著者

山内 正博

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.3, pp.292-323, 1955-12

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At the time when the Southern Sung dynasty was founded, the government was faced with the defense against the invasion of the Chin army from outside and with the suppression of rebels inside. In order to provide against such a crisis they were obliged to rely upon the activity of generals so that the power of these generals was enlarged. Such military power was represented by four men, namely Chang Chün 張俊, Han Hsi-ch’ung 韓世忠, Liu Kuang-hsi 劉光世, and Yüeh Fei 岳飛. All of these people were born of humble parents and fought for the reconstruction of the Sung dynasty. They distinguished themselves in defending the Chin army and subdued rioters whose followers they made their subordinates. Thus in 1133 each of them became a great power, possessing fourteen or fifteen thousand soldiers. Since 1129 when many Chên-fu-shih 鎭撫使 were appointed in the areas north of the Yangtzŭ river, they were invested with full powers of administering each district. The four generals gradually took their places and ruled over wide districts as Hsüan-fu-shih 宣撫使. As a result they occupied important political positions. The real power supporting the Southern Sung dynasty was nothing but a synthesis of power of those four generals. But the development of their influence threatened the government as a centrifugal and dangerous factor. Thus the dynasty encountered with a great contradiction in the process of founding the country. It was Ch’in Kuei 秦檜 who dealt with the solution of the problem. He is notorious as he was responsible for the death of Yüeh Fei

著者

林 英樹

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.79, no.1, pp.39-73, 1997-06

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Up to the present, many scholars have dealt with Shang-gu-zhi-lu (商買之律), laws of traders, in connection with the study of social rank system in the Qin (秦) and Han (漢) Dynasties. In this paper. the methods to control the northern area of the Han Empire in the early Han era, where laws which intertwine with political issues will be discussed by the author.Gao-zu of Han (漢高祖) attempted to firmly rule the northern area. In the late Qin era, the influence of Xiong-nu (匈奴) became stronger as they expanded southward. Under these circumstances, traders from Bai-tu (白土) conducted commerce between China and Xiong-nu, which had steadily developed. After taking over Guan-zhong (関中), Gao-zu fortified the Han-Xiong-nu frontier against possible Xiong-nu attacks, and abolished the traders commerce. Upon conquering Dai (代) and Zhao (趙) districts, Gao-zu sent Zhang Cang (張蒼) from the central government, in order to rule the frontier region. This measure infringes upon the principle of local rule in the Han dynasty, that as a regulation, the frontier shall be within the jurisdiction of the local government. Therefore, this measure illustrates an active interest of the central government in this region.But Gao-zu had Han Wang Xin (韓王信) command this region as a king, and later Zhang Cang was transferred back to the central government. Immediately thereafter Han Wan Xin and the traders became closely allied with Xiong-nu and revolted against the Han Empire.Gao-zu sent Chen xi (陳稀) from the central government to reconstruct the frontier rule. After putting down this insurrection, he enacted the laws of traders. The objective was to rule the traders who were closely related to the Xiong-nu.This policy, however, due to Chen xi reveling with the traders, Han Wang Xin, and the Xiong-nu had failed. It was a conflict between the Han Empire’s rule system and the local community in the early Han era. Therefore, Gao-zu endeavored to grasp public feeling in the area, and made the traders surrender in exchange for providing them with rewards. By tolerating the trader’s values, Gao-zu intended to incorporate them into the Han Empire’s sphere of rule. Thus, methods to control the traders became ever more skillful.

