著者

原 寿雄

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

新聞学評論 (ISSN:04886550)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, pp.112-114, 1984-06-01 (Released:2017-10-06)

著者

池田 謙一

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

新聞学評論 (ISSN:04886550)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, pp.25-49,323-322, 1988

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The comeback of the concept of the "powerful mass media" in The 1970's has not been based on an extensive criticism of the "limited effect model". The logic of the active audience implied in the latter effect model hat not been defeated or denied by this new wave. At the same time, the logic of audience passivity in the former concept cannot be retained fully if we examine why we should take "contingency conditions" into consideration. Views of powerfully effective mass media should be reconcilable with the active audience concept. In order to discuss this possibility of reconcilability, the author introduces the viewpoint of "information behavior". This viewpoint argues that, while we should investigate the characteristics of media information, and examine the process in which this is generated, we should also emphasize the audience's active information-processing. In this paper, the author especially examines from this standpoint the logic of audience motivation on the cognitive-psychological level, for the logic of motivation has occupied a key position in the "limited effect theories" and "use and gratification studies", but this position has not been based on any clear and general logic. Regarding the auditor as an active information-processor implies that he is constantly motivated to predict the future and the outcomes of alternatives in advance depending on his mental simulation ability. And in order to do that, in other words, to make this "expectancy" successfully, he actively selects and interprets information from his outer world. The second basic characteristic of human activities is that any activity, whether it is actual behavior or mental simulation, is more or less centrolled by three standards, i.e. causal appropriateness, needs suitability, and executability. Based on the arguments above, the hypothesis of selective exposure to information was examined. The auditor is not just one who seeks only cognitively consistent information, but also is an active information seeker who is motivated by firm belief, even if he is urged to expose himself to dissonant information. Our hypothesis is that this firm belief is formed by the three selection standards mentioned above, that is, selective exposure to and selective reliance on any information is performed in accordance with these standards. We have much supportive evidence already. We should also recognize that there exists "non-active" selectivity stemming from objective availability of media information or from non-intentional information-processing proclivities of the audience. Next, we have examined the logic of "use and gratification studies" from the same viewpoint, after proposing a new typology of information needs. Gratification behavior to satisfy any information need is controlled by expectancies generated by contents provided by the media. But ironically enough, this very active behavior to gratify promotes media or program dependence. This is a paradox in which audience active behayior leads to media or program dependency, and which is consistent with the contention of "powerful mass media" concept.

著者

岡部 慶三

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

新聞学評論 (ISSN:04886550)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, pp.225-228, 1960-03-30 (Released:2017-10-06)

著者

岡村 黎明

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

新聞学評論 (ISSN:04886550)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.22, pp.34-46, 1973

著者

殿木 圭一

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

新聞学評論 (ISSN:04886550)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, pp.134-136, 1976-08-31 (Released:2017-10-06)

著者

後藤 嘉宏

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

新聞学評論 (ISSN:04886550)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, pp.1-13,195-196, 1987-04-30 (Released:2017-10-06)

