著者
小南 一郎
出版者
京都大學人文科學研究所
雑誌
東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.71, pp.1-68, 1999-03-26

5 0 0 0 OA 漢學の成立

著者
井上 進
出版者
京都大學人文科學研究所
雑誌
東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.61, pp.223-319, 1989-03-31
著者
宮 紀子
出版者
京都大學人文科學研究所
雑誌
東方学報 = Journal of Oriental studies (ISSN:03042448)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.91, pp.450-309, 2016-12

This paper is translation and annotation on 1280's edict "which prohibited for sarta'ul (Muslims and Jews) to slaughter sheep by slitting the throat and to perform the sunnat (circumcision) 禁囘囘抹殺羊做速納" preserved in Yuan dian-chang (57, f. 11a9-f. 11b10.). Reading various primary sources such as Yuan shi 元史, Jāmi'al-Tavārīkh, Il Milione in the original, make clear that promulgation of this edict caused by keen struggle for power and money between two parties ; one was the Muslims led by Ahhmad Fanākatī who was a minion and the Finance Minister of Qubilai-Qa'an 世祖, the other was composed of the high officials and Uighur merchants that were mostly Nestorian Christians and put their hopes on Prince Činkim. The ultimate purpose of this prohibitory decree was to interrupt the former business on a Eurasian scale. In order to slander Ahḥmad' party, it enumerated some instances ; Sufi's rebellions which happened at Bukhara (there were dependencies of Tolui's family.) in Central Asia and another cities under the Hulegu ulus, and Hulegud vizier's betrayals which held secret communication with the Mamluk or Joči's ulus adopting a slogan of Islamic state. It must be far from Qubilai's true intention. Actually, he repealed it as soon as Činkim was confined. The struggle of two parties continued after Qubilai's death. His grandson Ananda not 553 only entered into rivalry with Činkim's son Temur-Qa'an ����宗by exploiting this situation but also attempted to obtain the cooperation of Hulegud Gazan-Qan and Mongol princes of Central Asia for the purpose of becoming next Qa'an. Thus he pretended to be a Muslim. Besides, as supporting evidences for prompt and frequent exchange of information between Dai on yeke Mongγol ulus 大元大蒙古國 and Hulegu's ulus, I furnish some themes such as collecting Buddha's ashes and it' welcome ceremonies, producing Mappa mundi (world map) and Rāh-nāmah (portolano), manufacturing portraits of Mongol royal families and planning capitals. Then I reconsider about the context of many manuscripts of "History of Mongol" in the Jāmi'al-Tavārīkh can be classified into two main groups from miniature painting's angle. Finally I point out a serious scandal that may be one of the causes of discord between Qubilai and Činkim, that is to say, Ayurbarwada-Qa'an 仁宗 was not Qubilai's great-grandson but was his love child.
著者
植松 正
出版者
京都大學人文科學研究所
雑誌
東方学報 = Journal of Oriental studies (ISSN:03042448)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.90, pp.49-89, 2015-12

First the author discuss three imperial missions to Japan including Buddhist monks of Pu-tuo-shan 陀山island, such as Ru-zhi 如智with Wang Jun-zhi 王君治1283, Wang Jiweng 王積翁 with Ru-zhi 1284, and Yi-shan-yi-ning 一山一寧 1299. Through the ill success of the second military expedition, Qubilai changed the form of the diplomatic note to send to Japan. We cannot find any menacing reference to possibility of the military aggression against Japan. He expected the civilized background of Buddhism, dispatched a superior monk as a envoy, and tried to persuade Japanese government to dispatch the envoy to the Yuan dynasty. Hereafter the imperial diplomatic note became a kind of a letter of credence. Secondly the author discuss the note from the king of Goryeo. The aim of the note was that Japanese king would dispatch the envoy to the Yuan dynasty. The note has been quoted in The History of Goryeo 高麗 and two manuscripts preserved in Kanesawa-bunko 金澤文庫 or Shōmyōji 稱名寺 temple in Japan. Although both texts should be exactly same, there are considerable differences of the words. Examining two texts, the author found the intentional avoidance about the expression suggesting the downfall of Japan. Besides, there are some places renewed by the expression to promote amity with Goryeo specifically in the text of Kanesawa-bunko. I consider that Gim Yuseong金有成, the envoy from Goryeo, had tampered with the words of the note in order to break the confronting difficult situation.
著者
外村 中
出版者
京都大學人文科學研究所
雑誌
東方学報 = Journal of Oriental studies (ISSN:03042448)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.95, pp.580-524, 2020-12

