著者

山崎 元一

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.3, pp.347-399, 1966-12

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The present article is the re-examination of the two legends closely connected with the Mahinda legend which the author examined in his last article in this journal (“The Mahinda Legend, A Critical Study”, Toyo Gakuho, XLVIII-2). In the present article, he asserts that: 1. Moggaliputta-Tissa, who was attributed to the teacher of Mahinda, must have been one of a famous thera (a senior monk) belonging to the Buddhist monk community of Avanti (including Sanchi and Ujjeni), since his name was found inscribed on two relic-caskets which were unearthed from two sûpas around Sanchi. 2. The legend of the sending of the missionaries to various countries may not be based on the historical facts but must be a fabrication of the Ceylonese monks, who divided the outlying lands of India into nine parts and where the famous missionaries were known, they picked up their names (such as Majjhantika, Mahādeva, Majjhima), and where such missionaries were unknown, they created fictional names to fill the blank in the legend (such as Rakkhita, Dammarakkhita, Mahârakkhita, Mahâdhammarakkhita.) They also put these missionaries under the command of Moggaliputta-tissa to give this famous thera the honour of organizing the great missionary work. 3. For the monks of Ceylon, who insisted on the orthodoxy of their school, it might have been necessary to put the legend of the Third Council before the legend of the Converting of Different Countries. In this process, they altered the place of Moggaliputta’s activities from Avanti to Pâtariputra, capital of Maghada. He was made, also, the president of the Council and the spiritual teacher of Asoka. 4. The early Ceylonese Buddhism developed under the direct influence of the Buddhism of Western India especially that of Avanti. Later Ceylonese monks needed to prove the authenticity of their religion and made such legends as above-examined ones to assert that their Buddhism was introduced directly from the home of Buddhism, i. e. Magadha. The author’s opinion will be endorsed by the fact that the similar change of places is also found in the legends of Vijaya, the founder of Ceylon, and Mahinda.

著者

井上 亘

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.95, no.4, pp.1-28, 2014-03

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This article presents the results of an empirical study of the word "Riben"日本(Jpn: Nippon; hi-no-moto)appearing in the epitaph of Ni Jun 禰軍 (613-678), a native of the Korean kingdom of Baekje, discovered in 2011 in Xi'an, the site of the Tang Dynasty capital of Chang'an. In this epitaph, which extols Ni's most prominent achievements, there is an item concerning his success in persuading a foreign "would-be emperor" to subject himself as a tributary of the Tang Dynasty, and the word "Riben" appears at the beginning of the item. Researchers to date have been of the opinion that the name of the Japanese archipelago kingdom of "Nippon" was formulated by the Asuka-Kiyomihara Ryo 飛鳥浄御原令 code enacted between 681-687, and firmly established in the Taiho Ryo 大宝令 code of 701; however, due to the fact that Ni Jun died in the year 678, it is now necessary to reconsider this assumption. The historian Tono Haruyuki has argued that the "Riben" in the epitaph of Ni Jun is not the name of a specific kingdom, but rather a term indicating the Far East, in general, and the territory of Baekje, in particular. The author of this paper attempts to refute such an idea by a detailed study of the text of the epitaph, leading him to the conclusion that "Riben" does in fact refer to the Japanese reading of "hi-no-moto ひのもと" for the Chinese characters日本 and surely indicates the archipelago kingdom.