著者

野口 舞子

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.96, no.4, pp.01-026, 2015-03

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The Almoravid Dynasty (c. a. 1061-1147) ruled over a vast territory, stretching from the Maghrib to the Ebro Valley. Since the dynasty originated from the Sanhaja Berbers of the western Sahara, its rulers were alien to the people in the Maghrib as well as those in al-Andalus. Therefore, the issue of legitimacy was of significant importance for the Almoravids in their claim to rule over these territories. This paper focuses on the bayʻa, oath of allegiance, as playing a crucial role in extending the influence of the Almoravids and providing them with legitimacy.The author’s examination of a series of bayʻa cases under the Almoravids reveals several features related to the Almoravid power structure and its political beliefs. Originally, these oaths were conducted at the time of the military conquests marking the early stages of their rule. However, further into their reign, the bayʻa was exacted at coronations and designations of heirs to the throne. Another feature of the bayʻa is that a new ruler or newly declared heir would have to be first approved by the ruler’s kin and the chiefs of the Berber tribes who had been appointed military governors of each local district. This indicates that Berber tribal soldiers were of the greatest importance to the Almoravid dynasty, and maintenance of ties with them was essential for the dynasty’s power. On the other hand, in al-Andalus, ʻulamā’ such as fuqahā (jurists) and qāḍīs (judges) took the lead in the bayʻa for approving the ruler, which suggests that Andalusian ʻulamā’ were representatives of the people in al-Andalus.Along with the expansion of their territory, the Almoravids also adopted a “written missive form” of the bayʻa in addition to the original “in-person” bayʻa ceremony, in order to gain approval from all power of the realm. Consequently, the bayʻa came to involve larger and larger numbers of participants. Several texts of the “missive form” remain, which contain early Islamic traditions and Arabic rhetorical style, which were also meant to legitimize the rulers’ authority. In summary, the Almoravids developed and established the procedure of bayʻa according to the preceding tradition to legitimize their rule.

著者

三王 昌代

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.91, no.1, pp.104-130, 2009-06

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According to such Chinese sources as Da Ming Shi Lu and Da Qing Li Chao Shi Lu, several diplomatic missions were sent from Sulu to China during the years 1417-24 and 1726-63, during the Ming and the Qing Periods respectively. The present article deals with a Malay document written in Arabic script, called Jawi, which consists of a diplomatic message dispatched by Sultan Muhammad Azim al-Din of the Sulu Sultanate to China in the ninth month of the hijra year 1198 (1784 AD), some twenty years after the aforementioned missions. This diplomatic message was submitted to Emperor Qianlong through the hands of many officials, including the tongzhi 同知 of Xiamen (Amoy), the xunfu 巡撫 of Fujian, and the zongdu 総督 of Fujian and Zhejiang.After describing the circumstances that led to an exchange of documents between Sulu and China, the author deciphers this Jawi document and conducts a detailed analysis of its contents, including a comparison with a public letter addressed to Sulu in 1782 and with the Chinese translation of the document, which was included in a Qing official’s memorial to Emperor Qianlong in 1784.The results of the comparison show that both countries shared a common view of a villain who, engaged in foreign trade, and embezzled the takings, and of the quantity of silver and other merchandise that must be returned to Sulu. On the other hand, there are differences in expression or in recognition as to whether the Emperor’s instructions had been widely transmitted throughout the Sulu Sultanate. Moreover, the honorific expression for the Sultan himself in the opening sentence of the original was replaced in the corresponding part of the translation by some words that express deference to the Chinese Emperor. Also added is a tribute of respect and gratitude to the Emperor, which was nonexistent in the original. It may be reasonably concluded that the translation was not so much a literal rendering of the original as something close to the expressions in the 1782 public letter addressed to Sulu.Although Jawi documents in general have rarely been used in historical study, this particular source seems to be of great value in understanding diplomatic as well as economic relations between the two countries.

著者

松本 幹男

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.2, pp.032(429), 1975-03

著者

原 實

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.77, no.1, pp.55-59, 1995-10