Regarding the chronology of Early Buddhism, many researchers have been discussing which to take, the "long" or the "short" chronology, in order to pinpoint the year of Śākyamuni's death. In this article, the author advocates the possibility to accept both chronologies, because they were apparently based on and developed from the same original information. It appears that the history of "118 years" after the death of Śākyamuni was intentionally extended to that of "236 (=118 x 2) years" in the long chronology, and that in it the year of Aśoka's accession was accordingly set as the 219th year, when "218 (=118+100) years" had elapsed. This point seems to have been overlooked in previous studies, but should be taken into account. (1) The year of Aśoka's accession is around 268 BCE. (2) The year of Kanishka's accession, or the 1st year of a Kusāna century, is around 127 CE. (3) Xuanzang's narrative about King Kanishka is reliable. If these three points can be accepted, the above "236 (=118 x 2) years" theory should be adopted as the most likely explanation. As a result, the chronology can be read as following : The year of Śākyamuni's death is around 368 BCE. The date of his death is the autumnal equinox day, the 22nd day of the eighth month of the year in the Indian calendar. Around 268 BCE, the 101st year, when "100 years" had elapsed since Śākyamuni's death, Aśoka acceded to the throne. In the same year, Mahādeva started five modifications of the Buddhist teachings. Around 258 BCE, the 111th year, when "110 years" had elapsed, a group of monks in Vaishālī started ten unlawful matters. Around 252 BCE, the 117th year, when "116 years" had elapsed, the fundamental schism took place. The original Buddhist group was split into two, the Sthaviravāda and the Mahāsāmghika schools. Around 250 BCE, the 119th year, when "118 years" had elapsed, Mahinda arrived in Sri Lanka and introduced Buddhism. In the same year, the Vibhajyavāda school separated from the Sthaviravāda school.
著者
濱野 亮介
出版者
京都大學人文科學研究所
雑誌
東方学報 = Journal of Oriental studies (ISSN:03042448)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.91, pp.73-100, 2016-12

This paper considers the religious ritual system called the Jili (祭厲) system founded in the early Ming dynasty, and its relationship with Buddhist rituals conducted at Jiangshan (蔣山). Both were rituals conducted for neglected spirits, and were developed and performed from 1368 to 1372. The Jili (祭厲) invoked the content of the Daoist Huang lu zhai (黃籙齋), removing the Daoist priest and taking on the structure of being managed by the Chenghuang shen (城隍神) at the request of regional government officials. The ritual was carried out three times, in 1368, 1369, and 1372. The ritual of 1372 was the largest, and the idea that rituals had already been performed for the neglected spirits at the time of the previous two occasions can be detected. Ming dynasty religious policy was that the Jili (祭厲) was the most fundamental ritual, and institutionalized it as a matter of state policy for regular and nationwide practice. Provisional rituals were conducted in place of it until it could be fully established. After the Jili (祭厲) was established, it was conducted in 1372 as a compilation of the rituals for neglected spirits.
著者
安岡 孝一
出版者
京都大學人文科學研究所
雑誌
東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.83, pp.349-360, 2008-09-25

This is a report of the proceedings of the research seminar "Constructing Kanji (漢字) Informatics", which was held from 2004 to 2008, coordinated by Yasuoka Koichi. The seminar started out with considering a hierarchical model for representing digital text using a model consisting of four layers as follows : image layer, text layer, syntax layer and semantic layer. To better understand the relationship of the image and text layer, we spent some time analyzing and trying to understand the rules for vertical layout of complex text in Japanese and other East Asian languages, including the handling of pronounciation guides (so called 'ruby') The next step was to invert the direction and try to identify characters on the image representation of a text, in the same way an optical character recognition program procededes. This turned out to be not so easy, especially with stone rubbings that exhibit a irregular layout of the characters, but worked reasonably well for characters in a regular grid. In moving to the syntactic and semantic layer, the final topic for the seminar was to consider methods for adding punctuation marks (dots) to a Chinese text without any punctuation. After trying a number of different statistical approaches, like looking at characters that appear before or after punctuation dots in already punctuated texts, 2-grams, or even rhyme patterns it became evident that a purely statistical approach would not give the desired results, but that it was necessary to also to take grammatical relations into account. The most promising approach in this respect seemed to be use text with reading marks for kanbun, which do provide some basic grammatical annotation. It was therefore decided to devote a follow up seminar to the development of a corpus of kanbun annotated text that could be used as training and test material for morphological and syntactical parsers.
著者
古勝 隆一
出版者
京都大學人文科學研究所
雑誌
東方学報 (ISSN:03042448)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.85, pp.213-241, 2010-03