著者

津田 左右吉

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, no.2, pp.257-272, 1916-05

著者

八木 啓俊

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, no.2, pp.1-28, 2020-09-17

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Due to a dearth of historiographical sources, the analysis of local potentates under the Timurid Dynasty (1370–1507) has been lacking. In the present article, the author takes up the case of one of those potentates, the Mar'ashīs, who set up a Sayyid political regime in the region of Mazandaran on the Caspian Sea in present day northern Iran and compares it with the Badakhshān regime, based on the Timurid chronicles and a local histoty entitled, Tārīkh-i Tabaristān wa Rūyān wa Māzandarān. After his conquest of Māzandarān, Tīmūr (r. 1370–1402) appointed two military figures based in Khurāsān as the governors (dārūgha) of Sārī and Āmul. However, since both dārūghas continued to maintain relations with their bases, Tīmūr attempted to limit their power by demanding military service and political hostages. When the dārūghas rebelled, the Timurids switched to indirect control over Mazandaran through the Mar'ashīs. With the establishment of the 'Alī Sārī regime in 1411/12, the Timurids ordered the Mar'ashīs to submit taxes, although at that point in time Māzandarān was still attempting to recover from the Timurid invasion and thus in no financial position to take on additional tax burdens. After the death of 'Alī Sārī in 1418, the Timurids took advantage of the resulting conflict and division among the Mar'ashīs to raise silk taxes through the promises of local rule to the highest bidder, who turned out to be Murtad ̣ ā. Then provisions pertaining to the taxation of Māzandarān were determined, and these rules would be followed by all succeeding amirs of the Timurid Dynasty. While the Timurid authorities did grant the Mar'ashīs a certain amount of autonomy regarding the administration of their regime and religious affairs, tax collection never wavered on the crucial economic resource of Māzandarān silk. In his comparison of Māzandarān and Badakhshān governance, the author finds similarities between the two concerning frequency of taxation, destinations of taxation, dispatch of tax collectors and military service, while noting a difference in the political status enjoyed by the two regimes at the Timurid court, stemming from the fact of the Badakhshan regime being formed later than the Mar'ashīs', thus resulting in the former's lower status.

著者

渡邊 美樹

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, no.3, pp.63-94, 2020-12-17

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In the research to date on the history of the Liao Dynasty, the reign of Emperor Shengzong 聖宗 (982–1031) is regarded as the turning point in the Dynasty's tribal system, based on the facts that Shengzong 1) reorganized the six nomadic tribes under the leadership of Xiwang 奚王 that had existed since the founding of the Dynasty and 2) formed subjects not of Qidan 契丹 ethnic origin—the Ordo 斡魯朶 people and imperial slaves—into tribes. Since there is no record of any new tribal formation in the Liaoshi 遼史 histories from that time on, Shengzong's reign is regarded as marking the completion of the Dynasty's tribal system. Referred to in the Liaoshi as "Shengzong's thirty-four tribes" (Shengzong Sanshisibu 聖宗三十四部), the research to date has inferred that this tribal collectivity was formed for the specific purposes of firmly establishing a centralized system of governance and expanding the tribal defense forces on the borders, despite the fact that no attempt have yet been made to ascertain the circumstances under which each individual tribe was formed. In order to fill this gap, the present article examines from which tribe each of Shengzong's thirty-four tribes originated through a careful survey of the background and motivation for each tribe's formation. What this survey reveals is the possibility of classifying the thirty-four tribes into two distinct groups: those people already under the Liao rule prior to Shengzong's reign and those people organized on the occasion of the acquisition of human resources in the expeditions during Shengzong's reign. Furthermore, the purposes behind formation varied from tribe to tribe: for example, compensating for population scarcities, accounting for war captives, the restoration of order on the frontier, and appeasing groups of people to submit to Dynasty rule. In other words, Shengzong's thirty-four tribes were not formed collectively under a consolidated policy of political centralization and border defense, but rather formed separately and incrementally in the process of the Liao Dynasty attempting to solve domestic and foreign problems that had arisen during Shengzong's reign. Despite the fact that the research to date has viewed the Liao tribal system as depicted in the Liaoshi as a self-evident conclusion and has avoided any discussion other than the aims of creating the system as a whole, the author concludes that tracing the circumstances of formation tribe-by-tribe casts doubt on the argument of the research to date that Shengzong conceived his own master plan when reorganizing the tribal system. In the future, only careful examination of conditions evolving over time promises to reveal the actual raison d'etre of the tribes formed under the Liao Dynasty.

