著者

清水 宏祐

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.76, no.1・2, pp.193-222, 1994-10

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In the 11-12th centuries, there were many amīrs in the era of the Great Saljūqs who ruled Iraq and Iran. They were military-commanders, iqṭāʻ holders,and sometimes served in the court of the rulers.Gauhar Ā’īn (meaning Jewel Mirror in Persian)was a mamlūk amīr who served seven rulers. Among them, one was a woman, and four were the Saljuqid rulers. He went to the battle field six times. It was a great success for him that one of his ghulām soldiers captured the Emperor of Byzantine Empire in the battle of Malāzgird.Gauhar Ā’īn was appointed shaḥna, the military governor of Baghdād three times. His mission was to maintain order of the big city. He exercised his power cruelly to oppress riots. The most important duty for him is to negotiate with the ‘Abbāsid Caliph. Whenever he came to Baghdād as shaḥna of Sulṭān, he interfered in the affairs of the Caliph about the dismissal of his wazīrs. He represented the Sulṭān in the diplomatic intercourses, and continued to threaten the Caliph by unusual performances. Gauhar Ā’īn died at the age of over 70 years in the battle of Sefīd-rūd, the battle between Saljuqid rulers in 1100. His body was returned to Baghdād, and buried in the eastern section of the city.In Gauhar Ā’īn life-history, we can see the typical career of a mamlūk amīr of those days. He was trusted by Sulṭāns, acted as a faithful slave commander. He even executed a member of the royal family, and also attended on Alp Arslān when he was killed.FoIlowing up the life of each amīr, we can clarify the characteristics of the Saljuqid ruling system.

著者

渡辺 紘良

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, no.2, pp.1-31, 2020-09-17

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The annual amount of freight transported on China's inland waterways during the early years of the Song Dynasty has been estimated at about 6 million dan 石, an achievement made possible by the Dynasty's human resource policies. Inheriting the national unification projects of Emperor Shizong 世宗 of the Later Zhou Dynasty, Taizu 太祖, the founder of the Song Dynasty, concentrated efforts on reducing the number of regional military governors (fanzhen 藩鎭) and rebuilding the domestic political regime, thus emphasizing the improvement of regional strongholds rather than fiscal strength; moreover, considering the relocation of the capital to Luoyang 洛陽 or Chang'an 長安, improvements in inland waterway transportation were not prioritized, and the national unification efforts were also left incomplete when he suddenly died. In contrast, in the second year of his reign (977), in order to expand waterway transportation projects, second emperor Taizong 太宗 relaxed restrictions on members of the militias commanded by former Five Dynasties military governors (jiangli yaqian 將吏衙前) illegitimized and reduced by Taizu, an action which provided human resources for private salt traders defying government monopoly and the expansion of candidates for the civil service examination system. On the other hand, after taking over management of waterway transportation and warehousing, this same jiangli yaqian promoted illegal practices among shipping crews and brought about the bankruptcy of local elites (lizheng yaqian 里正衙前) under their jurisdiction who were also involved in waterway transportation. Consequently, the Dynasty was forced to give jiangli yaqian the authority to muster ship crews in the capacity of administrators (zhugangli 主綱吏) over the waterway fleets of the Huainan-Jiangnan region. Moreover, in 983 their authority was extended to the waterway fleets of Hunan, and officially recognized by the Dynasty as managing the waterway transportation in their own right. That same year marked the occurrence of incidents throughout China, in which jiangli yaqian attempted to recover their formerly usurped judiciary authority in the provinces. Fearing that such incidents could extend to waterway transportation administration, the central government, in the wake of the exposure of corruption in the Treasury Bureau, set up departments of inland waterways and overland routes in Kaifeng, thus recognizing an even larger bestowal of authority on jiangli yaqian and ending the stagnation in waterway transportation development. In the background to this newly bestowed authority lay the actions of a group of close advisors to Emperor Taizong, some of whom were well-informed about the operations of the Treasury and Kaifeng agencies, and would be later promoted to Treasury Minister. It was largely due to this group that Taizong had been able to directly control jiangli yaqian. Moreover, the policy of entrusting the management of waterway transp01tation to jiangli yaqian paralleled the free appointment of petty officials, whose effects cannot be ignored.

