著者

岡田 真弓

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.1, pp.138-158, 2009

被引用文献数

1

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This article examines how Christian archaeological sites have been excavated, preserved and exhibited in Israel.<br>&emsp;It has been pointed out that the archaeological research and preservation in the Near East have been affected by ethnic, religious and political ideologies in this area: Especially in Israel, archaeology has been used to highlight the idea that this area has been the land of the Israeli from ancient times. Thus, conservation and exhibition of site has also concentrated on Jewish sites. However, it is not clear how non-Jewish archaeological sites, such as Christian and Muslim ones, have been treated in the modern Israeli society.<br>&emsp;Therefore, this article describes how non-Jewish archaeological sites have been dealt with by examining the archaeological practices at Christian sites, especially those of ancient churches.<br>&emsp;Two organizations, the National Park Authority and the Franciscan Order are dealt with in this article. The analysis suggests that the ancient churches in the national parks are preserved as a whole and exhibited as the one of the buildings in the city, whereas, the Franciscan Order keeps them below the modern church buildings and shows them through a window. There are cased where the remains of the ancient churches are mostly covered with marbles or incorporated into new buildings. This difference is due to not only to the difference between the churches build for local congregations, which tends to be found in the national parks and the commemorative churches which tends to be found in the Franciscan properties, but also due to the custodian's sense of value of the church sites. National Park Authority exhibits church remains as the one of the elements of the ancient city or the cultural heritage which reflects a certain period of Israel's history: the Franciscan Order preserves them as the religious sites to show the historical continuity of faith. These results indicate the fact that several approaches exist for examining, preserving and exhibiting the ancient churches. This fact plays a role of balancing the multiple viewpoints to the archaeological remains.

著者

井本 英一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, no.2, pp.41-57, 1980 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The Ka'ba of Mecca and that of Naqš-e Rostam have several common features. Both have the dark rooms. The floors of them are on the protruded blocks of rock above the ground. The protrusions are the navels of the earth, i. e. the omphaloi.The Iranian House of Origin and the Arabian First House were the centers of the universe from which creatures were produced.There were a lot of monuments of the same principle as that of the Ka'ba in the Far East. They were also used as places of the rites de passage while people entered dark rooms of high floors and came out to get reanimated. The Emperor of Japan used to make the everyday toilet ceremony on the omphalos in his own palace.

著者

森 茂男

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.1, pp.186-194, 1993-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

小淵 忠秋

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.1, pp.168-184, 1987

著者

YAMADA Shigeo

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, pp.87-104, 2020

被引用文献数

1

---

<p> This paper deals with the names given to the city walls, city gates, and palatial structures in Assyrian capital cities, Assur, Kalhu, Dur-Šarrukin, and Nineveh, in the NeoAssyrian period. These names comprised popular names, which were supposedly used daily, and ceremonial names, which were given for ceremonial-ideological purposes. The names were formulated differently in various cities and in different periods, reflecting the change of historical circumstances and contemporary political-theological ideologies. The naming of the architectural works in later Assyria represented the increasing imperialistic pride of Assyrian kings about their world dominion, claiming the prominence of the capital as the navel of the world in political, economic, and religious senses. In this way, they particularly challenged the traditional Mesopotamian cosmic order, in the center of which Babylon and its god Marduk had been placed. </p>

著者

WATANABE Kazuko

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, pp.71-86, 2020

---

<p>The recent discovery (2009) and publication (2012) of the Tayinat version of Esarhaddon's Succession Oath Documents (ESOD, promulgated in 672 BC) have enabled us to imagine much more vividly than before how every tablet of the documents was adored as a god in the temples of each district under the Assyrian dominion. The Documents explicitly demanded that the tablets be treated as gods by all oath takers. This adoration had a precedent in Assyrian history. Apparently, under Tukultui-Ninurta I, the Assyrian king in the 13^th century BC, the adoration of the 'Tablet of Destinies' was already being practiced, and the 'Tablet of Destinies' was assumed to have been sealed by the god Aššur. Three seals of the god Aššur used for the sealing the tablets of ESOD also show depictions of 'worshipping scenes' on them. The wide dissemination of these documents and their deification indicate a form of a globalized 'Tablet of Destinies' as well as a new religious and cultural policy in the Assyrian dominion.</p>

