著者

箭内 亙

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, no.3, pp.389-395, 1911-10

著者

箭内 亙

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, no.2, pp.282-292, 1915-06

著者

箭内 亙

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, no.3, pp.368-412, 1916-10

著者

箭内 亙

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.1, pp.70-103, 1923-05

著者

箭内 亙

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, no.2, pp.282-292, 1915-06

著者

箭内 亙

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, no.3, pp.349-383, 1920-11

著者

箭内 亙

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, no.2, pp.185-221, 1920-06

著者

箭内 亙

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, no.3, pp.477, 1918-09

著者

箭内 亙

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, no.3, pp.414-424, 1921-09

著者

箭内 亙

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, no.1, pp.77-99, 1914-03

著者

村田 遼平

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.4, pp.31-60, 2019-03

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This article examines the background to the government’s operation of soup kitchens (zhouchang 粥廠) in Beijing in the late 19th century. During that time, especially in Beijing, soup kitchens deemed important in providing famine relief. It has already been pointed out in the research to date that soup kitchens in Beijing were frequently operated from the beginning of the 19th century in response to such urban problems as transients and wealth discrepancies between the rich and the poor. What seems to be lacking, however, is ascertaining the government’s overall logic regarding famine relief efforts and analysis of individual cases based on long-term trends. That is why the present article focuses on the case of soup kitchens temporarily operated during the 9th year of the Guangxu 光緖 Era (1883), based on documents written by Zhou Jiamei周家楣, then governor of Shuntian 順天 Prefecture, to examine the process of the project. Soup kitchens in Beijing during that time can be divided into three types: government-operated regular and provisional facilities, and private sector kitchens. Provisional kitchens would be set up near the gates of Beijing and in its suburbs. Then from the Tongzhi 同治 Era (1862–74) on, opening provisional kitchens became more and more frequent, with kitchens operating in both locations during the same year. In 1883, Shuntian Prefecture did not follow the locational formula for provisional soup kitchens, deciding rather to choose sites which did not overlap with existing ones. Moreover, the rule that provisional kitchens at the gates be located at the Inner-City gates was expanded to include kitchens at the Outer-City gates. The closure of the provisional facilities was implemented first in the suburbs, then at the gates, indicating that the Shuntian Prefecture government planned the operation of soup kitchens in and around Beijing Castle in holistic, organic terms. It was in this way that provisional soup kitchens were designed to serve transients in the region rather than the resident population of the suburbs, in response to changes occurring both in Qing Dynasty governance and social conditions during the latter part of the 19th century.

著者

髙村 武幸

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.3, pp.1-34, 2017-12

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This article examines the kinds of people who passed through Jianshui Jinguan 肩水金關, a Han period garrisoned checkpoint in the northwestern frontier region, in order to clarify the mobility of commoners and the actual relationship between frontier and interior commanderies (jun 郡), utilizing mainly the Han period bamboo slips unearthed at Jianshui Jinguan.Although carrying a passport (chuan 傳) was required when travelling during the Han Period, there were no strict institutional restrictions on long-distance travel, even in the case of commoners on the road for personal reasons. The author’s examination of the Han bamboo slips from Jianshui Jinguan reveals that not a few people from the interior commanderies passed through this checkpoint, a considerable number of whom had obtained passports for the purpose of “private commerce for family business,” and shows that many people were transporting goods from the interior to the frontier commanderies to sell and then returning with cash that had been originally sent as taxes from the interior commanderies. Thus, not only did frontier commanderies obtain from the interior goods that the state alone could not distribute in sufficient quantities, but they were also sending back money to the interior. Such transactions reveal one more link between the interior and frontier commanderies separate from the state-controlled distribution of goods between the two regions.That being said, the majority of the people of the interior commanderies did not directly traded their products with the frontier commanderies of Hexi 河西 and elsewhere, but chose either to stay at home to sell their wares locally, or to commission agents to carry and peddle them in the frontier commanderies. Therefore, most of the private-sector interaction between interior and frontier commanderies was in fact conducted by professional merchants and transport agents acting on behalf of commoners of the interior, passing through Jianshui Jinguan with passports obtained on the pretext of “private commerce for family business.” In the case of Hexi, the overwhelming majority of these agents were from the nearby commanderies of Henan 河南, where commerce had traditionally flourished. In other words, the actual interaction that occurred between the northwestern frontier commanderies, starting with the four commanderies of Hexi, and the interior commanderies was characterized by formal state-operated commodity distribution and military service, on the one hand, and by merchants and transport agents from the commanderies of Henan travelling to and from the interior and the frontier on behalf of clients.

著者

小山 皓一郎

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.3, pp.265-306, 1967-12

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Details of the life of Osman who gave his name to the Ottoman Dynasty are yet to be clarified. The author of this article attempts to make them clear through the re-examination of early Ottoman chronicles (mainly ‘Aşïkpaşazade Tarihi’ written in the second half of 15th century) with reference to the present researches on the subject. The author discusses and concludes as follows:Osman succeeded his father Ertuğrul as the head of a small band of nomads belonging to Kayï, a branch of Türkmen tribes. Osman was therefore first of all a nomad chief and there is no reason to regard his Kayï genealogy false.Soon after his succession towards the end of 13th century, Osman began to extend his territories around Söğüt at the expense of the Byzantine dominion in the north-western Anatolia. The expansion was not accomplished all at once but was proceeded by steps. Osman’s military movement against the Byzantine Empire might be largely divided in two stages. At first, his operations on the Byzantine frontiers remained within the scope of small conflicts or skirmishes with the neighbouring Christian Princes (‘tekfur-lar’ in Aşïkpaşazade Tarihi). At this stage, Osman’s followers consisted for the most part of Kayï tribesmen. But in the second stage, when the siege of Bursa and İznik (Nicaea) was undertaken, Osman’s operations against the Byzantine dominion grew in character into a systematic invasion and Osman began to appear more and more as a leader of a ghâzî organization which had almost constantly existed on the frontiers of the Moslem World. The ghâzîs (‘gazi-ler’ in Aşïkpaşazade Tarihi) under Osman’s leadership were marked by their nomadic elements (the elements of ‘Alp’ in Aşïkpaşazade Tarihi) and their passion for loot rather than for the faith.Osman died a chief of nomad tribesmen as well as a head of the ghâzî organization. At the time of his death, his dominion was still limited to the north-western corner of Anatolia. Osman was neither a sultan nor a great conqueror as he was described by most Ottoman historiographers. The importance of Osman in Ottoman history lies in the fact that he organized the earliest core of the Ottoman Turks.

