著者

坂口 稔

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.2, pp.221, 2019 (Released:2019-10-10)

著者

西島 裕行

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.1, pp.130-141, 2010-11-15 (Released:2017-11-01)

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Recently, social/public concern has increased with regard to problems involving traffic crime. It can be said that drunken driving is very dangerous and vicious. First of all, operating a car in itself holds the danger of causing serious injury or death to people. It is thought that one factor in this is that there are problems with applying charges of dangerous driving resulting in death or injury and with Road Traffic Law regulations. The purpose of this study, therefore, is to solve the problems concerning penal regulations for drunken driving. The study also aims to examine the state of political issues and the legislative system in Japan using as a case example a drunken-driving accident which occurred in Fukuoka in 2006.

著者

板橋 亮平

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.1, pp.103-124, 2008-11-15 (Released:2017-11-01)

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify the different views in Rawls's The Law of Peoples from Kant's Perpetual Peace. The reason why I write this paper is that Rawls says The Law of Peoples depends on Kant's Perpetual Peace and he himself doesn't indicate the different points. First, by comparing the international law with the law of peoples, I demonstrate that there are different points as to the theoretical construction between them. Secondly, I indicate that there is a different stance as to self-defense of war between them. Thirdly, I maintain that the political that Rawls thinks of is different from the political that Kant states. Fourthly, I emphasize that the relation the international law supposes is different from the relation the law of peoples supposes.

著者

粟屋 剛

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.2, pp.257-269, 2015-08-15 (Released:2017-11-01)

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Recently, visiting foreign countries, especially Asian countries to undergo organ transplantation has become a target of international criticism as "transplant tourism". Is it right to blame foreign patients who go to China or other parts of Asia, including Japanese patients, in order to undergo organ transplant? Is it right for them to be refused medical care after returning home? This phenomenon has been widely observed, especially in Japan. The Japanese medical establishment has adopted a kind of policy substantially forbidding patients to go to China or other parts of Asia for transplants, and also forbidding doctors to give transplant-related care to such patients. Even if the patients who go to China or elsewhere for organ transplants can be ethically blamed, is it justifiable for medical doctors to refuse to give them medical care? These issues are related but different, and should be discussed separately. For example, in the case of China, even though it's transplant policy has human rights problems with respect to death-row prisoners and Falun Gong practitioners, it does not seem right to indirectly put pressure from behind, so to speak, on patients who are in a weak position, in order to affirm the Japanese and WHO positions against Chinese transplant policy. The issue is whether it is good or not for patients in trouble to be sacrificed in order to realize a certain policy. Of course, in Japan, legally speaking, the issue may be subject to the so-called concept of "refusal of medical care". Article 19 of the Japanese Medical Practitioners Act prescribes that a doctor engaging in medical care must not refuse medical diagnosis and treatment without "a justifiable reason". It is, however, extremely doubtful whether the receipt of organ transplantation in China, or other parts of Asia constitutes "a justifiable reason". It seems that refusal of medical care to the patients who underwent organ transplants in China or other parts of Asia and returned to their countries presents a big problem of infringement of patients' human rights. The patients' human rights are an important interest of bioethics. Just as Chinese death-row prisoners, Falun Gong practitioners, etc. whose organs are extracted, and Southeast Asian donors who donate their organs for money due to poverty, have human rights, patients who go to foreign countries because they are not able to undergo organ transplants in their own countries also have human rights. If the former are weak under the power of the state, the latter are weak in the face of the power of the medical establishment. If the concept of "humanity" applies here, it also applies there. If ethics is used as a weapon for attacks, it may also be turned to the user of the weapon. Can we tell the patients to sit and wait for death? Leaving the patients in the lurch is not true ethics.

著者

橋本 大二郎

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.2, pp.233, 2017 (Released:2017-11-01)

著者

松永 光雄

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.2, pp.39, 2013 (Released:2017-11-01)

著者

塚本 孝

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.1, pp.146, 2013 (Released:2017-11-01)

著者

大見 サキエ

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.2, pp.221, 2016 (Released:2017-11-01)

著者

長尾 英彦

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.1, pp.121-132, 2007

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1. Anfangs 2. Tatsachenkontext 3. Entscheidungen 4. Untersuchung (1) Besonderheit des Wasserunternehmens (2) Inwieweit kann die "Zuschlagsgebuhr" zugelassen werden? Gibt es der prufungsmassstab? (3) Justizprufung zur "Gemeindeverordnung" (4) Eigentliche Aufgabe der Justizprufung 5. Schlusswort

著者

照屋 信治

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.1, pp.1-16, 2003-11-05 (Released:2017-11-01)

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The purpose of this study is a) to categorize the thought and events of Okinawa in the Meiji period, and b) to examine the historical position of Ryukyu Education (1895-1906) published by Association of Okinawan Private Education. Results of recent research in colonial studies and the framework for analysis of assimilation are adopted in this study. The term 'Kouminka' has been used carelessly in the existing study of modern Okinawan history. Ambiguous use of 'Kouminka', which has expressed some basic aspects of Okinawa, makes it almost impossible for us to understand those thought and events precisely. Well organized and strict discussion on modern Okinawan history can be made by using results of recent research in colonial studies and the framework for analysis of assimilation. Very few attempts have been made at such examination. This study has a significance in reexamining the framework for the thought on modern Okinawan history.