The Suishu Jingji zhi and the Shitong are known as the most important and influential writings of historiography in the Sui-Tang period. Many genres of books on history appeared in medieval China, and we could say that Suishu Jinji-zhi and Shitong finally overviewed the total historical writings of pre-Sui period. Although two of them dealt with historical writings, their attitudes toward such writing were quite different. In this article, I would like to make clear that the Suishu Jingji-zhi paid much attention to pursuing the cultural origins of genres, on contrast the main concern of Liu Zhiji 劉知幾 in the Shitong was how to utilize the wide variety of genres in order to write his ideal official history.
著者
安岡 孝一
出版者
京都大學人文科學研究所
雑誌
東方学報 (ISSN:03042448)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.85, pp.542-533, 2010-03

[ササ]" has been regarded as a "wrong" character by MJJ (Ministry of Justice Japan). It is excluded from the Unified Character Set for Family's Registers 戸籍統一文字) in Japan, and from the computer character sets such as JIS X 0213 or Unicode. In September, 2009, MBS (Mainichi Broadcast Station) reported about a family, whose family name had been "[ササ]山" and was changed into "密山" by MJJ. MJJ has been trying to exclude "wrong" characters from Family's Registers, correcting them into "right" characters. MJJ considered "[ササ]" as a "wrong" character and corrected it into "密" . MBS contacted CIEAS (Center for Informatics in East Asian Studies, Institute for Research in Humanities, Kyoto University) about the character "[ササ]", and the author, a faculty member of CIEAS, was interviewed. In fact "[ササ]" is less common nowadays. Thus the author, also a member of JIS committee, did not include "[ササ]" in JIS X 0213, since JIS X 0213 should include characters that are common in Japan. However, "[ササ]" was used more frequently in the Kamakura period and appeared in old Japanese dictionaries. "[ササ]" is a rarely-used character but not a "wrong" one. As a result MJJ withdrew their decision about "[ササ]" and re-corrected the family name into "[ササ]山". But MJJ is still trying to exclude other "wrong" characters from Family's Registers even now.
著者
二宮 文子
出版者
京都大學人文科學研究所
雑誌
東方学報 (ISSN:03042448)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.87, pp.412-393, 2012-12

In the 13th century, the northwestern area of South Asia was situated between the two strong powers of the Mongols and the Delhi Sultanate. There were many small groups in that area trying to secure their autonomy as much as possible. This article deals with one of those small groups called Qarlugs. The first leader of the group is Sayf al-Din Hasan Qarlug, who was appointed by Khwarazmshah Jalal al-Din as a ruler of Ghazna, Kurraman and Bannu in 1224. Due to Mongol pressure, he was compelled to move toward Multan, though he kept occupying Bannu, situated on the route from Ghazna to Multan. Though they had been controlled by Mongols through shahna (armed tax collectors), Sayf al-Din's son and successor, Nasir al-Din Muh ammad Qarlug, tried to tie a matrimonial relationship with Giyat al-Din Balaban in Delhi. In the consequence, envoys were exchanged between Balaban and Hulagu Khan of the Il-khanate, in 1260. In the end, Nasir al-Din Muhammad was killed by Hulagu Khan based on an accusation of Sams al-Din Kurt, a semi-independent ruler based in Herat. Sams al-Din Kurt's aim seems to have been to remove an obstacle against his expansion towards the southern part of Salt Range and Sind province. Through the history of the Qarlug, s, we can see how Mongol rule and/or geographical conditions affected the activities of small powers in the northwestern area of South Asia.
著者
冨谷 至
出版者
京都大學人文科學研究所
雑誌
東方学報 = Journal of Oriental studies (ISSN:03042448)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.88, pp.1-79, 2013-12

During one millennium, from the inception of the Han Statutes (漢律) in the 3rd century BC until the establishment of the Tang Criminal Code (唐律) in the 8th century AD, Chinese codified law changed and developed towards a combination of criminal code (律) and administrative statutes (令). Judged by any criteria within the period in question, this was a considerable achievement.Yet despite being a precocious feat, what sort of resource did the Tang code effectively offer in actual cases of legal judgment? The Code's article on 'judgments and prison sentences' stipulates : "All criminal sentences must cite a formal provision from the Code, Statutes, Regulations, or Ordinances." However, scholars have hitherto found no evidence to verify this requirement in the historical sources of the Tang period. On the other hand, a mass of historical and archeological data from the Han period is available to prove that the demand to cite relevant Han statutes was regularly observed. I argue that these divergent Han and Tang practices arose out of extremely different character and conceptions of law in the two periods. My analysis considers four factors : 1). the changing relationship between the Confucian canon and legal codifications ; 2). the enduring consideration of individual mitigating factors in the application of code articles ; 3). the historical ascent of new social conditions through which to constitute crimes ; 4). the appearance of new ordinances 格 to guide actual practices concerning judgement. I conclude that during this period the concepts underlying the various processes of legal codification developed from what I have called Han norms of adjudication into Tang norms of conduct. This conceptual shift had important implication for the practical business of interpreting and applying the law during the formative period of Chinese imperial government.