上 登司文

出版者

広島大学平和センター

雑誌

広島平和科学 (ISSN:03863565)

巻号頁・発行日

no.42, pp.17-37, 2021-03

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本研究は、JSPS科研費17K04684(平成29年度~31年度、基盤研究(C)「戦争体験継承に対する当事者意識を次世代に育てる教育の比較社会学的研究」)の助成を受けたものである。

著者

ペイジ グレン

出版者

広島大学

雑誌

広島平和科学 (ISSN:03863565)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, pp.123-148, 2001

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本稿は、朝鮮戦争50周年記念国際会議「朝鮮戦争から50年 : 冷戦の対決から平和的共存へ」(2000年7月14日-15日、韓国・ソウルにて開催、韓国国際政治学会および韓国戦略研究所主催、韓国国防省後援)における特別講演の記録である。

著者

下野 寿子

出版者

広島大学平和科学研究センター

雑誌

広島平和科学 (ISSN:03863565)

巻号頁・発行日

no.20, pp.85-107, 1997

著者

小池 聖一

出版者

広島大学平和科学研究センター

雑誌

広島平和科学 (ISSN:03863565)

巻号頁・発行日

no.18, pp.87-111, 1995

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This thesis is a study on the correspondence of the Foreign Office concerning the Japanese-Chinese negotiations on the abolishment of extraterritoriality before and after the Manchurian incident. The negotiations between legation minister Mamoru Shigemithu and the Nationalist Government as political center came to an interruption because of oppositional opinions. But in the provinces, elements of extraterritoriality, such as civil trial, a part of consular jurisdiction, were in reality on the way beeing abolished. Further were the negotiations in the provinces on Korean residents a reason for the Kanto-Army to expand the territory to ' Manchukuo ' after the Manchurian incident. This was also a necessary strategy to conceal military based ' maintenance of public peace ' by the Kanto-Army.

著者

池田 佳代 川野 徳幸

出版者

広島大学平和科学研究センター

雑誌

広島平和科学 (ISSN:03863565)

巻号頁・発行日

no.33, pp.93-117, 2011

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As part of the Department of Defense's (DOD) military transformation initiative, the U.S. Pacific Command developed the Guam Integrated Military Development Plan (GIMDP) in 2006. The marine relocation from Okinawa to Guam, one of the main pillars of the plan, would bring about a massive influx of people within a short period of time to the small island in the Pacific.The GIMDP has an enormous impact in several areas of the lives of all the residents of Guam, including civilians. The public water system is one of those areas. However, the DOD and the Environment Protection Agency (EPA) have different views on how the impact on the public water system would affect civilians on the island.The EPA has been concerned about the impact on veterans who reside in Guam, and tried to address the issue through the Environmental Impact Statement of the GIMDP. More importantly, the U.S. Congress has suddenly started paying attention to the GIMDP 's impact on the Guam public water system since the mid-term election in 2010. The historical defeat of the Democrats in 2010 triggered such a change, partly because the difficulties that white veterans in the mainland face have become a federal issue.

著者

篠田 英朗

出版者

広島大学

雑誌

広島平和科学 (ISSN:03863565)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, pp.215-239, 2004

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This paper aims to illuminate how the rule of law is understood in international peace-building activities by looking at the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The case is selected since the European countries and the United States that are leading peace-building in Bosnia and Herzegovina have a distinct tendency to emphasize the rule of law in the context of peace-building. While there are more various international rganizations that are given peace-building tasks by the Dayton Peace Agreement of 1995, the paper focuses on the Office of High Representative, the Organization of Security and Cooperation in Europe, the UN's and EU's police missions, as they have leading roles in rule-of-law related activities. The paper finds that the rule of law is now recognized more important than before. The paper argues that it is because democracy has lost importance as a peace-building strategy. In Bosnia and Herzegovina where ethnicity-based forces have kept power through the post-conflict elections, democracy does not appear to be an effective tool for peace-building. The rule of law is understood as a strategy to develop the remedies which democracy may fail to create and is expected to pave the way for more solid peace.

