著者

津田 左右吉

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.14, no.3, pp.356, 1924-12

著者

岩田 和馬

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.1, pp.031-038, 2019-06

著者

北川 香子

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.1, pp.01-029, 2019-06

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This article is an attempt to clarify the way in which Princess Malika (1872-1951), the daughter of Cambodia King Norodom (r.1860-1904), managed the household of the “Yukanthor Family” and brought up her children, based on the documents related to the Princess. Prince Yukanthor (1860-1934) is a Cambodian historical hero, known for his resistance to the French colonial regime, resulting in his exile, with such honors as a high school and a street named after him in the city of Phnom Penh, while Princess Malika is well-known for such achievements as the establishment of the first school for young women (École Malika) and the compilation and publication of works of Cambodian classical literature (the story of Kaki) and history textbooks. Moreover, their daughter, Princess Pengpas (1893-1969), served as the minister of education under the post-independence monarchy. However, despite such activity and fame, these two women have yet to be the subjects of any serious research; and not for any lack of source materials, for the National Archives in Phnom Penh presently holds at least 13 folders, containing several hundred individual documents, related to the “Yukanthor Family,” which consisted solely of the Princess Malika and her children, who lived in Cambodia after the exile of Prince Yukanthor and his death. The collection records over forty years of the family’s struggle to improve its living conditions through continual petitions to the authorities and replies issued by both the Cambodian and French colonial powers that be.In the process we find, for example, the Princess’ ideas about educating her children, providing them with the highest levels of education possible, including French lessons, regardless of their gender. In more general terms, the Princess, perceiving that the Khmer including herself were powerless than the French, set out to remedy the situation through the introduction of modern education into Cambodia. For her, the barrier between innately privileged royalty and its commoner subjects was even more unsurmountable. From a debate involving a comparison between “Khmer law” and “the laws of other countries,” we discover her perception of Cambodian traditions being equal in worth to those of any other nation, including France. It seems to be these kinds of ideas that greatly influence the process of administering education in post-independence Cambodia.

著者

森 巧

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.1, pp.1-30, 2019-06

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The present article examines how the Republic of China (Zhonghua Minguo 中華民國; ROC) attempted to reform its foreign affairs sector under its plan to counterattack the mainland during the 1950s, in order to discover the background against which the ROC regime became internationally isolated from the 1970s on. One important factor cited by the research to date as to why the ROC government under the leadership of Chiang Kai-shek was able to represent China on the world scene was the political acumen of the ROC diplomatic corps which continued to serve the regime since its mainland days. Then, as the ROC’s foreign policy tended more and more to stress the One China principle (hanzei buliangli 漢賊不兩立), the influence of those diplomats in policy-making waned, leading to the ROC’s international isolation.Here, the author challenges such an argument by the tracing the process in which the intervention of the Kuomintang Party and the military expanded in foreign affairs within reforms conducted throughout the foreign policy establishment during the 1950s under the implementation of the “Recover Mainland China Plan,” surmising that those reforms were part of a bolstering of what had been loosely termed the area of “oversea struggle affairs” (haiwai gongzuo 海外工作). Given such a state of affairs, the author takes up the specific case of the setting up of the Liaison Committee for Overseas Struggle Affairs (Haiwaiduifei Douzhenggongzuo Tongyizhidao Weiyuanhui 海外對匪闘争工作統一指導委員會) under the reforms.Based the idea of a “united front,” which predated the first Taiwan Strait crisis of 1954-55, oversea struggle affairs were continuously expanded during the post-crisis years aiming at counterattacking the mainland. The Overseas Struggle Operations Team (Haiwai Gongzuo Zhidao Xiaozu 海外工作指導小組) set up around the Kuomintang in 1953 and the Liaison Committee set up in 1957 by military intelligence both formed the leadership in oversea struggle affairs, through which the Kuomintang and the military continued to intervene in diplomatic affairs during the post-crisis era, even after the second Taiwan Strait crisis of 1958. The author’s analysis shows that such intervention, which resulted in two phases of institutional reforms, expanded under the guise of conducting oversea struggle affairs aiming at counterattacking the mainland. Then from the 1960s on, similar intervention by other agencies caused a weakening of the position of professional diplomats in international affairs, leading to the ROC’s political isolation from the world scene during the 1970s.