著者

伊藤 光成

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, no.3, pp.1-29, 2020-12-17

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The Cao Wei 曹魏 Dynasty was a polity that faced a contradiction between its standing as a bona-fide Chinese dynasty and the reality of the Three Dynasties Period triumvirate. This article examines the idea of an international order envisioned by the Dynasty's founder Emperor Wen 文帝 (Cao Pi 曹丕) and the background to its conceptualization. To begin with, throughout the Later Han Period the relationship between that Dynasty and the peoples on its periphery had changed. In the north, the decline of the Xiongnu 匈奴 saw the rise of the Wuwan 烏丸 and the Xianbei 鮮卑; in the east, there was the establishment of tributary relations with the "Eastern barbarians" (Dongyi 東夷); and in the west, there was a rupture in relations with the kingdoms of the West (Xiyu 西域). Under such circumstances, newly enthroned Emperor Wen decided to follow the precedents set by the diplomacy practiced by an idealized Han Dynasty, focusing on the eras when that Dynasty was most influential in each of the three peripheral regions. Accordingly, in the north, an equestrian nomadic hierarchical order was established placing the emirs of the Wuwan and Xianbei under the Chanyu 單于 of the Xiongnu, as during the reign of Later Han Emperor Shun 順帝; in the east, a system of receiving tribute was set up by giving special treatment to the Gongsun 公孫 Clan regime in Liaodong, which exerted strong influence on such "Eastern barbarian" tribes as the Fuyu 夫餘, in the tradition of Later Han Emperor Guangwu 光武帝; and in the west, Former Han Emperor Yuan's 元帝 Wuji Xiaowei 戊己校尉 military order was reinstituted and Han Dynasty accomplishments in the region compiled, together with efforts to stabilize relations with the region through special treatment of the oasis city state of Jushi Houbuguo 車師後部國, which had caused the original break with the region during the Xin and Later Han Periods. It was in this way that Emperor Wen devoted himself to inheriting the "Han Dynasty international order," although his policies were often at odds with reality. Consequently, it is difficult to conclude that such diplomacy functioned effectively in the midst of uncertainty on all sides of the periphery. That being said, even if not fully in sync with the realities of the situation, there is no doubt that Emperor Wen attempted to gain legitimacy and authority for his Dynasty by assuming a posture of being the successor to the powerful Han Dynasty.

著者

中村 久四郎

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, no.2, pp.83-89, 1911-06

著者

和田 清

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.4, pp.419-474, 1954-03

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The Chapter on Po-hai (渤海) in the New T'ang Annals (新唐書) is a quite authentic source, as it was based on "Po-hai-kuo-chi" (渤海國記), the Description of the Po-hai Kingdom, by Chang Chien-chang (張建章) who visited himself the country as an ambassador. By means of its description the writer has succeeded in locating 5 metropolei (五京), 15 local centres (十五府) and 62 provinces (六十二州) of the country. In connection with these he also has determined the territorities of the Seven Tribes of Mo-ho (靺鞨) stated in the Chapter on Mo-ho of the Sui Annals. The identification of these places is the problem that no one has ever been able to solve. As no history of the inner Manchuria is more detailed than the history of Po-hai, the success in fixing the localities of Po-hai offers a solid foundation on which other geographical studies can be made. At the same time the writer is convinced that he can solve the problem about the peoples inhabiting the North-Eastern Asia beyond the boundaries of Po-hai. He also has been successful in allocating the Tribe Wu-jo (兀惹), the descendants of Hei-shui Mo-ho (黑水靺鞨). These results will be published at other opportunities.