著者

根無 新太郎

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.4, pp.1-27, 2018-03

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There were two types of military force used to suppress rebellions during the late Qing period: bing (兵), or regular troops consisting of the Green Standard Army and the Eight Banners, and yong (勇), or temporary volunteer troops organized into Yongying (勇營), mainly under governors-general and governors, in addition to tuanlian (團練) units on the village level. In Zhili (直隸) Province during the outbreak of the White Lotus Rebellion of the 1860s, bing, yong and tuanlian forces were deployed together to quell the insurrection, but the lack of discipline on the part of the bing-yong troops during the operation merely added to the civil unrest caused by the Rebellion. The Qing Court, in consideration of the effects of the worsening law and order on the capital of Beijing, reorganized the Green Army at the hands of the governor-general of Zhili in order to strengthen the government's control, thus leading to the formation of Zhili Lianjun (直隸練軍).However, after the outbreak of the Nian Rebellion led to the further deterioration of law and order in Zhili Province, and as it became necessary to reinforce Zhili Lianjun with Yongying, the Court designed a new capital defense plan under which Yongying were deployed to limited areas, including southern and coastal areas of Zhili, either far away from Beijing or at the spot of the actual fighting, while Zhili Lianjun was stationed around Peking. This new capital defense plan was partly based on the Court's, especially its Board of War's (Bingbu 兵部), suspicion of Yongying, which included former rebels who had surrendered, and were thus deemed untrustworthy to serve around the Capital. This suspicion was further deepened due to the fact that Yongying also served as the governors-generals' militia. As well, the Board of War had intervened several times during the establishment of Zhili Lianjun, owing to its concern over its close relationship with the governor-general of Zhili. The author takes up the Board as an excellent example of how the center's attitudes toward the periphery began to change during the late Qing period.

著者

長峰 博之

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.90, no.4, pp.441-466, 2009-03

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The so-called “Qazaq khanate” was founded around the late 15th century by Jani Beg and Giray, who claimed descent from Oros of the left hand of the ulūs-i Jūchī. The foundation of the “Qazaq khanate” has been the subject of animated discussion, which, unfortunately, has been marred by a historical view about the ethnic origins of the present “Kazakh nation.” The aims of this article are 1) to reconstruct the historical record from the time of the left hand of the ulūs-i Jūchī to the foundation of the “Qazaq khanate,” based mainly on Qädir ‘Alī Beg’s Jāmi‘ al-Tawārīkh written at the beginning of the 17th century as a historical account of the successive polities of the ulūs-i Jūchī, and 2) to reconsider the foundation of the “Qazaq khanate” in relation to the disintegration and reorganization of the ulūs-i Jūchī. The left hand of the ulūs-i Jūchī was revived by Oros of the Tuqa Timurids in its disintegration and reorganization of whole ulūs-i Jūchī, which began in the late 14th century, and proceeded to dominate the eastern Dasht-i Qipchāq again during the lime of Baraq in the early 15th century. Although it is said that the “Qazaq khanate” was founded as a new polity during the time of Jani Beg and Giray in the late 15th century, it was actually a nomadic polity which succeeded to the left hand of the ulūs-i Jūchī revived by Oros. According to the sources, Jani Beg and Giray acted like “卯z匈”s in lheir rivalrieswith the Shibanids, and therelbre came to be caUed “卯z向.”However,lhedescriptions in “漏削j‘α/-712waj・疏ゐ”and other sources reveal that they werehistorically idenlified as the Orosids who succeeded to the left hand of lheu珀s-j jziai, rather than as “卯z向”s, and thus within the Juchids. Theref1〕re,the “Qazaq khanate” should be considered as a nomadic polity with orosidstaking over the len hand of the las-j jzicゐi at its core, in the process of lhedisintegrationand reorganization of the zl/iis-iJicM.

著者

長峰 博之

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.90, no.4, pp.441-466, 2009-03