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Voltaire has been generally regarded as an absolute defender of freedom of expression. But Peter Gay in his work "Voltaire's Politics"opposes this legendary image of Voltaire. I agree fundamentally with Gay's point of view bacause in "Traite sur la tolerance" Voltaire repeatedly insisted "Pas de tolerance pour les ennemies de tolerance (Never tolerate the enemies of toleration.)" In this context Voltaire can be seen as a situational defender of freedom of expression. Based on that suggestion of Gay's, I discussed Where Voltaire attempted to estabish the boundary between issues worthy of pubic discussion and those not worthy of public discussion. Further, I examined the tactical significance of Voltaire's relative idea of freedom of expression relating it to the historical situation in his day.'The enemies of toleration' in his "Traite sur la tolerance" were Catholics in authority. But French Catholics in those days were divided.The two most dominant sects were Jesuits and Jansenists. The former exerted influence on 'roi' (the court) and the latter on 'parlement'(court of justice). The court was further divided into two factions-the progressives who were on intimate terms with 'philosophes', and the conservatives who were influenced by Catholic authority. In other words, the political situation in France in the 18th cerltunry was char-acterized by critical divisions within the 'establishment'. Voltaire managed to avoid censorship by his use of rhetoric, which revealed and deepend such divisions within the establishment. I described his tactics, drawing on an example from "Traife sur la tolerance". What was intolerance for Voltaire? According to him, intolerance was caused by an insistence on a particular view of the world, specifically, the clergy regarding their particular or private view of the world as general imposed it on many people who did not have a chance to develop their own judgment. The clergy wasted their time on religious disputes, libels etc., issues not worthy of being discussed. So, Voltaire insisted that one should nerer tolerate the enemies of toleration. It is obvious from the above that Voltaire's idea of freedom of expression was not one of absolute freedom in as much as it denied freedom to libel or to conduct religious debates. But in the context of the censorship situation at the time, this idea of incomplete freedom of expression was extremely effective tactically because, according to the censorship policy of those days, which was more tolerant to books than to newspapers or pamphlets, Catholics in authority should, at least in a nominal sense, be punished more frequenthy than "philosophes".

著者

山本 文雄

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

新聞学評論 (ISSN:04886550)

巻号頁・発行日

no.6, pp.17-32, 1957-01-30

著者

山田 晴通

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

新聞学評論 (ISSN:04886550)

巻号頁・発行日

no.38, pp.138-151, 271-272, 1989-04-30

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Japan Cable Television, or JCTV, is a licensed CATV operator under the Japanese Cable Television Law, enacted in 1974. It is rather unique in that it, alone among cable television operators, is permitted to lease its cable network from Nippon Telegraph & Telephone Corporation ( NTT ); the ministry of Posts & Telecommunications ( MPT ) generally requires cable operators to own their own networks, although the law does not make such a stipulation. Such freedom from vast capital investment is one of the major factors becind JCTV's success. JCTV was established in 1971, funded mainly by the Asahi Shimbun group, in order to supply an EngliSh-language channel to closed circuit systems of Tokyo's most prestigious hotels. At that time it was practically impossible for various regulatory reasons to build a new cable network, especially in Tokyo ; leasing its cables from NTT made JCTV viable. In 1974 JCTV embarked upon a new venture, so-called "mansion network" broadcasts to individual Tokyo subrcribers. Due to the high montyly charge, however, this service was mainly limited to foreign businesses. While JCTV charged its subscribers \3,000 per month, subscribers were forced to pay an average of \100,000 monthly to NTT to maintain their line. Even with such exorbitant fees, JCTV managed to gain 5,000 new subscribers by the mid 198O's. In 1982 JCTV formed a partnership with Turner Broadcasting System (TBS) of Atlanta, Georgia (USA) and began a systematic program exchange. A direct satellite link established in 1984 not only added proglams from CNN (Cable News Network) to JCTV programming but allowed JCTV to supply CNN 24 hours a day as an alternative service available on subscribers' request. In addition, JCTV produced a Japanese version of "Daywatch" and similar programming for Asahi National Broad-casting Company, Ltd. (ANB), one of the four nation-wide private TV network orgenizers in Japan and a major JCTV shareholder. ANB, in turn, began selling these programs to its local network operators.

