著者

橋本 敬造

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, pp.323-343, 1987-03-31

著者

莊 聲

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.88, pp.320-294, 2013-12-20

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Beginning from the Nurhaci era of Aisin Gurun 金國, Manchu people frequently used their own language to tell stories from the Chinese classics. In doing so they used several unique methods to narrate these Chinese tales, among which were included popular novels in the vernacular. Their priority was to make these stories easy to understand, not necessarily to produce strict translations. By the Hongtaiji era of Taizong 太宗, we can detect that the Manchus had acquired a considerable knowledge of Chinese military classics. However texts such as the Liutao 六韜 and Sanlue 三略 were read not out of military necessity, but for the purpose of general edification. The Manchus had also by this time also become very familiar with historical works such as the Tong jian 通鑒 and the Confucian classics (namely Sishu 四書), and the flourishing practice of reading such Chinese books ended up having a great influence on both politics and military practice. However the Manchus did not merely tell stories drawn from Chinese culture. For example among Han Chinese, when welcoming the new year, what most represented the new year was the Nian hua 年畫(a small poster or banner on which is painted various symbols of prosperity and good luck). Using the Di Jian Tu Shuo 帝鑒圖說 as reference book, and employing Han Chinese artisans, the Manchus made their own Nian hua. Furthermore when compiling the Tai zu Shi lu 太祖實錄圖(an illustrated record of the reign of emperor Taizu), Han Chinese artists were also much employed.

著者

荒井 健

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, pp.127-145, 1973-02-28

著者

古勝 隆一

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.85, pp.213-241, 2010-03-25

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The Suishu Jingji zhi and the Shitong are known as the most important and influential writings of historiography in the Sui-Tang period. Many genres of books on history appeared in medieval China, and we could say that Suishu Jinji-zhi and Shitong finally overviewed the total historical writings of pre-Sui period. Although two of them dealt with historical writings, their attitudes toward such writing were quite different. In this article, I would like to make clear that the Suishu Jingji-zhi paid much attention to pursuing the cultural origins of genres, on contrast the main concern of Liu Zhiji 劉知幾 in the Shitong was how to utilize the wide variety of genres in order to write his ideal official history.

著者

稻葉 穰

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.88, pp.402-359, 2013-12-20

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There is much obscurity in the history, especially the pre-modern history, of Kabul, the present capital of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan. In this paper, an attempt has been made to elucidate as much as possible the history of the city from ancient times up to the 18th century, by integrating the results of the researches on the literary sources, the analyses of archaeological materials, and numismatic studies. As a result, though still provisional, the following conclusions have been attained : 1) In eastern Afghanistan, the regional center shifted according to the politico-military setting among three historical cities, that is, Kābul, Kāpiśī, which was located at the archaeological site of Begram about 50 km by map to the north of Kābul, and Ghazni, which is located 140 km to the southwest of Kābul and flourished from the end of the 10th century as the royal capital of the Ghaznavid empire. 2) Those shifts of the politico-economic center of the region had been related to the geographical circumstances characterized by presumably limited agricultural production and enormously vigorous mercantile activities.

著者

吉川 忠夫

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, pp.115-277, 1992-03-31

著者

永田 英正

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, pp.157-196, 1970-03-31

著者

檀上 寛

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, pp.499-524, 1986-03-31

著者

矢木 毅

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.70, pp.291-327, 1998-03-27

著者

山田 慶兒

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, pp.99-134, 1975-12-10

著者

室寺 義仁

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.88, pp.442-423, 2013-12-20

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In the cultural sphere of the Pāli canons the three sutta-phrases that have been transmitted are "all compounded things are impermanent" (Pāli : sabbe sankhārā aniccā), "all compounded things are suffering" (sabbe sankhārā dukhā), and "all dhammas are without a self" (sabbe dhammā anattā), which originate from the words of the Buddha (see the Dhammapada, vv. 277-279 in the Chap. XX 'magga'). As is known from the appearance of these three phrases among the sayings of Aññā-Kondañña (see the Theragāthā, vv. 676-678), who would become the Buddha's first disciples at the time of his first sermon, the Pāli transmission of the three phrases has been believed to the present to possess the three marks (tilakkhana) of the Buddha's teaching for those following his path. On the contrary, in the Chinese linguistic cultural sphere the three phrases "all conditioned things are impermanent" (Skt. : sarvasam skārā anityā), "all dharmas are without a self" (sarvadharmā anātmānah), and "nirvān a is peace" (śāntamnirvānam) have their source in the Buddha's words and are sūtra-phrases used by the Buddha's disciples led by Ānanda soon after his parinirvān a as part of a new trend of thought from "all is suffering" to "nirvān a is peace" (see the Sam yuktāgama, No. 262). These three phrases were fixed during the first period of translation in China of the Āgamas and the Sarvāstivādin Ābhidharmic literature from around the end of the 3rd century to the first half of the 4th century. Concerning the term 三法印, the original Sanskrit is, as far as we know, a newly coined word, dharmamudrā trilaks an ā, used by the Buddhist poet Mātr cet a to poetically evoke non-self, momentariness, and peace in the first verse of the sixth chapter Avivādastava of the Varm ārhan astotra in about the 2nd century.