著者

久保 茉莉子

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, no.2, pp.67-74, 2020-09-17

著者

樋口 秀実

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.93, no.1, pp.27-53, 2011-06

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The present article discusses the erection in July 1940 of the “National Temple of the Sun Goddess,” dedicated to Amaterasu Okami 天照大神, in order to discover its contribution to the psychological integration of the new state’s citizenry. Some research already exists on the process of the Temple’s erection and its significance, which emphasizes such points as since the Temple was erected to worship the Sun Goddess, it was for all intents and purposes merely an attempt to import Japan’s state Shinto religion into Manchukuo. The discussion then turns to the extent to which Japan was determined to “religiously infiltrate” Manchuria. The author argues on the contrary that the fact of the Temple being erected as a national place of religious worship makes it necessary to raise the question of to what extent it furthered the spiritual integration of the new nation. Manchukuo being a state created almost overnight by the Japanese Guandong Army, it was divided with the memory of political events and trends of the previous Three-Provincial Government regime. Another point is how Manchukuo intended to deal with the state’s multi-ethnic population. Therefore, a plan for psychological integration by raising national identity and consciousness must have been an important issue for stabilizing the governance of the new state. It is in this vein that the author reexamines the process of erecting the Temple and its significance, while asking the questions 1) why a national temple worshipping Japan’s Sun Goddess would be deemed appropriate in the light of ethnic cooperation being cited as the original rationale for state formation, 2) how much success did the Temple have in national psychological integration, and 3) if unsuccessful, what was its significance in terms of church and state issues. The Temple was erected for two reasons. The first stemmed from attempts by the imperial court’s interests in Manchukuo to strengthen the imperial authority of Puyi, and the second from attempts by Japanese bureaucrats in the Manchukuo government to gain a greater say in political affairs vis-à-vis the Guandong Army. These two civil-political forces were interested in subordinating the Army to the authority of the Emperor of Manchukuo and limiting its level of intervention in the state’s political process, by turning the spirit of Japan’s deep military allegiance to the emperor against the Army in making the Sun Goddess, the founding ancestor of Japan’s imperial family, also the founder and guardian spirit of Manchukuo. From his analysis of the political backdrop on which the Temple was erected, the author concludes that the event made no significant contribution to the psychological integration of the Manchukuo nation. The Temple, which was where Puyi placed the sacred mirror which he brought from Japan as the symbol of his imperial authority, was, nevertheless, unable to play the role as Manchukuo’s equivalent of Japan’s Ise Shrine.

著者

梅村 坦

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.1・2, pp.01-031(226~256), 1977-10

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The process of the penetration by the Mongols into the Turfan basin, territory under the control of .the Uighur Iduq-qut, has been studied by several scholars. However, since previously unstudied Uighur documents with Forfeiture Clauses have recently been brought to light (by the author in The Toyo Gakuho, 58-3/4, 1977.) and because certain other indispensable but previously neglected Chinese sources require examination, it seems appropriate to reopen the subject.Each of these nine Uighur documents (doc. I-IX) [see Table (1)] contains many titles. For example, the Blessing Clause of doc. VIII, dated 1280 A. D., mentions a number of official ranks in the following order [see Chart (1)]: uluγ suu—the Mongol Emperor; aqa-ini-oγul-lar—the Emperor’s brothers and Emperor’s sons; bägädlär—begs; ančašï-lar (按察使 An-ch’a-shih and his men)—a kind of official and his entourage dispatched from the Emperor’s court; and šaz-ïn (沙津 Sha-chin, skr. Śāsana) ayγučï—a kind of religious leader. This order is not that decided by political authorities, and therefore seems to indicate that a native of the Turfan basin originally arranged it and published this document by himself.Šaz-ïn ayγučï seems to originally have referred to a native Turfan religious leader. However, according to the Forfeiture Clause of the same document and to an Imperial ordinance issued by Shih-tsu 世祖 in 1276 A. D. which is recorded in the T’ung-chih t’iao-ko 通制条格, the šaz-ïn ayγučï were under the direct control of the Mongol Emperor in the latter half of the 13th century.Some Forfeiture Clauses include other titles not listed in the Blessing Clause of doc. VIII [see Tables (2), (3)]. There are two features common to all the Forfeiture Clauses: the higher ranking officials receive higher forfeits than lower ranking ones, and the total sum of the forfeits is too high to be paid by a person wanting to cancel a contract. Thus, the Forfeiture Clause may have been only a general formulation.It should be noted that the title bäg, which ranks rather high in the Blessing Clause of doc. VIII, ranks low in all the Forfeiture Clauses. Concurrent investigation of many Uighur documents and the Chinese sources leads one to the conclusion that the term bäg had two meanings. The high ranking bäg in the document probably referred to the official bäg, and the appearance of low ranking bägs in the Forfeiture Clauses can be explained by reference to influential persons within the native society.The highest political authority changed hands—from the Uighur Iduq-qut to the Mongol Emperor—at about the middle of the 13th century. The person of the Iduq-qut, however, seems to have continued to be respected as a descendant of the fifth son of Chinggis Khan until the latter half of the 13th century. Doc. VIII is especially interesting in that its Forfeiture Clause includes the title of the Iduq-qut, but its Blessing Clause does not. This fact suggests that the Iduq-qut maintained nominal authority as late as 1280 A. D., but that he had lost any actual power to control the Uighur society.Finally, the author presents a diagram which shows the mutual relations of every official title appearing in the documents [see Chart (3)].

