著者

竹内 桂

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.1, pp.1, 2017 (Released:2017-05-19)

---

Takeo Miki, who assumed the position of prime minister in 1974, is one of the primary statesman in postwar Japan. He won his seat at the 20th general election in 1937, and was subsequently voted into office 19 times in a row. The purpose of this thesis is to classify the activities of Miki in the period of his school days at Meiji University after which I consider the significance of his student days. From the analysis, I can point out the following significant points. Firstly, Miki developed an interest in real politics. He decided that he would run in a general election in the future. Secondly, Miki was aware of the importance of what can be obtained from travel. Because of that, he developed international sensibilities and an interest in international affairs. Thirdly, Miki met Shintaro Fukushima and Kazushige Hirasawa, who both played important roles as Miki’s mentors at a later date. Fourthly, Miki came to recognize the importance of the mass media. It was essential for Miki to have entered Meiji University in order to become a member of the House of Representatives.

著者

鈴木 隆志

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.1, pp.1-16, 2011

---

The purpose of this paper is to examine the defects of the referendum through the case in which the issue of the shopping bag tax comprehended as a green fee has been rejected by the Seattle referendum. It is rather a rare case that the municipal ordinance, such as the shopping bag tax act previously approved by the Seattle City Council in 2008, and enacted in 2009, has been rejected in the referendum. The question is why the Seattle shopping bag tax act has been rejected in the referendum, despite the fact that Seattle citizens are considered liberal and environmentally oriented. There must be some defects in the referendum system itself or a sort of failure in the decision-making process for the shopping bag tax act. As for the failure of decision-making process of the city government, it can be indicated that there must have been a lack of an educational outreach touch to the citizens as well as a lack of mutual consensus between the city government and the business group. It is more important, however, to look into their referendum campaign maneuvers and also the dynamics of other elections for the local officials. I hope that this article will explain the American political climate of urban politics. I also hope the findings of this study will give readers some suggestions for the betterment of our local autonomy system in Japan.

著者

堀川 茂野

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.1, pp.139-157, 2006-11-15

---

In our modern police history, it has been considered that police activities have intruded into the details of civilian life and persecuted their freedom and rights. However, at present it can be said that both the police and welfare activities are for actualizing the safety of society and the happiness of people. This paper sees the police as a provider of welfare. Firstly, the author studied the legal reasons and the actual conditions of the "protective activities" that require the welfare aspect among police activities. Secondly, the author conducted a questionnaire survey targeted at citizens regarding the "protection of demented elderly with wandering symptom," which is one of the proliferating elderly-related problems and one which especially needs the activity of the police. In order to secure the physical safety of wandering demented elderly, it is desired to find wandering aged people and protect them as soon as possible. While referring to the situation of the police's protective activities and the results of the questionnaire survey, effective measures were designed. It is first necessary to amend the fundamental laws regarding protective activities: "Article 3 of the Policeman's Duty Performance Law" and "Regulations on the Protection of the People who Need Protection of the Police" in each prefecture, so as to describe more clearly how to deal with demented elderly. At the actual site of protection, the police officers in charge are required to have knowledge of dementia and the ability to deal with demented elderly, and it is an urgent task to secure appropriate places for protecting temporarily demented elderly. Furthermore, in a regional society, it is most important to establish a network for supporting the safety of wandering demented elderly, and it can be expected that such a network will become more effective if the police takes a leading role in cooperating with the regional residents. In order to solve such issues, it is necessary to oblige the police to conduct an appropriate protection of demented elderly, and it is desirable that the police works while considering their welfare duties.

