著者

青柳 正規

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.1, pp.161-161, 1986-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

二ノ宮 崇司

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.2, pp.143-163, 2010

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The aim of this paper is to examine the phonetic features of emphatics in Jibbāli, a Semitic languages of Oman. Jibbāli emphatics have been regarded variously as ejective or glottalized in previous research.<br>&emsp;I analyzed recordings of Amharic ejectives (t', s') and non-ejectives (t, s) as well as Korean glottalized (t^ʔ, s^ʔ) and non-glottalized consonants (t, s), and contrasted them with Jibbāli emphatics (T, K, S, S̃, Ś, Ṯ) and non-emphatics (t, k, s, s̃, ɫ, θ) recorded during my field research conducted in the Sultanate of Oman July-August, 2008. I examined them in terms of voice-bar, fill, intensity and duration of the adjacent silent period and the release burst, using Kay's Multi-Speech (ver. 2.5).<br>&emsp;It turns out that all Jibbāli emphatics are unvoiced in terms of the voice-bar. In Amharic, the intensity of word-final <i>t^ʔ</i> is stronger than that of word-final <i>t</i>. In Jibbāli also, the emphatics were strong in comparison to the non-emphatics. The duration of the silent period of both Jibbāli emphatics and Amharic ejectives is longer than that of Korean glottalized consonants. Concerning the duration of release burst, in Amharic, that of fricative ejectives tends to be shorter than that of fricative non-ejectives. That of the Jibbāli emphatics likewise is shorter than that of the non-emphatic counterpart. However, in Korean, the release burst of the glottal <i>s^ʔ</i> has almost the same duration as that of the non-glottal <i>s</i>.<br>&emsp;In conslusion, judging from their intensity and duration, Jibbāli emphatics have been confirmed to be ejectives.

著者

花田 宇秋

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, no.1, pp.232-235, 1977-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

黒柳 恒男

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, no.3-4, pp.95-110,144, 1964 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

19

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Sufism played a great role in the classical Persian literature which flourished from the tenth century to the fifteenth century. We may regard a poet to be a Sufi by nature and a Sufi is incomplete without ecstacies of a poet.The first Persian Sufi poet was Abu Said Abi'l Khair who employed ruba'i form as a mode of Sufi expression. Sanai, Attar, Rumi and Jami expressed Sufism chiefly in mathnavi form.Persian Sufism found its highest expression in ghazal, the greatest exponent of which was Hafiz.The conventional symbolic language is characteristic of Sufi poetry. It is said that every object mentioned by Sufi poets is typal of some philosophic or Sufi conception.In this article I divided Sufi symbolic terms into the following five categories chiefly based on the great Sufi poet Iraqi's work.(A) Terms on the parts of human body.(B) Terms on wine(C) Terms on religion.(D) Terms on plants.(E) Terms on nature.(F) Terms on love.

著者

道明 三保子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.24, no.1, pp.49-75, 1981-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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At Taq-i-Bustan situated in northwest Iran, the relief of Royal Boar Hunt of the larger grotto shows the rich illustration of the late Sasanian textile designs, which decorate the garments of the figures. The sorts of the motifs and arrangements of decorative patterns on the garments are selected according to the groups of the figures.The vegetable motifs contain a lot of variations, but their forms are reduced into a few groups. The origin of floral designs of eight petals, quatrefoil leaves and chrysanthemum remounts to ancient Mesopotamian and Achaemenid art. The motif of quatrefoil rose succeeds Roman and Parthian tradition. The motif of the tree of life is a Sasanian type. Most of their forms are comparatively simple. As the main patterns of the garments, the vegetable motifs are seen only on the kings and musicians' garments.On the contrary, the bird motifs are richly seen as the main patterns of the garments. The aquatic bird motifs are seen on the rider-courtiers' garments. The cock, peacock, crane and eagle motifs are seen on the other courtiers' garments. The simurgh motif is only seen on the kings' garments. The sheep and boar head motifs are represented on the partial decorations of garments of the crews of the kings' boats. These animal motifs are not decorated with ribbons and pearl necklaces which are very popular in the Sasanian-type textile designs.In comparison with the designs of Sasanian-type textiles, the arrangements of main patterns on the garments reveal certain irregu-larities and simplifications. These arrangements are classified into several types, such as arrangements of horizontal row, symmetry, zigzag and diagonal lattice. In the Royal Boar Hunt, there are neither zigzag patterns of the roundels surrounded by a pearl ring, nor zigzag patterns of the roundels enclosing symmetrical arrangements. The simurgh pattern of the Mounted King in the lower section of the rear wall shows the most developed phase in the textile designs of Taq-i-Bustan.