著者

和田 清

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.4, pp.419-474, 1954-03

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The Chapter on Po-hai (渤海) in the New T’ang Annals (新唐書) is a quite authentic source, as it was based on “Po-hai-kuo-chi” (渤海國記), the Description of the Po-hai Kingdom, by Chang Chien-chang (張建章) who visited himself the country as an ambassador. By means of its description the writer has succeeded in locating 5 metropolei (五京), 15 local centres (十五府) and 62 provinces (六十二州) of the country. In connection with these he also has determined the territorities of the Seven Tribes of Mo-ho (靺鞨) stated in the Chapter on Mo-ho of the Sui Annals. The identification of these places is the problem that no one has ever been able to solve. As no history of the inner Manchuria is more detailed than the history of Po-hai, the success in fixing the localities of Po-hai offers a solid foundation on which other geographical studies can be made. At the same time the writer is convinced that he can solve the problem about the peoples inhabiting the North-Eastern Asia beyond the boundaries of Po-hai. He also has been successful in allocating the Tribe Wu-jo (兀惹), the descendants of Hei-shui Mo-ho (黑水靺鞨). These results will be published at other opportunities.

著者

菅原 純

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.86, no.2, pp.279-287, 2004-09

著者

山崎 元一

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.3, pp.267-311, 1971-03

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The aim of the present essay is to clarify the exact position of the low-classed people, especially that of the untouchables, Caṇḍālas, in ancient Indian society. The writer seeked into this problem based on the Buddhist canons, as well as Arthaśāstra, Dharmasūtra and Dharmaśāstra.In the first section the writer assumed that the institution of untouchables had its origin in the pollution concept which is still prevalent among the primitive people. It seems that the institution was developed in its religious and ritualistic aspects by the Brahmans in the process of the establishment of the Aryan agricultural societies and the subsequent formation of the territorial states, and was finally established with the further support of the Kṣatriyas. This institution was also acceptable for the other two classes, Vaiśya and Śūdra, who were the chief producers of the relevant society.In the second section the writer discussed that this institution of the low-classed people developed into a complicated system itself, and there might have been a distinction of higher or lower ranks even among themselves. Among the low-classed people, so-called Caṇḍālas outnumbered the most, and was made the lowest untouchables of the society. In the next third section it was discussed that the Caṇḍālas were mostly forming kinship societies among themselves and settled in a circumference of a Varṇa Society, still keeping their traditional customs and manners and earning their livelihood by serving for the despised professions such as services concerning the death, which was regarded as the most filthy occupation.Finally, in the fourth section, problem of the contact between the members of Varṇa Society and the untouchables was discussed, based on the concrete evidences observed in the Buddhist canons, giving as well various theoretical regulations picked up from Arthaśāstra, Dharmasūtra and Dharmaśāstra. Among the above sources, the latter documents have been used chiefly to clarify the expiation ritual (prāyaścitta) which was developed by the Brahmans aiming at maintaining purity of the Varṇa Society. It was also pointed out that the members of the Varṇa Society could not generally avoid the contact with Caṇḍālas in their everyday life, despite of the strict taboo concerning the above.The institution of untouchables superficially seems to be based on extremely religious and ritualistic demands to maintain the purity of the Varṇa Society but there certainly existed behind it other social, economic and political demands. Namely, exclusion of the low-classed people was to frame the Varṇa Society from outside, and further to consolidate the inter-class relationships within the Varṇa Society making them the ritualistic status order (viz. four varṇas).

著者

細野 浩二

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.3, pp.229-264, 1967-12

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In Mediaeval China a landlord generally had beside his tenants slaves to work on the field. At the time when agricultural productivity was still low, the master would keep his slaves in a more or less total economic dependence on himself. The relationship is termed as "chu p'u chih fen 主僕之分 (status distinction of master and slave)". Analysis of the late Ming and Ch'ing family rules reveals emergence of a new system of the economic interdependence between the master and the slave, termed as "hsiang tzu hsiang yang 相資相養 (mutual assistance and mutual support)", in which the former is under the obligation of favor (en 恩) to the latter to be reciprocated with loyalty (chung hsin 忠信) of the latter. This phenomenon is a reflection of a higher economic value of the slave in farm management as a result of increased agricultural productivity. The 1588 revision of the regulations concerning slaves in the Ming codes also seems to evidence this improvement in the slave's lot.