著者

曾布川 寛

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, pp.355-462, 1986-03-31

著者

梅原 郁

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, pp.217-268, 1984-03-15

著者

山田 慶兒

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, pp.73-158, 1988-03-31

著者

淺原 達郎

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.85, pp.764-764, 2010-03-25

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Two oracle bones in the collection of our insitute, no. 2384 and no. 2370, can be rejoined together.

著者

稻葉 穰

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, pp.200-252, 1994-01-31

著者

二宮 文子

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.87, pp.412-393, 2012-12-10

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In the 13th century, the northwestern area of South Asia was situated between the two strong powers of the Mongols and the Delhi Sultanate. There were many small groups in that area trying to secure their autonomy as much as possible. This article deals with one of those small groups called Qarlugs. The first leader of the group is Sayf al-Din Hasan Qarlug, who was appointed by Khwarazmshah Jalal al-Din as a ruler of Ghazna, Kurraman and Bannu in 1224. Due to Mongol pressure, he was compelled to move toward Multan, though he kept occupying Bannu, situated on the route from Ghazna to Multan. Though they had been controlled by Mongols through shahna (armed tax collectors), Sayf al-Din's son and successor, Nasir al-Din Muh ammad Qarlug, tried to tie a matrimonial relationship with Giyat al-Din Balaban in Delhi. In the consequence, envoys were exchanged between Balaban and Hulagu Khan of the Il-khanate, in 1260. In the end, Nasir al-Din Muhammad was killed by Hulagu Khan based on an accusation of Sams al-Din Kurt, a semi-independent ruler based in Herat. Sams al-Din Kurt's aim seems to have been to remove an obstacle against his expansion towards the southern part of Salt Range and Sind province. Through the history of the Qarlug, s, we can see how Mongol rule and/or geographical conditions affected the activities of small powers in the northwestern area of South Asia.

著者

林 巳奈夫

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, pp.1-63, 1971-03-30

著者

宇佐美 文理

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.69, pp.205-245, 1997-03-31

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p.207, p.214, p.217は図版のため公開していません

著者

宮宅 潔

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.87, pp.1-52, 2012-12-10

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In the bamboo manuscripts unearthed from the Zhangjiashan 張家山 Han tomb, the term geng 更 denotes the work shift of state laborers. For instance, wu geng 五更(five geng) means engaging in official labor in five shifts, and geng liqie更隷妾 means a female penal laborer who worked by rotation. The antonym of geng is rong 冗, which means being engaged in a specific official task at frequent but irregular intervals, outside of the rotation system. Interestingly, the Zhangjiashan bamboo strips tell us that not only short-term state laborers drawn among the common population but also lower officials (scribes 史, diviners of scapulimancy 卜, oracles 祝, etc.), and elder officials attended to their work by rotation. According to the Shuihudi 睡虎地bamboo strips, the head of a low-level department in a county (xian 縣) office of the Qin empire was called sefu 嗇夫. Under the sefu, there were subordinates, the zuo佐and shi 史. In the Shuihudi materials, we find the phrase, zuo shi rong zhe佐史冗者(zuo and shi who worked outside of the rotation system). It follows that some public servants at the zuo/shi level were on duty by rotation and worked only several months per year. On the other hand, there is no indication that officials at levels higher than sefu worked by rotation. Most sefu were paid 100 bushels (bai dan 百石) annually or more. Officials at this level were called youzhi 有秩. One salary grade below youzhi was doushi 斗食, which appears as a specific standard of annual reward in the salary scale of the Latter Han dynasty in Hou Hanshu 後漢書. However, this was originally a category of daily food supply for state laborers, and meant to receive one dou 斗 of grain each day. It is, therefore, supposed that official servants at the doushi rank were rewarded according to the number of days on duty in earlier times, but came to receive a fixed annual salary by the second half of the Former Han at the latest. By contrast, youzhi officials had already received a fixed amount of annual salary, which the word zhi 秩 originally meant, during 538 the Qin. The above facts indicate that in the era of the Shuihudi and Zhangjiashan strips, some public servants at the zou/shi level attended to their work by rotation, and were paid according to the number of days on duty. In this respect, they were not substantially different from state laborers, or punitive laborers, even though the amount of daily pay each received, and other working conditions were not the same. Yet essential differences existed between youzhi and doushi. Officials at the rank of doushi or below had characteristics between those of guan 官(public servants) and min 民(commoners). Over time, doushi became a specific rank of annual salary, included into the category of youzhi. At the same time, evidence suggesting that zou/shi officials worked by rotation disappeared from historical sources. We can thus say that the bottom of bureaucratic hierarchy fluctuated over time, and the lowest class of official servants were formed through incorporating state laborers into the sphere of bureaucrats. In this sense, there was not a deep gap between guan and min, as both sides were linked with each other in a series of gradations.