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The so-called "Qazaq khanate" was founded around the late 15th century by Jani Beg and Giray, who claimed descent from Oros of the left hand of the ulūs-i Jūchī. The foundation of the "Qazaq khanate" has been the subject of animated discussion, which, unfortunately, has been marred by a historical view about the ethnic origins of the present "Kazakh nation." The aims of this article are 1) to reconstruct the historical record from the time of the left hand of the ulūs-i Jūchī to the foundation of the "Qazaq khanate," based mainly on Qädir 'Alī Beg's Jāmi' al-Tawārīkh written at the beginning of the 17th century as a historical account of the successive polities of the ulūs-i Jūchī, and 2) to reconsider the foundation of the "Qazaq khanate" in relation to the disintegration and reorganization of the ulūs-i Jūchī. The left hand of the ulūs-i Jūchī was revived by Oros of the Tuqa Timurids in its disintegration and reorganization of whole ulūs-i Jūchī, which began in the late 14th century, and proceeded to dominate the eastern Dasht-i Qipchāq again during the lime of Baraq in the early 15th century. Although it is said that the "Qazaq khanate" was founded as a new polity during the time of Jani Beg and Giray in the late 15th century, it was actually a nomadic polity which succeeded to the left hand of the ulūs-i Jūchī revived by Oros. According to the sources, Jani Beg and Giray acted like "卯z匈"s in lheir rivalrieswith the Shibanids, and therelbre came to be caUed "卯z向."However,lhedescriptions in "漏削j'α/-712waj・疏ゐ"and other sources reveal that they werehistorically idenlified as the Orosids who succeeded to the left hand of lheu珀s-j jziai, rather than as "卯z向"s, and thus within the Juchids. Theref1〕re,the "Qazaq khanate" should be considered as a nomadic polity with orosidstaking over the len hand of the las-j jzicゐi at its core, in the process of lhedisintegrationand reorganization of the zl/iis-iJicM.

著者

中井 英基

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.2, pp.234-243, 1968-09

著者

志茂 智子

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.76, no.3・4, pp.315-344, 1995-03

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Early in the fourteenth century Il-Khan Ghazan ordered his vazir Rashīd al-Dīn to compile a history of the Mongols mainly based on original Mongolian sources. The khan’s intention was that such a history would make the Mongol tribesmen under him reacknowledge their old ties with the Chinggisid house, so that his rule would be firmly established over the Il-Khanid territory, which had long been embroiled in political turmoil. The Mongol History, titled Ta’rikh-i Ghāzāni, was completed after the death of Ghazan Khan and presented to his younger brother and successor Öljeitü Khan. Ordered by the new khan, Rashīd al-Dīn further undertook the task to compile a history of the world. Thus Jāmiʻ al-Tawārikh, or the Collection of Histories, consisting of the Mongol History and the History of Nations was completed in 1311. In the past it has been falsely assumed, with no serious examination, that the initial Mongol History, or Ta’rikh-i Ghāzāni, as identical with the Jāmiʻ al-Tawārikh edition. The assumption is quite wrong. In fact the Mongol History text contained in Jāmiʻ al-Tawārikh is a revised edition of Ta’rikh-i Ghāzāni. By comparison of the History of Tribes, which makes up the core of both editions of the Mongol History, we find that the later Jāmiʻ al-Tawārikh edition gives more refined phrasings with new words inserted and errors corrected, at the same time eliminating a large number of passages from the earlier edition. In this respect, the Jāmiʻ al-Tawārikh edition of the Mongol History is not quite as valuable a historical source as the Ta’rikh-i Ghāzāni edition.Almost all the extant manuscripts of the Mongol History have descended from the Jāmiʻ al-Tawārikh edition. Only the Manuscript Revan Köskü 1518 in lstanbul has come down to us preserving intact the original form of the Mongol History. This is truly the most valuable text, and should be taken as the primary source in studying the history of the Mongol Empire.The initial edition of the Mongol History had also contained Chinggisid family trees, which were excluded by Rashīd al-Dīn in his revised work in order to reduce the volume of the Mongol History, but retained in the Mongol Genealogies section in the Collection of Genealogies supplemental to Jāmiʻ al-Tawārikh.