著者

中村 圭爾

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.3・4, pp.285-320, 1980-03

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The inscription buried in the grave of Liu Tai 劉岱 in Nan-ch’i 南斉 era was excavated in Chiang-su 江蘇 Province in 1969. This inscription gave full detail of the marital relations of Liu Tai. The purpose of this study is to discuss the characteristic features of marriage during the Southern Dynasties through a description of marriage as described in this inscription, and to relate this marital mode to the aristocracy of the Southern Dynasties.The inscription states that the Liu Tai family had marital relations with eight families in all. Moreover, within these eight families several had marital relations with each other, while among them several had been rejected by clans of the highest social status in the Southern Dynasties. Based on this fact, we presume that there existed two groups which had differing ranges of marriage possibility.Up till now it has been recognized that there were two major social statuses, namely shih 士 and shu 庶, and that they differed in the range of marriage possibility. But even within the shih class we can see the existence of two groups which had no marital relations with each other because of their difference in social status. Those are the groups stated in the beginning. Therefore we can confirm the existence of stratified groups classified by marital relationships. The marital relations described in the inscription in the grave of Liu Tai belong to the group which was placed between the highest status clan and shu people.By examining the official position of bureaucrats who came from the family, it became clear that their positions were right between the highest and lowest classes of bureaucrats. Based on this, we can see that the stratum of marriage possibility was almost coincident with bureaucrat position.On the other hand, marriages were carried out according to social status, and the stratum of marriage possibility was coincident with the social status of each clan. Therefore, we can conclude that in the Southern Dynasties the position of bureaucrats corresponded to their social status, and that these groupings formed particular social classes.Finally, the historical character of the Southern Dynasties’ aristocracy is defined by this unity of social status and bureaucratic position. Indeed, it was upon the existence of these particular social classes that the principles of governance by the Imperial authority were based.

著者

鄒 笛

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.2, pp.01-027, 2019-09

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The Jingkang 靖康 Incident marked the end of the Northern Song Dynasty (北宋), which was regarded as the watershed moment of the Song history. It also ushered in the beginning of the southward migration of northern ethnic groups. The Jingkang Incident has been regarded to embody the military weakness of the Song Dynasty. However, before the fall of the Northern Song, state governance was so stable that the Southern Song Dynasty (南宋) could be rebuilt immediately after its demise. This implies that the military power of the Northern Song Dynasty was not that insubstantial as discussed in the previous scholarship. This article defines the era between the Song-Jin war and the fall of the Northern Song as a “military process,” taking the battle of Taiyuan 太原 as a decisive moment. It mainly focuses on the international circumstance that the Northern Song faced, and discuss the complicated reasons of its destruction beyond the simple “military weakness” hypothesis. The Northern Song’s miscalculation of the Jin military strategy resulted in the latter’s occupation of Taiyuan and the entire Shanxi 山西. The Northern Song seems to have vacillated between distinct policies, which led to its endless diplomatic compromises and expedient military strategies. However, beneath the surface, the Northern Song Dynasty was striving to balance the battle lines between Kaifeng 開封 and Taiyuan. During this “military process,” the correlation among decision makers in the central government, the military correspondence between Kaifeng and Taiyuan, and the frontier military operations materialized, with its resultant influence persisting into the Southern Song Era. Having explored the “military process” during the fall of the Northern Song, this article concludes that the reason of its demise is far more complicated than the military weakness hypothesis. The influence of the international relations that the Northern Song faced should not be neglected. On the other hand, with the Jin army marching south, reconstruction of the nation’s defense line plays a vital role in the rebuilding of the Southern Song. Thus, research on the fall of the Northern Song can also prompt us to discuss the characteristic of the Southern Song regime.