著者

YAMAMOTO Hajime

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, pp.29-41, 2020

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<p>The purpose of this paper is to present which components of the kingdom the Hittite kings recognized as their own lands. In the analysis, the usages of the Hittite verb <i>maniyaḫḫ-</i> 'to govern' and the noun<i> irha-/arḫa</i>- 'border' are examined to understand the Hittite concept of territories and borders. Their usages show that, in the Hittite ideology, the state gods were regarded as heavenly owners of the Hittite lands, and the kings were given rule over these lands as divine deputies on earth. Those lands were centered in the Anatolian heartland, but they also extended to Carchemiš in Northern Syria. The Hittites, however, believed that they were not supposed to expand their territories unlimitedly, but rather protect them, since national borders were regarded as equal to the body of the state gods. </p>

著者

YAMADA Masamichi

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, pp.43-61, 2020

被引用文献数

1

---

<p>As the viceroy of Ḫatti in Syria, the king of Carchemish was responsible for the Hittite rule of Emar as its direct overlord. In Emar he was held in awe, though not as an unapproachable man. Whereas in principle he ruled indirectly, allowing the continuation of the local dynasty, in some areas he ruled Emar directly, employing a part of the Emarites as his servants ('Emaro-Hittites') in civil and military affairs. As for international relations, it seems that he put Emar's diplomacy and commerce exclusively under his control, depriving the local king of any right concerning them. On the other hand, in the religious affairs he ruled Emar only indirectly, using the family of Zu-Baʿla the diviner as his agent, though leaving room for activities by the local king.</p>

著者

TAGGAR COHEN Ada

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, pp.13-27, 2020

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<p>The present article explores the way the law in Hittite royal view, regarded as a prerogative of the king – while based on the "customs of the land" – was formulized through "royal decrees." By this formulization, the king enacted "royal legal sacrifice" under the adjudication of the royal court. Hittite royal rituals were enacted using written texts, which manifestly represent "narrativized ritual." Hittite festivals and rituals evolved over the years from local traditions involving specific gods through centralized royal legalization into a demanding calendar of festivals for different gods. In the final part of this article I suggest that Hittite material may help us perceive how biblical rituals have been narrativized in the Priestly texts. </p>

著者

今澤 浩二

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.1, pp.121-136, 1994

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Kemalpasazade (1468-1534) was born in a military family, but afterwards changed over to the <i>Ulema</i>. He served in Bayezid II, Selim I and S&uuml;leyman the Magnificent, and was promoted to the <i>Seyh&uuml;lisl&acirc;m</i>, the highest rank of the Ulema. His chronicle in the fluent and elegant Ottoman-Turkish style, <i>Tev&acirc;r&icirc;h-i &Acirc;l-i Osm&acirc;n</i> was composed in the form that each volume (<i>defter</i>) was assigned for one of the Ottoman sultans, and 8 volumes for the reigns from Osman I to Bayezid II were dedicated to Bayezid II in 916/1510-11. After that by the request of S&uuml;leyman, 2 volumes for Selim and S&uuml;leyman were added, and thus the so-called <i>&ldquo;Kemalpasazade Tarihi&rdquo;</i> came into existence in 10 volumes. This work, however, was not appreciated in those days and forgotten by the later Ottoman chroniclers. Since in the latter half of this century Prof. Dr. Serafettin Turan published <i>Kemalpasazade Tarihi</i>, vol. 1, 2 and 7, the importance of this work has been gradually appreciated.<br>This paper deals with <i>Kemalpasazade Tarihi</i>, vol. 4 for the reign of Yildirim Bayezid (1389-1403), which still remains a manuscript. The contents and the order of description of this work is fundamentally based on Nesr&icirc;'s <i>Kitab-i Cihan-n&uuml;m&acirc;</i>, and also made use of the chronicles in the early ages of the Ottoman Empire, Oruc b. &Acirc;dil's and the anonymous Tev&acirc;r&icirc;h-i &Acirc;l-i Osm&acirc;n, etc. On the other hand, however, <i>Kemalpasazade Tarihi</i>, vol. 4 contains much information of its own, which the above-mentioned works do not, and in this point we can say that this work has the great value as historical source. It fully describes the important events, for example, of the murder of Kadi Burhaneddin, the ruler of Sivas, by Kara Y&uuml;l&uuml;k Osman, the founder of the Aqqoyunlu Empire, and of the refuge of Aqtav, the influential <i>amir</i> of the Golden Horde, to the Ottoman Empire. And also there are valuable accounts for the activities of Bayezid's son Ertugrul and the generals of the marches (<i>uc beyi</i>).<br>From now on, if we make use of these accounts which did not come down to the later historical works, carrying out a further examination of them and confirming their reliableness, it has no doubt that <i>Kemalpasazade Tarihi</i>, vol. 4 is the essential source as well as Aslkpasazade, Nesr&icirc; and so on, for the reign of Yildirim Bayezid, the important age for the development of the Ottoman Empire.