著者

岩武 昭男

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.78, no.4, pp.498-528, 1997-03

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Concerning the writings of Rashīd al-Dīn Faḍl-allāh Hamadānī, many scholars state that, according to Waṣṣāf, Jāmiʻ al-Tawārīkh was extended to 712. This is based on Quatremère's misreading of Waṣṣāf's text. In his autograph manuscript Tārīkh-i Waṣṣāf, Waṣṣāf clearly shows that the date is not that of the final completion of Jāmiʻ al-Tawārīkh, but of the compilation of Jāmiʻ al-Taṣānīf, 'the Collected Works' of Rashīd. While Waṣṣāf recorded a list of works composing it, a manuscript copied in 710 of Majmūʻa carries a different list of Jāmiʻ al-Taṣānīf al-Rashīdī. The latter list, which was edited by Quatremère, and which we know is also carried in some other manuscripts, has been assumed to be Rashīd's plan of writings, without correct reading of Waṣṣāf's text.Furthermore, in the two versions of the addendum to his endowment deed, Rashīd stipulates that his works should be copied every year in Arabic and Persia in accordance with the original edition. Its first version was confirmed, simultaneously with the endowment deed itself, by a qāḍī of Tabriz in Rabī' I 1, 709, while its second one was attested in Dhu'l-Ḥijja, 713. The former stipulates for making copies of four titles of his works (Majmūʻa, Āthār wa Aḥyā, Bayān al-Ḥaqā'iq and Jāmiʻ al-Tawārīkh), all of which are included in the list in Quatremère's edition. In the latter, two titles are added to the first four. Neither of the added ones is included in that list, but one of them, As'ila wa Ajwiba, is easily found in the list in Waṣṣāf's text.Accordingly, it must be recognized that the list of works in Quatremère's edition shows the contents of the first compilation of 'the Collected Works of Rashīd'. He made the first compilation of his collected works before 709, and stipulated for making copies of four titles of them in the addendum to his endowment deed. After he composed other works, he made the second compilation that was completed in 712, and then rewrote the addendum in 713, adding two titles of his works to be copied. The first compilation includes the translations from Chinese. But the second compilation omits them, and includes As'ila wa Ajwiba and a work contradicting metempsychosis, which we can assess as the other work added in the second version of the addendum, Taḥqīq al-Mabāḥith. The replacement of works tells us the gap between the ilkhanid government and the Yuan dynasty in China how deeply rooted Islam became in this period.

著者

岩武 昭男

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.78, no.4, pp.498-528, 1997-03

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Concerning the writings of Rashīd al-Dīn Faḍl-allāh Hamadānī, many scholars state that, according to Waṣṣāf, Jāmiʻ al-Tawārīkh was extended to 712. This is based on Quatremère’s misreading of Waṣṣāf’s text. In his autograph manuscript Tārīkh-i Waṣṣāf, Waṣṣāf clearly shows that the date is not that of the final completion of Jāmiʻ al-Tawārīkh, but of the compilation of Jāmiʻ al-Taṣānīf, ‘the Collected Works’ of Rashīd. While Waṣṣāf recorded a list of works composing it, a manuscript copied in 710 of Majmūʻa carries a different list of Jāmiʻ al-Taṣānīf al-Rashīdī. The latter list, which was edited by Quatremère, and which we know is also carried in some other manuscripts, has been assumed to be Rashīd’s plan of writings, without correct reading of Waṣṣāf’s text.Furthermore, in the two versions of the addendum to his endowment deed, Rashīd stipulates that his works should be copied every year in Arabic and Persia in accordance with the original edition. Its first version was confirmed, simultaneously with the endowment deed itself, by a qāḍī of Tabriz in Rabī‘ I 1, 709, while its second one was attested in Dhu’l-Ḥijja, 713. The former stipulates for making copies of four titles of his works (Majmūʻa, Āthār wa Aḥyā, Bayān al-Ḥaqā’iq and Jāmiʻ al-Tawārīkh), all of which are included in the list in Quatremère’s edition. In the latter, two titles are added to the first four. Neither of the added ones is included in that list, but one of them, As’ila wa Ajwiba, is easily found in the list in Waṣṣāf’s text.Accordingly, it must be recognized that the list of works in Quatremère’s edition shows the contents of the first compilation of ‘the Collected Works of Rashīd’. He made the first compilation of his collected works before 709, and stipulated for making copies of four titles of them in the addendum to his endowment deed. After he composed other works, he made the second compilation that was completed in 712, and then rewrote the addendum in 713, adding two titles of his works to be copied. The first compilation includes the translations from Chinese. But the second compilation omits them, and includes As’ila wa Ajwiba and a work contradicting metempsychosis, which we can assess as the other work added in the second version of the addendum, Taḥqīq al-Mabāḥith. The replacement of works tells us the gap between the ilkhanid government and the Yuan dynasty in China how deeply rooted Islam became in this period.