著者

岸本 美緒

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.2, pp.33-34, 2019-09

著者

隋 藝

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.2, pp.029-057, 2019-09

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During the early 1950s, the Communist Party of China launched the “Three-Anti Campaign” (“San-fan” Yundong 「三反」運動) against corruption, waste and bureaucratic red tape. This article is an attempt to trace the development process of the Movement, by focusing on the regional and geopolitical situation in northeastern China; then tries to clarify the actual mentalities and behavioral responses of the general public to the Movement, by taking up the case of how the people of northeast China tried to adapt to it. It was in 1949 that there first appeared in northeast China activities intended to combat growing corruption within the CPC; but such direct action was prevented from evolving into a full-blown political movement by the necessity to expand production in response to the outbreak of the Korean War. Then in the summer of 1950, as the Korean War entered a stalemate, a movement to increase production through austerity (Zengchan Jieyue Yundong 增產節約運動) was launched, while political mobilization in the form of a “Two-Anti Campaign” (“Er-fan” Yundong「二反」運動) also was initiated. Later, the two fronts were merged into the “Three-Anti Campaign” and then escalated into the Party practice called “tiger-hunting” (dahu 打虎), involving coercing members of the general public to come forth and inform on corrupt Party officials, forcing confessions from the accused through various forms of torture, in order to meet quotas set for the number of offenders. As the general public became more and more embroiled in such an escalating oppressive political environment, a typical response to the call for austerity would involve people hiding anything that might appear expensive, including coats and shoes, and donning the plainest apparel they could find, to give the appearance of compliance. Others pleaded guilty (even if falsely charged), promising to repent, in order to mitigate the full brunt of the fear and violence perpetrated by the Movement. And then there were the opportunists, who tried to curry favor with the authorities by false accusations and acts of violence directed at their rivals. On the other hand, concerning how officials accused of similar offenses should be dealt with, the opinions of the government agencies employing the accused showed a modicum of leniency. That is to say, the Movement did not become so unruly that it threatened to completely destroy the human bonds supporting local everyday life, for even during the height of the Movement’s vehemence, we can still observe plenty of attempts at mutual protection based on intimate human relationships.

著者

岡崎 正孝

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.69, no.3・4, pp.307-335, 1988-03

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The waters of the Zāyandeh-rūd in Esfahān had traditionally been distributed among some 500 villages of seven irrigation districts through 105 madis, or main irrigation channels. In the Safavid period, however, a Royal order was proclaimed to abolish the customary water distribution systems and replace them with new regulations. Under the Qājārs, the regulation was altered by certain powerful individuals.The new regulation of the Safavids, known to be drawn up by Sheikh Bahā’ī of Amilī, a distinguished scholar at the court of Shāh ʻAbbās, was intended to gain a monopoly over the river’s summer irrigation water for the rice cultivation in four districts, in which the Crown lands were concentrated. Naturally, this caused the devastation of three other districts when their water supply was stopped.Furthermore, under the Qājār, with the rapid development of the reclamation of lands, the Safavid’s regulation was arbitrarily altered by such influential personages as the Crown Prince Zill al-Soltān, leading mojtaheds and large landlords at the ruinous, selfish sacrifice of the weak.This paper aims to illustrate one of the characteristic features of the land holding system of Iran through examining how irrigation water had been controlled by men of power.

著者

大石 真一郎

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.78, no.1, pp.95-120, 1996-06

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This paper attempts to examine the social and political situations of the Turkic Muslims, who are now called Uygur, at Kashgar in the early twentieth century and their reformist movement.After Ismail Gasprinski, the Crimean Tatar reformist, opened a model primary school at Bakhchisaray in 1884, his new-method (usul-i jaded) education had an important effect in the Muslim regions of Russia, the Ottoman Empire, and so on.Husayn and Baha’al-Din. the brothers of the Musa Bayof family, whose native place was Ustun Artush in the suburb of Kashgar, were representative millionaires in Eastern Turkistan (Sinkiang). They endeavored to introduce the new-method education, and opened schools at Ustun Artush and Gulja in 1908 at the latest. At Kashgar, the reformist ‘ulama ʻAbd al-Qadir Damulla also established a new-method school in 1912.But, the reformist movement was severely hampered by conservative ‘ulama and influential persons at Kashgar. The activities of the Turkish teacher, Ahmed Kemal, who had been sent by “the Committee of Union and Progress” and opened a new-method normal school at Ustun Artush under the assistance of the Musa Bayofs in 1914 made clear the conflicts among the Muslims. ‘Umar Bay who had rivaled the Musa Bayofs in commerce was one of the conservative leaders. He made approaches to the Chinese authorities and the Russian consul to suppress the reformists. Especially during World War I, the authorities were also fearful of the Pan-Turkic and Pan-Islamic inclination of Ahmed Kemal’s education.Though the authorities were cautious about the reformist movement, the native reformists actually never verbally nor physically oppose the Chinese rule, for, in those days, their objectives were limited to reforming the traditional Islam and enlightening the ignorant Muslims. Consequently,however, the Chinese authorities’ suppressions gave the occasion for the reformists to incline to drastic nationalism later.

著者

西 英昭

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.2, pp.033-040, 2018-09

著者

大塚 修

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.87, no.4, pp.528-534, 2006-03

著者

本田 實信

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.2, pp.220-226, 1959-09

著者

斯波 義信

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.2, pp.66-70, 2018-09

著者

原 實

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.4, pp.01-010(597~606), 1969-03

著者

津田 左右吉

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, no.2, pp.257-272, 1916-05

著者

川崎 信定

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.82, no.3, pp.451-456, 2000-12

著者

岩井 大慧

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, no.4, pp.439-528, 1932-04

著者

岩井 大慧

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, no.3, pp.445-456, 1933-03