著者

白岩 一彦

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.1, pp.17-31, 1991-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The Paris Manuscript of the Jami' al-tavarikh of Rashid al-Din (Bibliothèque Nationale, Supplément persan 1113), adorned with 109 miniatures, is one of the best manuscripts of this work. É. Blochet put this manuscript in high esteem, considering it to have been completed in 1304-1318. However, B. Gray and other art historians opposed this, stating that the manuscript in question is of later date, namely of Timurid period. The close examinations of this manuscript both in text and miniatures in comparison with other contemporary manuscripts (Revan 1518, Hazine 1654, etc.) reveal to us the fact that this manuscript actually belongs to the earliest manuscripts of the Jami' al-tavarikh, and that it was completed most probably in 1304-1318 as was originally maintained by É. Blochet.

著者

白岩 一彦

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.1, pp.55-70, 1993-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The Tehran Manuscript of the Jami' al-tavarikh (Kitabkhanah-i Majlis-i Shuray-i Milli, MS no. 2294) has so far been neglected in the scholarly world in general save in Japan where some scholars used the facsimile edition of this manuscript in their scholarly articles. This manuscript was, however, only partially utilized in them, and the true value of it remains unknown to the world.This article intends to bring to light the unique features of this manuscript in comparison with other manuscripts such as Istanbul Manuscript (Revan Köškü 1518) and Paris Manuscript (Supplément persan 1113) and to prove that it is actually older and much more accurate manuscript of the Jami' al-tavarikh than the Istanbul Manuscript which has so far been considered to be the best and oldest manuscript of the same work.

著者

宮崎 修二

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.1, pp.57-82, 2003-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

60

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In the research of ancient Palestine, Tel Zeror, located in the northern Sharon plain, is generally considered to be a site once occupied by the Sikil Sea People (formerly known in the scholarship as Tjekker) in the early Iron Age. The examination of artifacts brought from mid 1960s excavations of Tel Zeror, some of which are examined here for the first time, reveals that the site's ethnic association with the Sikils is not sufficiently supported, despite the fact that some “Philistine” indicators, such as the lion-headed cup, or “rhyton”, and bottle pyxis were found at the site. The material culture revealed by the early Iron Age layers, including collared-rim pithoi, fails to demonstrate that a certain ethnic group was dominant among the population of Tel Zeror in this period. Furthermore, the common assumption that a fortress that once stood at Tel Zeror that dates back to the late 11th century BC was built by the Sikils is belied by the fact that recent excavations at nearby Dor indicate that the Sikil's settlement there had been destroyed before the fortress was constructed at Tel Zeror.The history of the northern Sharon plain in the late 11th century BC should not be characterized chiefly in terms of Philistine material culture. The local Canaanite tradition still existed, and “Phoenician” influences had started to emerge. The Philistine, or Sea Peoples, culture only played a limited role outside the southern coastal plain, with the probable exceptions of coastal cities in the north, like Dor and Akko. It is more likely that the basic cultural character of early Iron Age Tel Zeror belonged to the continuity of the local tradition. New elements, which can possibly interpreted as belonging to the Sea Peoples, do not have any significance in the material culture of early Iron Age Tel Zeror, particularly in the late 11th century BC. Archaeologically, the Sikil's dominance over the northern Sharon plain cannot be demonstrated in the way most scholars have come to accept.