著者

青山 亨

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.77, no.1, pp.1-33, 1995-10

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In the second half of the fourteenth century, the Majapahit court poet Tantular composed two major Old Javanese kakawins, Arjunawijaya and Sutasoma. The former was composed sometime after the death of the powerful chief minister Gajah Mada in 1364, who epitomized the kingdom's expansionist policy, and the latter some time before the death of the king Rājasanagara in 1389. Between the two texts, there is a significant shift in contents and theme, which may be adequately accounted for by referring to the historical context in which they were created. The story of the Arjunawijaya, derived directly from the Rāmāyana cycle, is orthodox Hindu, despite an undercurrent of Buddhist ideology. It recounts that the just king Arjunasahasrabāhu subjugates the evil Rāwaṇa after a series of fierce battles. But his victory is impermanent as Rāwaṇa is spared and destined to become the foe of Rāma, underlining the uncertainty of the peace brought by the kṣatriya rule of force. It has been pointed out that one of the recurrent themes of the text is tension between a king and religious communities, and that this might be an implicit accusation of the Majapahit ruler's neglect of the clerical wellbeing during the expansionist days. The story of the Sutasoma, on the other hand, is based on Tantric Buddhism and is in effect an indigenous creation. The hero attains Buddhahood and the status of universal monarch simultaneously on account of the Tantric concept of non-duality, whereby the tension in the Arjunawijaya is theoretically reconciled, and resolves confrontations by the power of mercy. The practice of cross-cousin marriage is also advocated in order to strengthen the ties between royal families. The author suggests that the text is the poet's proposal for peace in anticipation of the increasing division among the Majapahit royal families which culminated in the civil war in 1406.

著者

池上 二良

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.1, pp.130-131, 1971-06

著者

中野 さやか

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.85, no.3, pp.415-422, 2003-12

著者

中野 さやか

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.85, no.3, pp.415-422, 2003-12

著者

榎 一雄

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.1, pp.143-149, 1963-06

著者

平山 久雄

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.1, pp.42-68, 1966-06

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We divide the labial and gutteral syllables with the medial /-i-/ of Ancient Chinese into three classes; (The phonemic interpretation is prof. Mineya’s. cf. Gengo Kenkyu 22/23 and 31) class A: syllables with the front vowel /a/ or /e/ and with /j/ as the palatalizing element of initials. class B: syllables with the front vowel /a/ or /e/ but without /j/. class C: syllables with the back vowel /ɑ/ or /ʌ/,There can be found in the fanch‘iehs of Ch‘iehyün a kind of selection between the resultant word and the upper ch‘ieh word concerning the classes to which they belong, i.e. the class of the resultant word A B C the class of the upper ch‘ieh words AorC BorC CAs these selections are quite precise, it is possible to use them as a criterion to decide the phonemic values of the rimes 蒸職 and 之 which remain yet unsettled. The results we have obtained are as follows; i) The rimes 蒸職 had the values of /-ieŋ, -iek, -iuek/ (class B) under the labial initials, the gutteral initials of hok’ou and the retroflex initials (正歯音二等), while under the remaining conditions they had the values of /-iʌŋ, -iʌk, -iuʌk/ as have been assumed before. ii) The rime 之 had the value of /-iʌɯ/ (the phoneme /ɯ/ is newly assumed to interpret this rime.), the phonetic value of which might be [-iěɩ] or [-iɩ].The reconstructions mentioned above are also supported by the study of fanch’iehs contained in the Tunhuang fragments of Maoshiyin (毛詩音), and by the regularity of correspondence to Archaic Chinese.

著者

河野 六郎

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.1・2, pp.201-208, 1979-12