著者

山本 英史

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.2, pp.31-32, 2019-09

著者

松田 孝一

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.68, no.3・4, pp.219-247, 1987-03

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The Ho-nan Huai-pei Mongol army 河南淮北蒙古軍 was one of the main Yüan armies. According to chüan 86 of the Yüan-shi 元史, which contains details pertaining to all of the Yüan armies, it consisted of four units of 10,000 soldiers and two additional units of 1,000 soldiers. Hsiao Ch’i-ch’ing 蕭啓慶 has already pointed out that the army was one of the Mongol armies concentrated in the Yellow River valley to separate the capital ta-tu 大都 from the southern region. My concern in this article is with the formation of the Ho-nan Huai-pei Mongol army and its activities under Mongol rule.There were two groups of army commanders. One group belonged to a family of Ta’achar from the Hü'üshin tribe, the other belonged to a family of Temütei from the Jalair tribe. Ta’achar and Temütei commanded armies at the campaign against the Chin 金 from 1231 to 1234 in the reign of Ögetei Qa’an. After the conquest Ta’achar built his base at Wen-hsi circuit 聞喜縣 to guard the region along the Yellow River between P’u Tsao 濮曹 and T’ung-kuan 潼關. The army of Ta’achar became one of the so-called Tammachi armies which was stationed in the frontier regions.The earliest record that lists the organization of the army into four units of 10,000 soldiers is dated at 1252. Two of the units were almost entirely made up of Han chinese soldiers 漢軍. The organization seems to have been formed after the conquest of the Chin, incorporating Han chinese.After the conquest of the Southern Sung, the new headquarters of the army was constructed south of Lung-men 龍門. Soldiers of the army were regularity stationed in the Chiang-nan 江南 and Kan-su 甘粛 regions. The army was also often temporarily dispatched to areas far from the bases along the Yellow River (For examples: Annam 安南 and north-western Mongolia). Although soldiers of the army gradually became impoverished due to such excessive military operations, the organization of the army remained in existence till 1350’s.

著者

永田 雄三

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.2, pp.01-010(257~266), 1970-09

著者

永田 雄三

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.3・4, pp.01-012(489~500), 1971-03

著者

西田 龍雄

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.77, no.1・2, pp.035-044, 1995-10

著者

池内 宏

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, no.1, pp.1-48, 1926-10

著者

後藤 明

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.3・4, pp.363-365, 1978-03

著者

津田 左右吉

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2, no.1, pp.84-89, 1912-01

著者

久保 亮輔

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.3, pp.027-035, 2017-12

著者

徳永 佳晃

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.4, pp.01-026, 2019-03

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Scholars believe that Safavid Iran (1501–1722) and Mughal India (1526–1858) emphasized their friendly relations with each other and peace was established for many years. It is typical of their good relationship that their monarchs referred to each other in diplomatic correspondence as family members since the seventeenth century. However, detailed analyses of this diplomatic practice have not been conducted. Why did these two empires continue this practice over several generations? To investigate this practice, this study analyzed the usages of terms and expressions indicative of their fictive kinship between the Safavids and the Mughals in their diplomatic correspondence of the seventeenth century. The study particularly focused on correspondence about the Qandahar dispute, which was the biggest disagreement between these two empires. This study revealed the following three points. Firstly, Abbas I (r. 1587–1629) and Jahangir (r. 1605–1627), who experienced a military confrontation regarding Qandahar in 1622, justified their operations using the discourse of kinship, thereby preventing a total breakdown of diplomatic relations between the two empires. Secondly, when confronted by the Qandahar dispute, the heirs of these two monarchs followed this diplomatic practice in an attempt to lessen the negative influence of the Qandahar problem on theit relations, Thirdly, their fictive kinship was referred to in their correspondence with the intention of fixing the relationship, while diplomatic relations generally deteriorated in the second half of the century. In sum, to maintain friendly relations between Safavid Iran and Mughal India, the countries’ monarchs used terms of fictive kinship in their diplomatic correspondence. In addition, they each used that kinship discourse to request the other to accede to their political and diplomatic demands and to explain their military actions. In conclusion, the usages of terms of fictive kinship between these two imperial houses in their diplomatic correspondence over several generations reflect their diplomatic policies used to justified pursuit of their greatest interests while preventing full-scale confrontations.