著者

佐々木 正哉

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.3, pp.370-399, 1963-12

著者

石川 寛

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.84, no.2, pp.255-276, 2002-09

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It is well known fact that the regime of the Rāshṭrakūṭas who extended their power throughout the Deccan and beyond between the 8th and 10th centuries was characterised by dynamic temple-building, including the Kailāsanātha temple of Ellora, and the promotion of Kannaḍa literature. However, a debate still exists over the original homeland and the capital・of the Rāshṭrakūṭas in their early days. A. S. Altekar holds the idea in his reputed “Rāshṭrakūṭas and their Times” (1967) that Dantidurga, the founder of the dynasty, originally hailed from Laṭṭalūra, (modern day Laāṭūr in the Osmānābād district, Mahārāshṭra state) and was a local chieftain under the overlordship of the Chālukyas of Bādāmi. By the time of independence he had migrated to the northern region of Mahārāshṭra where Elichpur, a proposed earlier capital by Altaka, was located.Judging from related records, including a new Kandhār inscription,it is clear that the Rāshṭrakūṭas had never migrated, and that they came from south-eastern and central Mahārāshṭra, the so called “Marāṭhavāḍā” regions, that they comprise the modern day districts of Osmānābād, Nānḍed, Parbhanī, Bīr and Auragabād, and that they used the Kannaḍa language as their mother tongue.Some inscriptions dearly show that Mānyakhēṭa in Gulbarga district, Karnātaka state was the capital city from the days of Amōghsvarsha I, the dynasty’s 6th king. Many scholars have expressed their opinions about an earlier capital. Altekar opines that Achalapura, (modern day Elichpur in Amarāvatī district, Mahārāshṭra state) was the earlier capital. Ellora was regarded as the capital by H. Cousens. But the present state of our knowledge, makes it impossible to identify the earlier capital of the Rāshṭrakūṭas as before establishing Mānyakhēṭa as the permanent capital, even though such locations as Ellora and Mayūrakhaṇḍī seem to have been temporary capitals. The author is of the opinion that Ellora was the capital during the reigns of Dantidurga and Kṛehṇe I, the 1st and 2nd kings, and that Mayūrakhaṇḍī occupied the same position during the time of the 5th king Gōvinda III.

著者

藤田 豊八

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, no.3, pp.443-448, 1913-11

著者

藤田 豊八

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, no.3, pp.443-448, 1913-11

著者

戸川 貴行

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.96, no.3, pp.1-26, 2014-12

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The research to date on Shishuo Xinyu 世説新語 compiled by Yiqing, Prince of Linchuan, has relied on the interpretation that it was a work extolling the reign of Liu-Song (Southern Song) Dynasty Emperor Wen (407-553) as the last great achievement of the Han aristocracy and decrying the present decay of the aristocracy through comparisons with the golden ages of the past.On the other hand, a question should be raised as to why all the sequels of Shishuo Xlnyu ending in Liao Dynasty Emperor Yuan's Jinlouzi 金楼子, compiled by members of generations from whom even the last flourish lay far into the past and thus had no personal experience of what a golden age was really like.In an attempt to reply to such an inquiry, the author of this article points to the necessity of focusing on the historical background of the Sahishuo Xlnyu genre and offers the hypothesis that the compilation of the original work was deeply affected by cultural changes caused by the indigenization of non-Han people fleeing from the northeast (qiaomin 僑民), which also influenced the tone of all its sequels.In more concrete terms, the article begins with the comment that there is no research to date that seriously engages the question of why Shishuo Xinyu contains both positive and negative evaluations of the qingtan 清談 style of intellectual discourse.Secondly, since the main political objective of the Eastern Jin Dynasty's Jiangnan Regime was the recovery of the Chinese heartland, the decision was made that cultural policy, beginning with state protocol and also including qingtan institutions, should not be given priority.Next, the term shenzhou 神州, which indicated the center of the universe, and during the early Eastern Jin Period was geographically identified with the Chinese heartland, gradually moved to the Yangzhou region centered upon Jiankang 建康, which had become prosperous due in part to the successful indigenization of foreign refugees.This change in universal nucleus required cultural adjustments that brought about such phenomenon as the revival in popularity of qingfan as far as the Liao through reforms in state protocol implemented during the reign of Emperor Wen. Therefore the writing of Shishuo Xinyu reflects the decision to abandon recovery in the Chinese heartland and a period of cultural transformation made possible by that decision.Finally, in the background to the parts of Shishuo Xinyu critical of qingtan from the standpoint of Chinese heartland's recovery and those not critical, lurks the two views concerning where the center of the universe actually lies.

著者

津田 左右吉

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.14, no.2, pp.198-249, 1924-09

著者

津田 左右吉

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.14, no.3, pp.295-356, 1924-12