著者

西本 真一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.1, pp.76-94, 2001-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

被引用文献数

1 1

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A heavily ruined palace-city founded by Amenhotep III is preserved at Malqata on the West bank of Thebes, Egypt. It consists of various structures in the desert; several residential palaces, a temple of Amen, a festival hall, houses and apartments for attendants, and a desert altar “Kom al-Samak”, all of which were constructed by mud bricks with gaily decorative paintings on walls and ceilings. Since 1985 this area has become a concession of the Waseda University Mission, and re-excavation works have been carried out at the several rooms in the main palace. The innermost room of the main palace is the king's bedchamber, from where numerous fragments of the paintings on ceiling have been recovered. One of the most remarkable motifs is a succession of great vultures representing the Goddess Nekhbet outspreading the wings as reported by the Metropolitan Museum of Art, the former excavator, under each of which the names and titles of Amenhotep III are depicted. The succession of vultures is surrounded by geometrical patterns such as rosette and checker patterns.The first attempt to reconstruct the whole ceiling painting was carried out in 1988, and a detailed study through the record work of each fragment with assembling trials since 1989 has revealed the fact that the images of Nekhbet had been 8, not 7 as supposed in the earlier stage of reconstruction. All the 9 lines of inscriptions are also reconstructed with considering the each find spot on the floor. In the King's bedchamber, the floor of the innermost part is raised where the king's bed had been placed. It was come to light that the ceiling of this upper level is drawn more elaborate than that of the lower level; The inscriptions is slightly longer, and the color of the center circle of rosette pattern is also changed from red to green.The fragments of the northernmost ceiling suggest that the ceiling of this part would have been slightly curved down toward the north wall, and this reminds us a roof shape of pr-wr, a traditional shrine of the Upper Egypt, with a roof sloping down from the front. At the lower part of the walls the paneled pattern and a wavy line are depicted, but the rest of the interior decoration of this bed chamber is basically painted in glossy transparent yellow presumably imitating gold color, much similar to the shrines of Tutankhamun.In this paper the reconstruction process is described, with some technical reports on the construction method for obtaining the vast painting area of the ceiling without projecting the large wooden beams.

著者

後藤 晃

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, no.2, pp.59-77, 1980 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The hijra, the starting point of the Islamic state as well as of its calender, has been investigated in detail by modern scholars. Most of investigations, however, tend to center on migrators but a few on acceptors. Even the works of W. M. Watt, being very excellent and exact, want a vivid expression of the dynamic development of Islam in the Medinan society during a few years around the Muhammad's hijra.Twelve, the number of the participants of the first 'Aqaba in the year of 621, 75, the participants of the second 'Aqaba in 622, and then 238, the participants of the battle of Badr in 624, might be near to the total number of the Medinan believers at each stage of times. These figures show the steady development of Islam in the society. Even the participants of the battle, however, might share less than ten percent of the male adult populations of Medina. None of twelve leaders, elected by Muhammd at the time of the, second 'Aqaba, were a political-military leader of any clan or sub-clan during the civil wars in the pre-Islamic time. It should be noted that the movement for Islam in Medina before the hijra, was organized by not so influencial persons and it covered only a few percent of the total population of the society.The movement had a solid political goal, that was to stop the civil wars and to unite the society into one. Most of the persons who did not recognize Muhammad as a prophet and who were not converted, backed this goal and then, the movement became the main political current of the society. Sa'd b. Mu'adh, one of the strong leaders of the civil wars, was converted and supported the movement. 'Amr b. al-Jamuh, also an influencial leader, taking an indifferent attitude to the movement at first, became a supporter of this by the persuasions of his sons and grandsons. Abu Qays b. al-Aslat, a monk and another strong leader of the civil wars, offered oppositions to the movement. He might be a big obstacle to the progress of the movement, but died ten month after the Muhammad's hijra. Ibn Ubayy, being the most influencial man in Medina after the death of the two supreme commanders of the civil wars, did not become a supporter nor a opponant to the movement. Thus, believers could represent the whole society and concluded the treaty of peace, which should be the first part of the Constitution of Medina.