著者

前嶋 信次

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, no.4, pp.1-14,140, 1966 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The activities of Nuri ash-Shaalaan, the grand chief of Ruala Bedouin tribe in Syrian Desert, during the 1st world war was vividly described by T. E. Lawrence in his Seven Pillars of Wisdom. Therefore the life of this old warrior became very popular among the people who are interested in the modern history of the Arab countries. However, the account of the same hero by the late Colonel Keiji Sahara, who explored the Arab lands twice during the time between the 1st and 2nd world wars, has been hitherto quite neglected, or rather forgotten even by his compatriots. I have already made public an article “Arabia and Nejd horses” in the “Saudi Arabia”, the magazine of the Saudi Arabian Society in Japan, No. 21, April 1967, and through it I tried to introduce Mr. Sahara's reports about the thoroughbred horses of Arabia.This time, I intend to introduce from the standpoint of historical evaluation the idformation of his interview with ash-Shaalaan and his eldest son. I think that, though it is not so colorful as that of T. E. Lawrence, it is still worthy of note because it is probably one of very few pictures in his later days of this friend of Lawrence of Arabia.

著者

設楽 國廣

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.1, pp.1-15, 1992-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) was established in 1889 by Ibrahim Temo and his classmates at the Army Medical School in Istanbul to restore the 1876 Constitution, which had been suspended by Sultan Abdul Hamid II since 1878. However, under the suppression of the Sultan, CUP leaders took exile to Europe. The founder, Ibrahim Temo, moved to Constanza, Rumania.The Osmanli Committee of Liberty, another Constitution-supporting organization established in Selanik in 1906, accepted a mission of the CUP in Paris, which was then under the leadership of Ahmet Riza, and changed its own name to CUP Selanik in the same year.In 1908 Niyazi, a member of CUP Manastir, another CUP local, which had separated from CUP Selanik, started the rising for the revival of the Constitution that marked the beginning of the Young Turks Revolution.After the 1908 uprising, the CUP Selanik leaders—Talat, Cemal, and Enver—in their attempt to gain recognized positions in the traditional regime, approached older statesmen in the Osmanli government. It was in accordance with this strategy that they decided to eliminate other CUP members, even its founder Ibrahim Temo, so to make CUP Selanik the only authoritative center of the CUP. As a result, Ibrahim Temo, who played a crucial role at the initial stage of the Young Turks Revolution, lost his power base in Ottoman Empire politics and later became a Senator in Rumania.

著者

湯川 武

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.22, no.2, pp.57-74, 1979 (Released:2010-03-12)

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One of the characteristic features of the medieval ‘ulama’ was their high geographical mobility. Pilgrimage, travelling for academic purposes and commercial activities, sometimes a combination of some or all of these, were its important factors while many ‘ulama’ were attracted for better job opportunities in other places.A need for Sunni ‘ulama’ in Egypt was first created by Saladin when he destroyed the Fatimids and began to rebuild Sunnism in Egypt. During the Ayyubid and early Mamluk period more ‘ulama’ flowed into Egypt from different parts of the Islamic world. Among them were many from the Islamic West. Even during the Fatimid period there was a connection between Western and Egyptian ulama i n the fields of hadith and Maliki law studies.Those Western ‘ulama’ can be classified into two types; one was the transit type and the other the settler type. Those belonging to the first contributed to the exchange of scholarship, bringing to Egypt some of Western achievements and back home more knowledges and skills from the East. But more important was their contribution to the promotion of the general feeling of Islamic unity and solidarity by teaching the population both of Egypt and the West through their contacts with local ‘ulama’ and their other travelling experiences in other lands.The contributions of the second type was more concrete; many Maliki fuqaha' who came to Egypt and lived there permanently played a significant role in establishing the Maliki law school there by working as teachers and sometimes as qadis. In other fields of scholarship, many individual scholars from the West made great contributions; to name a few, al-Shatibi in the qira'a, al-Qurtubi in the tafsir and Abu Hayyan in the philology. Another point we cannot neglect is that the western ‘ulama’ in Egypt were mostly Sufi is or zahids and helped the diffusion of sufism in Egypt.All in all, they were the beneficiaries of the general feeling of Islamic unity and they themselves in turn strived to promote and materialize this feeling.