著者

曾我部 静雄

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.24, no.3, pp.383-404, 1937-05

著者

藤田 豊八

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.1, pp.55-70, 1923-05

著者

遠藤 光暁

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.76, no.3・4, pp.01-025, 1995-03

---

The close examination of the Zhongzhou Yuefu Yinyun Leibian 中州楽府音韻類編 (ZYYL), one version of the Zhongyuan Yinyun (ZYYY), reveals that the ZYYL had been originally compiled according to the Guangyun 広韻 and then the ZYYY was revised and enlarged on this basis. The phonological properties of the ZYYY are slightly different from those of the ZYYL, hence the authors of these two editions can not be the same person (i.e. Zhou Deqing 周徳清).

著者

濱口 重國

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.24, no.1, pp.35-69, 1936-11

著者

今西 龍

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2, no.2, pp.282, 1912-05

著者

今西 龍

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2, no.1, pp.96-104, 1912-01

著者

志茂 碩敏

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.1, pp.1-71, 1971-06

---

The “Qarāūnās” mentioned in the sources dealing with the history of the Īl-Khānate was an appellation, after the Khānate, 1258-1335, had been firmly established, for the half-breeds between the twenty-thousand Mongol troops dispatched to, and stationed in Hindūstān and Kashmīr immediately after the accession of Ūktāi Qāān in 1229, and local women.The Qarāūnās, who had been in Hindūstān and Kashmir protecting the flank of the active conquests of Hūlāgū Khān came, toward the end of his reign, 1258-1265, under the command of Abāqā when the prince was dispatched to govern Khurāsān. In 1265 when Abāqā returned to Adherbāijān to take over the Khānship, he took along with him a part of the Qarāūnās, whom he organized into a tūmān, for myriarchy directly under him, with an amīr close to him at its head. This was the “Qarāūnās Tūmān of the Khān’s own” which was under the successive control of influential amīrs close to the Khāns until the reign of Ghāzān Khān,1295-1304.Prince Abāqā, when returning to Adherbāijān, organized into two more tūmāns those Qarāūnās who did not accompany him, to garrison Khurāsān under the command of amīrs loyal to him. These were the “Qarāūnās Tūmāns of Khurāsān.”The Qarāūnās who had made themselves independent along the Eastern borders of the Īl-Khānate by the time when Prince Abāqā was dispatched to govern Khurāsān, continued their plundering raids into the Īl-Khānate territories even after the prince’s accession as Khān.From the reign of Arghūn Khān, 1284-1291, on, the myriarchs of the Qarāūnās Tūmāns of the Khān’s own and of Khurāsān disturbed the Īl-Khānate with their court intrigues and frontier revolts, until finally they were united under Ghāzān Khān.Qārā of qarāūnās derives from qara, black, in Mongolian, while ūnās (ūnā, ūna) appears to be the same name as the Hsiung-nu. Hence qarāūnās means the Black Huns.

著者

磯野 富士子

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.1・2, pp.57-80, 1985-12

---

The anda relationship has been interpreted by most of the Western scholars of Mongolian history as one of “sworn brothers”. Nevertheless, a careful study of the Secret History of the Mongols seems to indicate that, at least at the time of Chingis Khaan, the anda relationship was not a fictitious blood relationship but a military and political alliance of two men established by an oath on the base of equality of the two parties.Even though the word “brother” in most of the Western languages implies equality, in Mongol, as well as in Chinese and Japanese, a brother always has to be either elder or younger involving the question of seniority. In the Secret History Chingis and Jamukha address each other as anda; and the word akha (elder brother) or düü (younger brother) is used for somebody who is not actually related by blood only when there is a clear difference in the status of that man in relation to the speaker.There is no symbolic action like mingling of blood in the ceremony to establish an anda relationship. The most important element is an exchange of presents of equal value. Many instances observed in more or less primitive societies show that the one-sided offer of presents makes the receiver stand in an inferior or subordinate position, as is seen in the Anglo-Saxon poetry.Among the Mongol tribes before their unification andas were very often khudas (two persons whose son and daughter are married). As the Mongols practiced strict exogamy a marriage alliance was not likely if the anda relationship was really conceived as “brothers”, even fictitious.Chingis and Jamukha were destined to become mortal enemies, not in spite of but precisely because of, their being andas. When Chingis succeeded in making himself the Khaan of all the Mongols, there was no room for anyone who could claim equality with him, and Jamukha would not accept a lower status.