著者

吉田 龍太郎

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.1, pp.21, 2017 (Released:2017-05-19)

---

The purpose of this research is to re-examine the views of Hitoshi Ashida, one of the prominent figures among Japanese liberalists in opposition parties during the early 1950s, on communist movements. On the issue of domestic policy, Ashida had a critical view on totalitarianism through his career as social-liberal intellectual and politician. Firstly, he declared caution concerning the Japanese Communist Party, which he described as seeking to establish a totalitarian regime in Japan. Secondly, while he tried not to be merely a hard-liner and to introduce his socialized economic policy, he tried to draw a line between communism and his social liberalism. However, he was also very pessimistic about the popularity of liberalism among Japanese people. And his position was becoming marginalized in this era of conflict between so called conservatives and progressives. On the issue of foreign policy, Ashida took a cautious view on the Soviet’s aggression in the Cold war through his active research on Russian diplomacy. Firstly, he accused the Japanese Communist Party of seeking to make Japan a satellite state of the Soviet Union. Secondly, while he tried not to be merely a hard-liner, continuing to think about the possibility of détente and retaining his love to Russian culture, he was cautious about any economic and cultural exchanges between Japan and communist states. However, he remained so pessimistic about the future of Japanese people who he viewed would tolerate communist countries. And his position was gradually opposed, even from the politicians within his own party. He also felt frustration about his social activities, which he saw didn’t attract interest in society and intellectual community, despite perceiving himself as specialist on Russian issues. Through this research, we can see how Ashida was in constant risk of becoming marginalized due to his active but hawkish position.

著者

宮畑 加奈子

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.2, pp.173, 2016 (Released:2017-11-01)

著者

佐賀 香織

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.2, pp.39-53, 2015-08-15 (Released:2017-11-01)

---

This Paper examines the role of Juniot Chamber International(JCI) in election in Japan. JCI is regarded as a grooming ground for many Politicians in Japan. One of the most important activities in the JCI is to propose public policies. JCI the 21 Century Rincho Since 2003 in its capacity as a public policy think. JCI holds panels on elections during pre-election campaigns and reviews Party Manifestos of the ruling party. In this paper we examine whether JCI's activities are promoting problem for civic education.

著者

小南 浩一

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.1, pp.106-123, 2006-11-15 (Released:2017-11-01)

---

This paper aims to discuss the common idea advocated by the two Japanese activists, Toyohiko Kagawa, a leader of the labor movement in the Kansai area and Sakae Osugi, a representative of the Japanese anarchists and the most radical leader. Although both activists seem to be in opposition to each other in the 1920s, their ideas were rooted in the same thought that the labor movement should aim to improve not only working conditions but also restoring humanity. They insisted that an employee should live humanly. This idea still has a significance in the modern society. It seems to come from their common backgrounds. Firstly, both were influenced by Proudhon, a French anarchist. Kagawa in particular was deeply inspired by Proudhon's insistence that the reform of the 'Exchange System' in capitalism should be the key to a solution of the social problems. Secondly, both had a common view of life, i.e. every value comes from life. The struggle against suppression of an individual life was their spirit of the labor movement. Today we still face the problems of humanity and alienation in a workplace, which they pointed out about 80 years ago. It is urgent to solve these issues for Japan now.

著者

白鳥 亜寧

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.2, pp.1, 2019 (Released:2019-10-10)

著者

伊藤 真希

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.2, pp.1, 2012 (Released:2017-11-01)

著者

村岡 敬明

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.1, pp.41, 2023 (Released:2023-12-15)