著者

岡本 幸雄

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

新聞学評論 (ISSN:04886550)

巻号頁・発行日

no.19, pp.153-155, 1970-05-01

著者

青木 彰 斎藤 平 柄澤 行男 林 茂樹 多喜 弘次 小林 宏一 生田 正輝 新川 達郎

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

新聞学評論 (ISSN:04886550)

巻号頁・発行日

no.38, pp.165-176, 1989-04-30

著者

柳沢 伸司

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

新聞学評論 (ISSN:04886550)

巻号頁・発行日

no.37, pp.131-141, 316, 1988-04-30

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Sweden Passed the Freedom of the Press Act in 1766. It was decided that this Act should be a fundmental law of the constitutional state. This law (1)prohibited censorship, with the exception of theological publications, and (2)allowed free publication of official documents. This Act gave rise to open ,discussion in publications and pamphlets which was without precedent in Sweden. King Gustav III, however, seized power in 1772, and in the confusion of the "riksdag", he struck some sections off, especially the items providing public access to official documents. In 1812, the principles of the freedom of the press and public access to official documents were laid down in a new Freedom of the Press Act. Today in Sweden the freedom of the press is a fundamental right established by the Constitution. Sweden enacted the first Freedom of the Press Act in the world. This period from 1718 to 1772 is called the Age of Freedom (Frihetstiden). In the Age of Freedom the King's authority was restricted, consequently the "riksdag" had power. In this "riksdag" the reins of government were taken up between two political parties, the Hat party (Hattpartiet) and the Cap party (Mossapartiet). A number of people argued about the freedom of the press and censorship. Not only Anders Nordencrantz, who was an upholder of the Caps, but Nils Oelreich, who was the last censor and a supporter of the Hats, criticized the government for having censorship, and claimed the freedom of the press. Nordencrantz lived in England in his younger days and many of his ideas were influenced by contemporary English ideas. He was a representative in the burgher estate of the "riksdag". The Caps came to power in l765, and wanted to bar the censor. Anders Cydenius, the clergyman-riksdagsman, demanded freedom of the press. The Press Act of 1766 was more radical than most of the debaters had contemplated. In this paper I have summarized the history of Swedish journalism with regard to the legislative process of the Freedom of the Press Act which was promulgated in 1766.

著者

日比野 伝輔 依田 掌 篠原 俊行 田村 紀雄 石川 旺

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

新聞学評論 (ISSN:04886550)

巻号頁・発行日

no.34, pp.157-160, 1985-03-31

著者

上村 忠

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

新聞学評論 (ISSN:04886550)

巻号頁・発行日

no.35, pp.p156-165, 1986-03

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From 1984 to 1985 twe new theses appeared in the field of advertising and marketing journalism in Japan. One is "Bunshu-shoshu-ron"(theory of diverse and divided masses) which insists that the mass market has now dissapeared because of the multiplication and individualization of the Japanese consumers' preferenses. The other is called "TV-banare-ron"(assertion that the TV watching rete is decreasing) which claims that the effects of TV advertisments have waned because of a decrease in the TV watching rate. In my opinion these two conception significantly affect the gross amount of advertisements. In 1985 the growth rate of advertisement expenses in Japan was only 2.3% or the second to the worst in the post-war era. And the growth rate of TV-ad expenses was only 1.9% which is the worst since the beginning of commercial TV broadcasting (based on statistical data by Dentsu Inc.) Of course, we cannot assume that all these are caused by "Bunshu-shoshu-ron" or "TV-banare-ron", but at the sametime, we cannot deny the possibility that these assertions may have led to the underestimation of the effects of advertisemets. Being a researcher at a commercial broadcasting company, in this paper I have tried to make an empirical examination of "Bunshu-shoshu-ron" and "TV-banare-ron" in order to check their validity in the underestimation of the effects of advertisments. "Bunshu-shoshu-ron" is a qualitative analysis based on impressions or subjective judgements rather than a quantitative analysis. Using empirical data I made an analysis to test the assertion that there can be no more blockbusters in the already collapsed mass market. As a result of my analysis I believe that the above assertion can be refuted by the fact that many blockbusters are produced even in recent years, and many of them have more sales than those produced during the high economic growth era when the mass market is said have existed. For example, Minolta's α-7000 automatic camera and Tokyo Disney Land both accomplished 70 to 100 billion yen sales in a year. concerning other assertions of "Bunshu-shoshu-ron", I propose the corresponding objections. Concerning "TV-banare-ron", it is clear from Video Research and the Nielsen rating data that there is no trend toward a decreasing TV audience rate. Finally, I would like to criticize the general tendency for impression-based subjctivistic judgements, which are the characteristic of both theses.