著者

白鳥 清

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, no.3, pp.307-351, 1934-04

著者

森川 哲雄

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.1・2, pp.127-162, 1976-12

---

Čaqar Tümen, the most important myriarchy among mediaeval Mongolian tribal organizations, consisted of eight otoγ, Qaγučid, Kemǰigüd, Sönid and Üjümüçin of the Right Wing and Auqan, Naiman, Kesigten and Tatar of the Left Wing. The Left Wing otoγ first became private fiefs of Dayan Qaγan’s sons, and the Right Wing ones were later allocated by succeeding qaγans to their sons. The circumstances are referred to in Erdeni-yin Tobči with many errors, which should be corrected on the basis of other Mongolian chronicles The Čaqar otoγ were further subdivided as generations passed, as reported in such Mongolian sources as Gangga-yin Urusqal, Bolor Erike, Altan Kürdün Mingγan Kegesütü, etc.

著者

浜川 栄

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.81, no.2, pp.147-174, 1999-09

---

What influence did the Yellow River dikes collapsing twice have on the society during the transition period from former to later Han dynasty? This question has not been fully discussed. Among the few studies on this subject, Hans Bielenstein and Kimura Masao emphasize that the destruction of the dikes was a major cause of the fall of Wang Mang’s regime. I feel this view is open to further analysis. In this article, I analyzed this theme from a different viewpoint.During the transition period, influential families throughout the country built forts to defend themselves from local bandits. However, this measure of self-defense could not be seen in the plains south of the Yellow River and north of the Huai River (Huaibei plain 淮北平野) when the Red Eyebrows 赤眉 invaded the region. As there were several cases, though exceptional, in which people were captured but then released by the bandits after winning their sympathy, it is probable that influential families did not exist in this area.This can also be assumed from the feud between Liu Xiu and Liu Yong 劉永. Although Liu Yong was holding the strategic position of Sui Yang 唯陽 in the Huaibei plain, being closest to the throne among the Liu clan, he was defeated by Liu Xiu who was expanding his power in the Hebei plain 河北平野. This was because Liu Xiu was able to gather the influential families of the Hebei plain, whereas Liu Yong could not in the Huaibei plain.Since the Warring States Period, the Huaibei plain possessed vast superiority in population, economic power, and etc. over the Hebei plain. However, judging from the above-mentioned situation, it is evident that the area had gradually lost its advantage. It was the collapse of the Yellow River dikes that caused the decline. The influential families had evacuated the area to escape inundation caused by unrepaired dikes. Obviously, resistance against the bandits was no longer possible, moreover, there was no potential for Liu Yong to expand his power.The collapse of the Yellow River dikes had an influence on the society not as a direct cause of Wang Mang’s fall, but as a primary factor for Liu Xiu to establish the Later Han dynasty.

著者

梅村 坦

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.77, no.3・4, pp.80-86, 1996-03

著者

フォン ガベン アンネマリー 護 雅夫

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.3, pp.378-388, 1962-12

---

The way of sitting on chairs as high as the knee and the use of tables fitting to it was introduced to China from the West only secondary, Japan refused such an attitude. When the Uigurs lost their “Empire of the Steppe” in Mongolia, and founded a kingdom at Ko-ch’o 高昌 (to-day: Turfan-oasis, Eastern-Turkistan) in the middle of the 9th century, they changed from semi-nomad life to the way of the agrarian and towns-building people of their new country. From the wall-paintings and miniatures of Ko-ch’o may be recognized, which attitude the Uigurs adopted, what was looked at by them as dignified, and what as mean; how they behaved in reverence and how in leisure.On those pictures we see the difference between noblemen and simple people (1), the former’s hair hung loose and they bound their caps by a red ribbon under the chin. The people (2) arranged the hair on the back of the head by fastening it with a thin material or a dark cap; this cap was bounded by a ribbon, the loose ends of which hung down into the neck. Only the belts of the aristocracy (1, 11) were adorned with pendants. To have the feet bare was only the way of hard working people (3). Even the feet of the Buddha were covered with sandals (4), otherwise unknown among the Uigurs.Chairs were only used as lecturing desk (5), not in common life. Reading was done in putting the book on the lower left arm, a finger of the right one following the lines (see again 5, right side). Or, a book was put on a low stand with crossed shelves (6, middle). For writing, a pad was put on the crossed legs of a person (see again 6, right, down), or a low little table was put in front (7). In all these cases, people would sit crossed-legged. But that was just an attitude of the clergy. Sitting easy was usually done on the floor, esp. on a little carpet so as to kneel and sit on the lower legs (8 and 9). In working or in attendance, people would kneel with one leg, the foot of the other one flat on the ground (10), so as to be able and jump up quickly if required. Deep reverence was not so much shown by the attitude of the whole body, but particularly by that of the hands. In front of the Buddha, a man would stand upright or sit easy, a woman and a monk would likewise stand upright (11) or kneel upright. To offer something, a man or a woman had to cover the own hand, but a monk might touch the gift by his hand (12).As a sign of complete submissiveness, and as a sign to have no weapons at hand, people would in front of the Buddha clasp the palms of the hands together, the top of the fingers turned up (again 9). Or they would put the hands into the mouth of the sleeves (again 11). Still unexplained remains the meaning of a long flower-twig in the hands of a donator in front of the Buddha, very much too heavy as to be cast on him in reverence (13). Not infrequent, those twigs are just painted across the breast and by the side of the donator’s head, without being hold with the hand (again 11).So, we see, the Uigurs at the time of their Kingdom at Ko-ch’o did not adopt the Chinese way of sitting on chairs, but remained on the floor, on mats and small carpets.