著者

上村 都

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.1, pp.147-159, 1999

---

<p>1 Fragestellung Die Frage, ob die Kollektivbeleidigung im allgemeinen und die sog. hate speech im besonderen zu verbieten ist, hat nicht nur auf volkerrechtlicher Ebene, sondern auch in der Staatsrechtswissenschaft Japans und anderer Staaten eine aktuelle Bedeutung. In diesem Beitrag ist darzulegen, dass die Bestrafung der Beleidigung von Kollektiven nur um des Schutzes der personlichen Ehre einzelner Gruppenangehoriger willen zu1assig ist und dass eine daruber hinausgehende Beschrankung der Meinungsfreiheit vetmieden werden soll. 2 Schutzbereich der Meinungsfreiheit Zuerst ist die Frage zu klaren, ob eine scharfe Kritik oder sogar eine beleidigende Ausserung unter den Schutzbereich der Meinungsfreiheit fallt. Nach der standigen Rechtsprechung des BVerfG besteht der Grundrechtsschutz unabhangig davon, ob die Ausserung rational oder emotional, begrundet oder grundlos ist und ob sie von anderen fur nutzlich oder schadlich, wertvoll oder wertlos gehalten wird. Im Auschwitzluge-Beschluss vom 13. 4. 1994 (BVerfGE 90, 241) hat das BVerfG die Verfassungsmassigkeit der behordlichen Auflage zwar zuerst wie folgt begrundet: Die in Frage stehende Ausserung soll aus dem Schutzbereich des Grundrechts nach Art. 5 Abs. 1 ausgeschlossen werden, well sie eine erwiesen falsche Tatsachenbehauptung darstellt. Das Gericht hat aberdaneben den zweiten Weg gezeigt, der davon ausgeht, dass auch die Auschwitzluge unter den grundrechtlichen Schutzbereich fallen kann, soweit sie als Meinungsausserung zur Erpressbarkeit deutscher Politik verstanden werden kann. Dogmatisch glatter und verallgemeinerungsfahiger ist der zweite Weg. Der erstere, der Ausschluss bestimmter Aussagen vom Schutzbereich der Meinungsfreiheit, kann zwar fur die Auschwitzluge zutreffen. Es fallt aber schwer, einen zweiten Anwendungsfall auch nur theoretisch zu finden. 3 Personliche Betroffenheit als Ausgangspunkt Die zweite Frage lautet: Was ist eigentlich das Rechtsgut, das durch das Verbot der Kollektivbeleidigung geschutzt werden soll? Die Ehre des Kollektivs als solches oder die des einzelnen Mitglieds? Nach dem "Soldaten sind Morder"-Beschluss vom 10. 10. 1995(BVerfGE 93, 266) soll es die "personliche" Ehre der einzelnen Gruppenangehorigen sein. Die personliche Betroffenheit ist nach dem BVerfG dann anzunehmen, wenn es sich um eine abgrenzbare und iiberschaubare Gruppe handelt und die herabsetzende Ausserung an ein Merkmal anknupft, das bei allen Angehorigen des Kollektivs vorliegt, und wenn die angenommene Gruppe nicht uniiberschaubar gross ist(wie: alle Katholiken oder alle Protestanten, alle Gewerkschaftsmitglieder, alle Frauen). 4 Giiterabwlgung Drittens ist die Frage zu klaren, wie die beiden kollidierenden Grundrechtsguter abgewogen werden sollen. Das BVerfG entwickelte schon im Luth-Urteil vom 15. 1. 1958(BVerfGE 7, 198) die sog. "Wechselwirkungslehre". Sie verlangt, dass die Grundrechtsschranke in ihrer das Grundrecht beschrankenden Wirkung ihrerseits im Lichte der Bedeutung dieses Grundrechts gesehen und so interpretiert werden muss, dass der besondere Wertgehalt des eingeschrankten Rechts auf jeden Fall gewahrl bleibt. Als deren Konkretisierung gelten nach der Rechtsprechung die "Vermutungsformel" und die "Vorrangformel". Die erstere lautet: wenn es sich bei der umstrittenen Ausserung um einem Beitrag zuv offentlichen Meinungsbildung oder zu einer die Offentlichkeit wesentlich beruhrenden Frage handelt,so spricht eine Vermutung zugunsten der Freiheit der Rede. Die letztere gilt dagegen fur die herabsetzenden Ausserungen, die entweder die Menschenwurde eines anderen antasten oder sich als Formalbeleidigung oder Schmahung darstellen. In diesem Fall soll die Meinungsfreiheit regelmassig hinter den Ehrenschutz zurucktreten. Im Falle der Kollektivbezeichnung gilt noch eine weitere Vermutung: wenn eine Personengruppe durch eine bestimmte soziale Funktion geeint ist, lasst</p><p>(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)</p>