著者

石塚 晴通

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, no.1~4, pp.33-61, 1985-03

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It is well-known that the texts of the Nihonshoki owned by the Iwasaki-Bunko, which include the use of diacritic marks are the oldest texts of this kind, but there are few papers written about the compounding marks “gōfu” 合符 used with characters. In the texts there are two types of compounding marks. One was marked between two characters in the middle and the other was marked between two characters on the left. These compounding marks were based not on Chinese but on Japanese. The ones marked in the middle indicated a single Japanese word, and the ones on the left indicated two Japanese words in the 10th century.

著者

小池 求

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.91, no.4, pp.567-592, 2010-03

著者

満田 新造

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.15, no.3, pp.384-410, 1926-06

著者

護 雅夫

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, no.4, pp.451-460, 1957-03

著者

太田 敬子

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, no.1・2, pp.027-054(109~136), 1992-01

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The Jarājima (Mαρδαϊται in Greek), were a native group of the Amanus mts. in western Thughūr, the borderland between the Arab and the Byzantine power. This article will examine the character of the Jarājima, their activities in the Arabo-Byzantine conflicts and the policies of these Great Powers toward them, in order to reconstruct the history of Thughūr in the early Islamic period. The Jarājima concluded a very advantageous peace treaty with the Muslims, but they did not refrain from their insurgency against the Muslims in the mountainous region and from cooperating with the Byzantine Army. Their activity had great influence on the Arabo-Byzantine peace treaties. In addition, they played an important role in the anti-Muslim movements by the indigenous peoples in Syria. Finally, the Jarājima were driven out from their country by the Muslims, emigrating into Byzantine or Muslim territory.It should be confirmed that they were an armed portion of the indigenous people of the Amanus region, which controlled the passes there, and lived on compensation for maintaining garrisons, or by trade and plunder. Up until the diaspora throughout Byzantine and Muslim territory, they had been autonomous of any governing organization. This is a situation peculiar not only to the Jarājima, but also the other communities in the Thughūr region.We can find two underlying principles for the policy of the Muslims concerning the Jarājima: conciliation with some concessions and removal from the Amanus region and Muslim territory. Meanwhile, the Byzantine empire utilized of the Jarājima as a native army fighting against the Muslims. But, the Byzantines recognized them only as irregular, temporary soldiers on the periphery outside the borders. There was great contrast between the policy of the Muslims and that of the Byzantines, but the both seem to have considered the Jarājima as a people outside their political and strategic organization proper. This may be related with the ethnic character of the Jarājima.The movement of the indigenous peoples and the changes that occurred in their societies seem to have exerted a great influence on the establishment of Muslim rule in Thughūr. The history of the Jarājima shows the special character of that social change in that region of the era, and is therefore important as an excellent example of general change brought about by the expansion of the Muslims.

著者

清水 和裕

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, no.1・2, pp.055-061(102~108), 1992-01

著者

久村 因

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.2, pp.233-263, 1954-09

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Punishment by curtailing of personal liberty is said to have developed comparatively early in China. This essay, which investigates the circumstances of banishment applied by the Former Han to the feudal lords, reaches the following conclusions:1. The place of banishment was limited to the provinces of Shu 蜀 and Han-chung漢中. 2. As it was a punishment commuted by amnesty from sentence of death it was not a part of the general penal code of the Former Han dynasty.a. Additional punishments included demotion or fines.b. After judgment was given the person to be banished had the status of a free man, but this seems to have been with effect from the time of his reaching his place of banishment. Moreover, at the place of banishment he usually was prudent enough to keep behind closed doors.c. At the place of banishment, clothes, food and lodging were generally supplied by the district 縣 in which it was situated, while the sharing of the lodging appears usually to have been restricted to the children and their mother.d. After judgment had been given ordinary amnesties were not applicable.3. Thus when the abolished domains of the feudal lords were restored it was common, that the succession went to others than the real sons, which was exceptional to the law of succession under the Former Han.4. This custom ceased with the establishment of the Later Han dynasty.(Concerning the origin of this custom nothing can be said here because of lack of space)

著者

古谷 清

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, no.1, pp.113-121, 1914-03