著者

石川 弘義

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

新聞学評論 (ISSN:04886550)

巻号頁・発行日

no.17, pp.7-14, 1968-03-01

著者

杉山 あかし

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

新聞学評論 (ISSN:04886550)

巻号頁・発行日

no.38, pp.111-123, 273-274, 1989-04-30

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In communication between those whose social backgrounds are different, we can expect much misunderstanding because of the difference of background knowledge, background experience, vocabulary, mays to construct conversation, and so on. In those societies that contain different social groups. we must assume 'discommunication' -communication in which inteneded meanings are not transmitted- to be the prevailing mode of communication. The theme of this article is to speculate on the social consequences of the discommunicative social situation at the level of social structure. It we accept the fact that every society has some social cleavages and that despite the existence of such cleavages the society is still one society, not two or more, then we can suspect that the discommunicative social situation contributes to social unity. Usually, every social group has its own value system that supports its social activities. The value system may be constructed as a system of meanings, or a self-evident world. Discommunication will prevent each social group's self-evident world from having real contacts with others, which may give steadiness to the self-evident worlds, and which may permit the coexistence of different elements of society. Indeed, we can expect the variety of social groups to have their own value systems, but it would be false to presume that social groups can freely have their own as they like. A group's value system usually fits the group's position in the social structure, such as the division of labor. So we must assume a mechanism that makes for coincidence between people's value system and the socially reguired value system. For this purpose, in this article I propose an ecological model of the social distribution of knowledge that is the base of the value system. The model follows a logistic-curve diffusion model which is applicable to the discommunicative social situation. As an emergent property of such a situation, such coincidence may be achieved to certain extent. In this article, there are some additional references to other emergent properties relating to the discommunicative social situation. With them, as a whole, this article can be a step toward a social theory of discommunication.

著者

グジェスダル トール

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

新聞学評論 (ISSN:04886550)

巻号頁・発行日

no.5, pp.184-187, 1956-04-30

著者

大和田 能夫

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

新聞学評論 (ISSN:04886550)

巻号頁・発行日

no.4, pp.184-187, 1955-04-30

著者

佐々木 隆

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

新聞学評論 (ISSN:04886550)

巻号頁・発行日

no.36, pp.15-28,194-195, 1987-04-30

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In September 1896, Matsukata Masayoshi formed his 2nd cabinet as a coalition cabinet by the Satsuma clique and the Shimpo-to. Matsukata promised to amend the Press Regulasions by eliminating the articles of the prohibition and the suspension. But most han-clique statesmen opposed to the relaxation of the restriction on the press, they thought it would imperil the future of the ahn-clique. In the Matsukata Cabinet Kiyoura Keigo (the Minister for Justice) and Nomura Yasushi (the Minister for Communications) thought so. On November 9th the Nihon quoted the Niju-roku-seiki (a magazine published by Takahashi Kenzo, he was the Head Secretary of this cabinet) and blamed the Imperial Household Ministry for the corruption. Kiyoura and Nomura demanded to prohibit or suspend these papers and tried to destroy Matsukata's policy. They succeeded in prohibiting and suspending these papers, but it irritated the Shimpo-to and impelled Matsukata to make a concession for his friend party. Kiyoura's great effort resulted in promoting the relaxasation of the Press Regulations after all. In the 10th Session of the Imperial Diet, the articles of the prohibition and the suspension were eliminated.

著者

金戸 嘉七

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

新聞学評論 (ISSN:04886550)

巻号頁・発行日

no.6, pp.1-16, 1957-01-30

著者

近藤 貢

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

新聞学評論 (ISSN:04886550)

巻号頁・発行日

no.9, 1959-03