著者

砂脇 恵

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.2, pp.287, 2018 (Released:2018-09-27)

著者

富樫 ひとみ

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.2, pp.47, 2017 (Released:2017-11-01)

著者

小泉 憲和

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.2, pp.212-219, 2005-05-15 (Released:2017-11-01)

著者

板橋 亮平

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.1, pp.73-87, 2010-11-15

---

Rawls is currently a very popular research topic. Although this is a desirable situation, studies on Rawls are full of inaccurate discourses. In Japan, too, studies especially on reflective equilibrium-are full of errors. In this paper I will demonstrate this, especially in the case of Japanese research.

著者

和田 幸司

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.1, pp.88-115, 2010-11-15

---

The primary concern of this paper is to clarify the approach of the Syoukouji Temple to the authority of the Tenno and his court. This paper is based on a study on the "Kizokuka" of the Hongwanji Temple that was suggested by TSUJI Zennosuke and WAKITA Haruko. I use two research methods. Firstly, I examin the incident in which the Nishi Hongwanji Temple seized the land of the Syoukouji Temple. Secondly, I consider the economic foundation of the Syoukouji Temple from the perspective of spreading the sect's teachings. This article is for people who are interested in Shin Buddhism and early modern Japanese history The main findings of this paper are as follows. 1. The Syoukouji Temple built up a relationship with Tenno and his court by maintaining a religious relationship with Kujoke and Chitokuin. 2. The sect's believers in Satsuma and Ryukyu supported the "Kizokuka" of the Syoukouji Temple. 3. Belief was orientated towards the Tenno and his court in early modern times.

著者

付 月

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.2, pp.1-12, 2008-05-15

---

Stateless person, who lack a legal bond of a nationality which has been described as "the right to have rights", exist in all regions of the world. Japan is not an exception from this phenomenon. Some person are turned "stateless" due to political or historical reasons, and many new born stateless children of foreign parents are living in the shadows of the Japanese society. The most effective way of protecting stateless persons, according to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), is to develop legislation that avoids creating a situation of statelessness in the first place. However, it is estimated that there are about 15 million stateless persons in the world who should be protected until the problem of statelessness is eliminated. Ensuring the right of stateless persons to remain in their country of habitual residence is indispensable for the protection of stateless persons. Nevertheless, many stateless persons are confronted with a danger of expulsion and detention in the country of their habitual residence despite the fact that they lack of protection by any state in the world. This article focuses on the issues of protecting stateless persons, especially on the rights to remain and re-enter the country of their habitual residence, and on the protection against expulsion and detention of stateless persons. I drew particular attention to analyze the actual situation of the deportation and detention of stateless persons who are irregularly staying in Japan.

著者

後藤 新

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.1, pp.15, 2019 (Released:2019-04-08)

著者

西山 智之

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.2, pp.131-145, 2015-08-15 (Released:2017-11-01)

---

Sex crime is a serious problem. It causes mental pain for victims and social unrest. GPS monitoring and the official information disclosure system have become famous topics of discussion in Japan in the last few years. In this paper I raise three points that have yet to be discussed in this context: (1) a sex offender has a mental illness, requiring special treatment; (2) the judicial system needs a system for investigating an accused's individual traits in court to facilitate correctional treatment; (3) a period for the treatment of sex offenders in penal institutions must be ensured. In this paper, I mention a controversial mental disease called sex addiction and point out possible methods for treating sex offenders. Finally I discuss a new criminal justice system in Japan for repeat sex offenders and propose four ideas: (1) a system for pre-sentencing investigation, (2) treatment advice from judges, (3) a treatment system in penal institutions that allots ample time for the treatment of illness, (4) the assurance of enough time before probation.

著者

村岡 敬明

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.2, pp.1, 2020 (Released:2021-01-20)