著者

築山 欣央

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, no.1, pp.94-105, 2002-11-15 (Released:2017-11-01)

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In modern society, the scene where a state participates in freedom of expression positively is seen not infrequently. For example, there is support about exhibition of a fine-arts worek, and subsidy aiming at promotion of media art, such as a movie. In oder to promote expression, when the assistance and the support by the state are made, by law, to a receiver, conditions are attached oe selection by the state is made from two or more proposers. Traditional Freedom of expression principle has been chiefly aimed at the positive regulation by the state.For example, they are penal regulations or prior restraint. However, how should the relation between freedom of expression and state be considered by assistance which is not so? This report introduces the argument in the court case and the theory in the United States, and considers the problem of Government-Funded Speech.

著者

堀川 茂野

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.1, pp.139-157, 2006-11-15 (Released:2017-11-01)

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In our modern police history, it has been considered that police activities have intruded into the details of civilian life and persecuted their freedom and rights. However, at present it can be said that both the police and welfare activities are for actualizing the safety of society and the happiness of people. This paper sees the police as a provider of welfare. Firstly, the author studied the legal reasons and the actual conditions of the "protective activities" that require the welfare aspect among police activities. Secondly, the author conducted a questionnaire survey targeted at citizens regarding the "protection of demented elderly with wandering symptom," which is one of the proliferating elderly-related problems and one which especially needs the activity of the police. In order to secure the physical safety of wandering demented elderly, it is desired to find wandering aged people and protect them as soon as possible. While referring to the situation of the police's protective activities and the results of the questionnaire survey, effective measures were designed. It is first necessary to amend the fundamental laws regarding protective activities: "Article 3 of the Policeman's Duty Performance Law" and "Regulations on the Protection of the People who Need Protection of the Police" in each prefecture, so as to describe more clearly how to deal with demented elderly. At the actual site of protection, the police officers in charge are required to have knowledge of dementia and the ability to deal with demented elderly, and it is an urgent task to secure appropriate places for protecting temporarily demented elderly. Furthermore, in a regional society, it is most important to establish a network for supporting the safety of wandering demented elderly, and it can be expected that such a network will become more effective if the police takes a leading role in cooperating with the regional residents. In order to solve such issues, it is necessary to oblige the police to conduct an appropriate protection of demented elderly, and it is desirable that the police works while considering their welfare duties.

著者

新井 誠

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.2, pp.115-126, 2001-05-15 (Released:2017-11-01)

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L'irresponsabilite parlementaire a, depuis 1789, presente une utilite pratique ainsi qu'une legitimite theorique et politique. Dans ce article, nous l'etudions au point de vue pratique (historique) et theoripue. Par-dessus tout, nous faisons la distinction entre la theorie de l'irresponsabilite d'un depute et la theorie de l'automomie d'une assemblee parlementaire. Table de matieres 1. Introduction 2. L'irresponsabilite parlementaire au point de vue historique, specialement historique revolutionnaire 3. L'irresponsabilite parlementaire au point de vue theorique constitutionnelle dans le III^e Republique 4. Conclusion

著者

北村 貴

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.2, pp.207, 2018 (Released:2018-09-27)

著者

東 裕

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.28, pp.49-60, 1992-05-20 (Released:2017-11-01)

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1. Introduction 2. Les modalites de l'intervention du Parlement sur les actes pris par l'Executif au titre des pouvoirs de crise 3. La ratification des mesures de crise par le Parlement 4. Le controle de l'exercice des pouvoirs de l'article 16:le controle parlementaire 5. Conclusion

著者

小谷 順子

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.1, pp.160-169, 1999-11-15 (Released:2017-11-01)

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When racial/sexual harassment became rampant in the U.S. in 1980s, many colleges and universities along with local governments adopted regulations which proscribed hate speech and other fotms of hatred. In 1992, however, the Supreme Court struck down an ordinance banning "fighting words" that insulted or provoked violence "on the basis of race, color, creed, religion or gender." In R.A.V.v.City of St. Paul, the Court stated that the ordinance impermissibly discriminated against unpopular topics. Critics of R.A.V. showed deep concern for the logic of the Court and others provided their reasoning for upholding strictly framed regulations. In this Article, I intend to present outline of the debate on hate speech regulations in the United States. In Chapter II, I overview the anti-regulation argument by presenting R.A.V. and then point out the flaw in its logic. In Chapter III, I turn to the pro-regulation argument and discuss how the proponents of the regulations solves the problem of content/viewpoint discrimination. I then present the harm caused by hate speech, and finally analyze hate speech regulations under the values of the Freedom of Speech.

著者

大林 啓吾

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.1, 2014

著者

渡辺 耕治

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.1, pp.1, 2014 (Released:2017-11-01)

著者

菅谷 幸浩

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.2, 2018

著者

佐賀 香織

出版者

日本法政学会

雑誌

法政論叢 (ISSN:03865266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.2, pp.39-53, 2015

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This Paper examines the role of Juniot Chamber International(JCI) in election in Japan. JCI is regarded as a grooming ground for many Politicians in Japan. One of the most important activities in the JCI is to propose public policies. JCI the 21 Century Rincho Since 2003 in its capacity as a public policy think. JCI holds panels on elections during pre-election campaigns and reviews Party Manifestos of the ruling party. In this paper we examine whether JCI's activities are promoting problem for civic education.