著者

河野 六郎

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.4, pp.520-525, 1966-03

著者

越智 重明

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.2, pp.186-222, 1963-09

---

The present article deals with the new system for appointing government officials instituted by Ts’ao Ts’ao曹操 in the third decade of the third century when Ts’ao Ts’ao was yet to found the Wei 魏 Dynasty. At that time this new system was called chiu-p’in 九品 or chiu-p’in-chih 九品制, and it was only after the system had become obsolete in the later period that it was called chiu-p’in kuan-jên fa 九品官人法 or chiu-p’in chung-chêng 九品中正.The new system was adopted for two purposes: the first was to enable officials concerned in the Central Government to be in full command of personnel administration throughout the country; the second, to eliminate possible causes of unfair connections which used to exist between personnel officers and aspiring applicants for high positions. In the Latter Han 後漢 period, the personnel system was largely affected by this private relationship, sometimes infringing upon the Emperor’s ruling power, as was typically shown in the case of Tang-ku-yu 党錮獄.The above-mentioned two purposes were almost fulfilled by the enforcement of the new system. After thirty years the system was subject to a large revision, but even thereafter it remained quite effective for the second purpose, although no longer effective for the first.

著者

栗原 益男

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.4, pp.430-457, 1956-03

---

The present article is a sequel to the writer’s “a Study of the Nature of the Fictitious Relationship of Father and Son in the T’ang and Five Dynasty Periods” (Shigaku-Zasshi, Vol. 62, No. 6). Two types of Chia-tzŭ 假子, i. e. the adopted son, are recognized; namely, by a group and by an individual. But any information of names and ages of individuals can be obtained only in the latter case. They appeared in most cases in the T’ang and Five Dynasty Periods and the fathers adopting them were mainly Fan-shuai 藩帥, i. e. local leaders. This paper is intended to consider the nature of the power of these local leaders, by investigating names and ages of sons adopted by individuals.The fathers gave names including second name indicating age-rank (pei-tzŭ 輩字) to their adopted sons just as to their real sons, and thus controlled the sons under their patriarchal rule. They did not allow their subordinates to adopt sons as they did. The difference in age between fathers and sons was unnaturally small. In general the adopted son was considerably older than the real son and the leaders proclaimed their adoption of Chia-tzŭ before their real sons were born.From these facts it is observed that Fan-shui a playing a leading role during the T’ang and Five Dynasty Periods extended the parentage to non-cognates and they confirmed their rule on the patriarchal caused by the relation

著者

原田 淑人

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, no.3, pp.413-422, 1914-10

著者

六反田 豊

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.91, no.4, pp.533-534, 2010-03

著者

中田 美絵

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.89, no.3, pp.293-325, 2007-12