著者

篠田 英朗

出版者

広島大学平和科学研究センター

雑誌

広島平和科学 (ISSN:03863565)

巻号頁・発行日

no.27, pp.47-68, 2005

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This essay seeks to look at the case of "rule of law approach" of peacebuilding in Bosnia and Herzegovina from the perspective of the Report by the United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan concerning the rule of law in conflict and post-conflict societies. The first section of the essay carefully examines the contents of the Annan's Report issued in 2004. The second section provides an overview of "rule of law" related peacebuilding activities in Bosnia. The third section contemplates the implications of peacebuilding activities in Bosnia, given the issues raised by Annan's Report. The essay finds two characteristics in Bosnia that would explain the arguments in Annan's Report. One is a growing demand for domestic reforms in justice sectors. The other is growing recognition of strategic importance of the rule of law in comparison with other principles like democracy.

著者

小林 文男 柴田 巌

出版者

広島大学平和科学研究センター

雑誌

広島平和科学 (ISSN:03863565)

巻号頁・発行日

no.14, pp.p23-46, 1991

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The purpose of this paper is to throw light on the tragic life of a Chinese. His name is 'Zhu Zao-huo'(朱造火). On May 3rd, 1992, the authors who agreed to some volunteers' request of Nagasaki managed to find out his bereaved family (who live in an agricultural district in Hebei Province of China) and had an interview with them for some hours. Mr. Zhu Zao-huo was born in Hebei Province in 1925, and he passed away in Nagasaki City of Japan ini945. It goes without saying that Japan and China had been at war since 1931. That is the case, why was Mr. Zhu in the hostile country -Japan-, 1945 ? After 1942, in order to make up the lack of the work force, the then Japanese Government took up over 40,000 Chinese people to Japan, and compelled them to do muscular labor like a slave in colliery, harbor and building site. Mr. Zhu was taken over to the colliery in the north of Nagasaki Prefecture in November 1944. In Nagasaki, the Atomic Bomb dropping of the 9th of August, 1945 destroyed human lives in countless numbers. The victims are not only Japanese but also foreigners including prisoners of the Allied Forces, Korean, and Chinese. In Uragami branch of Nagasaki Prison, 33 members of Chinese were killed instantly at that time, Mr. Zhu was one of them. He was sent to this prison just two days befor the bombing. However, it can safely be said that he was innocent. If he was in the colliery without being falsely charged, he would not be sacrificed of the Atomic Bomb. Because the colliery was about sixty kilometers away from Nagasaki city. Nevertheless 47 years have passed since Mr. Zhu was dead, his bereaved family didn't know the time, the place and the cause of thier father's death until1 the authors met them. Unfortunately, Mr. Zhu's wife has already been dead without knowing self husband's last moment, in April 1992. Mr. Zhu Zao-huo is a victim not only of the Atomic Bomb by USA but also of Japanese Imperialism.

著者

ダニエル セイツ 松尾 雅嗣

出版者

広島大学

雑誌

広島平和科学 (ISSN:03863565)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, pp.273-302, 1998

著者

松尾 雅嗣 谷 整二

出版者

広島大学平和科学研究センター

雑誌

広島平和科学 (ISSN:03863565)

巻号頁・発行日

no.30, pp.1-25, 2008

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The present paper is a sequel to our previous one entitled "Rivers and Bridges as First Places of Refugee at the Time of the Atomic Bombing of Hiroshima." Both in the previous and present papers, it is our belief that despite the vast research material and literature accumulated on the human damages and sufferings caused by the Atomic bombing on Hiroshima., there are a few missing pieces in the whole picture of the totality of the damages and sufferings. One such piece is the behavior of the sufferers on the day of the bombing before they arrived at some first aid station, relief station or hospital, or before they died. We know little about how they reached such places.In the previous paper, first we showed that rivers and bridges were first places of refuge for many people. And secondly, we explored how they fled, or failed to flee, to rivers and bridges just after the atomic bomb explosion, and extracted four typical patterns of behavior: failure, exhaustion, sojourn, and success.In the present paper, relying on the same data and method as before, we begin where the previous one ended, and examine how people crossed (or failed to cross) a river or a bridge after they arrived there.The examination shows that the refugees who managed to arrive at a river or a bridge were faced with two major options. They could try either to cross the river, or the bridge. In the former case, they could try to walk or swim across the river, or to cross it by a boat. In addition, they might choose to stay where they were for various reasons, or they might take refugee in the river water, especially from the approaching fire.In all these choices, we find cases both of failure and success. But, we also find cases where refugees dissuaded themselves from trying to cross the river or bridge, presumably at the sight of so many tragic failures.Ours is an attempt at shedding some new light on the hitherto unexplored aspect of the human damages and suffering caused by the atomic bombing on Hiroshima.