著者

久村 因

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.2, pp.233-263, 1954-09

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Punishment by curtailing of personal liberty is said to have developed comparatively early in China. This essay, which investigates the circumstances of banishment applied by the Former Han to the feudal lords, reaches the following conclusions:1. The place of banishment was limited to the provinces of Shu 蜀 and Han-chung漢中. 2. As it was a punishment commuted by amnesty from sentence of death it was not a part of the general penal code of the Former Han dynasty.a. Additional punishments included demotion or fines.b. After judgment was given the person to be banished had the status of a free man, but this seems to have been with effect from the time of his reaching his place of banishment. Moreover, at the place of banishment he usually was prudent enough to keep behind closed doors.c. At the place of banishment, clothes, food and lodging were generally supplied by the district 縣 in which it was situated, while the sharing of the lodging appears usually to have been restricted to the children and their mother.d. After judgment had been given ordinary amnesties were not applicable.3. Thus when the abolished domains of the feudal lords were restored it was common, that the succession went to others than the real sons, which was exceptional to the law of succession under the Former Han.4. This custom ceased with the establishment of the Later Han dynasty.(Concerning the origin of this custom nothing can be said here because of lack of space)

著者

原 實

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.3・4, pp.384-398, 1980-03

著者

森川 哲雄

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, no.1・2, pp.99-129, 1983-01

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In the spring of 1675, Prince Burni, head of the Inner Mongolian Chakhar tribe, rose in arms against the Manchu Ch’ing Dynasty of China, which was then afflicted by a large-scale rebellion in the south started by the so-called Three Feudatories. Taking advantage of this situation, the prince, along with some other Inner Mongolian chiefs who cooperated with him, aimed at liberating his people from the Manchu yoke and bringing back the old glory of the Chakhar Khanate. Not surprisingly, official Ch’ing sources supply only scant information as to what caused this rebellion and how it developed. At that time, the Koreans of the Yi Dynasty Joseon Kingdom, with their barely-concealed anti-Manchu feelings, were keenly interested in the behavior of Burni and his father, Abunai, and information they gathered on the two princes was included in the Veritable Records of that dynasty, Yinjo Sillog. As the Korean source tells us, the Manchu-Chakhar discord originated in the days of Prince Abunai, who had fallen out with Shun-Chih and would not visit Peking even when the emperor died. After the death of Princess Makata, his first wife, Abunai married another woman without asking for permission from the Ch’ing court and ceased to attend the New Year’s celebrations in Peking after 1663 altogether. In 1669 Emperor K’ang-hsi had him arrested and detained at Shenyang, and granted the Chakhar Principality to his son Burni. Deeply offended by the treatment of his father, the young prince prepared for a rebellion while pretending to be loyal to the Ch’ing. Although it was easily suppressed in a short time, the rebellion of Burnj was one of the most politically significant incidents in seventeenth-century Inner Mongolia

著者

西田 龍雄

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.1, pp.01-014(153~166), 1969-06

著者

松尾 有里子

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.80, no.1, pp.103-110, 1998-06

著者

髙村 武幸

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.91, no.1, pp.1-34, 2009-06

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Within the study of the history of the Han Dynasty, a subject that relies on excavated historical sources, official documents constitute the main body of primary sources, particularly in the study of government administration. Correspondence, on the other hand, which exists in lesser quantity than official documents, has in the past been considered to be unrelated to administration and the legal system, and consequently, very little research has been done to date on the subject. However, as indicated in even some of the related research to date, there are examples of connections of correspondence to the activities of the government bureaucracy. Hence, this paper examines a selection of correspondence from the Juyan and the Dunhuang Han wooden documents (居延・敦煌漢簡) containing content related to the public sector and considers how correspondence should be placed within the stud of documents related to Han Dynasty administration.There is a surprisingly large and varied amount of correspondence related to many different aspects of public affairs. A survey of the correspondence reveals that documents known as guanji (官記) and fuji (府記), previously thought to be forms of official document, are in fact fundamentally forms of correspondence. It also becomes clear that there are missives that, despite having a correspondence format and style, performed the same function as public records submitted from higher to lower (下行) and lower to higher (上行) organizations. Thus, “official correspondence” was widely used in administrative settings, in the same manner as documents.In most instances, “official correspondence” was used to handle matters that had not yet reached the stage of official document production, or to deal with problematic matters that would be inappropriate for official documents. This correspondence was written in the simple, private writing style of the time and was used when there were matters that needed to be resolved in a “private or secret” fashion. By adroitly dividing their affairs between formal official declarations and private correspondence, Han Dynasty bureaucrats were able to nimbly and organically manage the administrative matters of state.The author concludes that research on this type of dual “document administration” should be turned to the content of government-related correspondence and how this body of documentation functioned, in order to gain a better understanding of the real state of Han Dynasty affairs. Furthermore, the viewpoint taken in this article will hopefully prove effective in studying the large body of correspondence found among the excavated materials related to the late Eastern Han, Wei and Jin Dynasties.