著者

石原 安佐子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.1, pp.82-105, 2010-09-30 (Released:2014-03-31)

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For the Egyptians, who believed in rebirth after death, bread was indispensable to the living as well as the dead, dominating their entire lives and customs from the gods and the kings right down to the commoners. Records and the bread still exist, and bread appears on many of the lists of items excavated from the tombs. The research was focused on the bread of the list of offerings at the Medinet Habu which inherited the traditions of the Old Kingdom. Analysis of the numbers and kinds of bread on the lists showed that bread was important in ancient Egyptian society. There were monthly regular and annual feasts, and bread was indispensable at many of these including the top 7 that were considered to be the most important. It was also found that different kinds of bread existed, some of which were ofiered only at specific feasts. By analyzing the relationship between the seasonal composition of bread and the numbers of offerings, it was shown that numerous and important feasts were held when floods occurred. The ancient Egyptians seemed to have taken advantage of the annual floods on the Nile River.

著者

石田 友雄

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, no.2, pp.1-12, 1984

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The concluding section of the &ldquo;Succession Narrative&rdquo; in 1 Kings 1-2 is an apologetic composition from the early days of Solomon, aiming at legitimatizing not only his irregular succession but also his purge of his adversaries. Two conflicting elements in the Solomonic legitimation are blended in the congratulation offered to David by his servants on the occasion of Solomon's accession:&ldquo;May your God make the name of Solomon more famous than yours, and make his throne greater than your throne&rdquo; (1 Kings 1:37, 47). The words imply that, though Solomon legitimately succeeded to the throne of David, he assumed a critical attitude toward the old regime of David. We can find a comparative analogue of this double structure of the Solomonic legitimation in a propagandistic inscription of Kilamuwa, king of Y'DY-Sam'al, in the latter half of the ninth century B. C. It offers a close parallel to the Solomonic legitimation in the following three items: a) the emphasis on the father's throne as the foundation of the legitimate kingship; b) the negative evaluation to his father; c) the establishment of the kingship based on the restoration of social justice or order. Besides, a historical analysis of the Kilamuwa inscription shows that the pattern of the royal succession in the early monarchies in Y'DY-Sam'al provides us a remarkable parallel to that of transfer of the royal throne in early Israel. The characterization of the first five kings in both kingdoms is summarized as the following chart. The comparison indicates that there were common features in the political development in the early, inexperienced monarchies in the national kingdoms of Syro-Palestine at the beginning of the first millennium B. C.

著者

石田 友雄

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.1, pp.89-90, 2017

著者

石田 友雄

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, no.2, pp.74-78, 1977

著者

石田 友雄 石田 道子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, no.1, pp.68, 1963

著者

石田 友雄

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, no.3, pp.93-129,138, 1965

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The approximate date and the letter of the Samaria Ostraca, found by the Harvard Excavations at Samaria in 1910, have been made clear by stratigraphical and epigraphical studies. But their absolute date still remains to be established, together with the comprehension of their contents. Here I shall classify the Ostraca in types, compare and analyse them, examine the matter, and in conclusion place them in the reign of Jehoash (800-785 B. C.), son of Jehoahaz, and regard the absolute dates as 792, 791 and 786 B. C.

著者

井本 英一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.1, pp.83-96, 1992

著者

月本 昭男

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.2, pp.52-70, 2003 (Released:2010-03-12)

被引用文献数

1

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In her recent book, The Land of Hana (2002), A. H, Podany classified all of the Hana-tablets published so far into three periods: the early, middle, late periods. From the late period (ca. 1400-1200 BCE), except for a dedication inscription of “Ammurapi, king of the land of Hana” (LH 16), we have just two contracts of real estate transaction (LH 15 and LH 17): one (LH 15) dealing with “an orchard in the irrigation district of the city of Qatuna, ” and the other (LH 17) with a 6 acre field in an unknown district. We can discern however that the field mentioned in the latter text must be also located in the Qatuna district because a canal adjacent to it named Hubur-GAL seems to be same as the canal attested in the former text. Now a new Hana-type tablet, written in Middle Assyrian script, can be added to the two previously known: It is also a contract concerning a 1 acre field at “the gate of Qatuna.” If it is not just coincidental that all three Hana-texts are related to the Qatuna district, Qatuna must have been the place where the scribal tradition of Hana was established in the late Hana period. This might suggest that the core land of Hana people had moved north from Terqa to Qatuna in this period. This might also explain why “the land of Hana” referred to in two of the letters of the late 13th century found at Dur-Katlimu would not be located in the Terqa district, but in a north-west Habur river region.