---

In the aftermath of the An Lüshan 安禄山 rebellion (755-763), Bukong 不空 was able to rise to a position of influence within the Buddhist circles of Chang’an 長安 through the support of the eunuchs, the imperial army they command and Sogdians who had connection with them. A group which played most important role among Sogdians were military commanders stationed in Liangzhou 涼州. Before the rebellion, they were under Hexi Longyou jiedushi 河西・隴右節度使 Geshu Han 哥舒翰’s command. Geshu han invited Bukong to Liangzhou to preside over a ceremony baptizing of the commanders in the name of Buddha; then, after the rebellion broke out, they left Liangzhou, and proceeded to ally themselves with a group of eunuch-led imperial regiments in Chang’an, where they lent support to Bukong’s religious activities.One reason for the alliance lay in the ambitions of the eunuchs to gain the military ascendancy and establish their political influence at the Tang Dynasty court. One part of this effort included the enlistment of accomplished cavalrymen, including Sogdians, in pacifying the rebellion. Meanwhile Bukong ordained several Sogdians and organized them into a Buddhist circle under his tutelage, while maintaining his connections with the eunuch-led imperial army forces One of Bukong’s disciples, Shi Yuancong 史元琮, a commander who was based in Liangzhou, was appointed to the office of gongdeshi 功徳使, which gave him command of both the imperial army and the Buddhist temples. Luo Fumo 羅伏磨, a general in the imperial army from Liangzhou, was also ordained by Bukong, showing that his entourage moved freely between military service and monastic life.In this way, both eunuch-led imperial army forces and Bukong’s circle of monks Came to embrace many members of Sogdian descent The both groups were strongly connected with each other through Sogdian military commanders from Lianzhou. Putting in another way, the eunuchs and the Bukong’s circle of monks constituted a tightly knit organization composed of both groups which formed the springboard which enabled Bukong to soar to a position of great influence in Chang’an Buddhism, and golden age for Buddhism in general during the reign of Emperor Daizong 代宗.

著者

山口 瑞鳳

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, no.1~4, pp.481-513, 1985-03

---

The utilization of Chinese historical sources by Tibetan historians in their accounts of early Tibetan history has resulted in no little confusion and error. Buddhist historians made no attempt to rectify these errors; rather, they give the impression of having devoted their efforts to producing tales thought useful for the propagation of Buddhism on the basis of these erroneous accounts.For example, the Hu-lan-beb-ther, the first work in which Chinese materials are utilized, states that the Chinese army occupied Lhasa around 670. In the rGyal-rabs-gSal-ba’i-me-long the Chinese invasion is described as if it had been undertaken for the purpose of carrying off to China the gilt bronze image of Śākyamuni enshrined in ‘Phrul-snang Temple. Yet in Bu-ston’s History of Buddhism, composed a little earlier than the above two works but dating from the same 14th century and uninfluenced by Chinese materials, there is no reference whatsoever to this important event.A re-examination of the Chinese materials, corroborated by the T’ufan Chronicles 吐番編年紀 from Tun-huang, reveals that the T’u-fan army defeated the Chinese forces at the Ta-fei River 大非川, and that the Chinese had in this same year given up all hopes for a restoration of T’u-yü-hun 吐谷輝. Thus, there is no evidence whatsoever of the Chinese having invaded Lhasa. There is also, of course, no reason why they should have mobilized a large army simply for the sake of acquiring a single Buddhist image.It seems probable that Princess Wên-ch’êng 文成 had brought this gilt bronze image of Śākyamuni from China in 646 and had enshrined it in Ra-mo-che Temple, from where it was later transferred to ‘Phrul-snang Temple. Princess Wên-ch’êng remarried the father of her deceased husband, and by the 14th century this historical fact was already being mistakenly linked with Princess Ching-ch’êng. Therefore, it is not at all surprising that Princess Wên-ch’êng’s request for a Buddhist image from China in memory of her deceased husband should have been distorted in an unexpected manner, resulting in the assertion that this image had been hidden in the ‘Phrul-snang Temple in order to protect it from the depredations of the Chinese army and that Princess Chin-ch’êng later rediscovered it.In order to justify this story, it was maintained that the hidden image had been presented to Princess Wên-ch’êng by the Chinese emperor T’ai.tsung 太宗 upon her departure for Tibet, and that it had been the emperor’s most highly prized Buddhist image. This latter point was further substantiated by the claim that this image had reached China from India and dated from the time of Śākyamuni, having been consecrated by the Buddha himself.In summing up, it would appear that the explanation of the origins of this image represents a fusion of the historical account of the arrival of a margosa Buddhist image from India during the reign of Emperor Wu of Liang and the legends relating to the production of the first image of Śākyamuni by the king of Udayana and the invitation of Kumārajīva to China.