著者

三代川 寛子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.2, pp.184-195, 2016-03-31 (Released:2019-04-01)

参考文献数

35

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Since the latter half of the nineteenth century, Coptic Christians in Egypt have gradually become integrated as Egyptian citizens. Previous studies took for granted that the Copts developed their sense of belonging to the Egyptian nation-state. However, because the Copts’ cultural traits and historical views differ from those of the Muslim majority, it is important to analyze how the Copts constructed their Egyptian national identity.   This article provides insight on how the Copts reconstructed their group consciousness by using their cultural ties to ancient Egypt to develop their Egyptian national identity. Specifically, this article focuses on Coptic language revival at the turn of the twentieth century−a revival started by a Coptic language lecturer, Iqlawdiyūs Labīb, at the Coptic Seminary.   In his magazine, ʻAyn Shams, Labīb claimed that the Coptic language, the ecclesiastical language of the Coptic Orthodox Church, was the Egyptians' ethnic language because of its connections to the ancient Egyptian language. He also described Coptic as "the current Egyptian language," and called for its revival as a spoken language. By linking Coptic culture to ancient Egypt, Labīb positioned the Copts as culturally authentic Egyptians.   Although his attempt to revive the Coptic language did not succeed as a movement, it attached new meaning and position to Coptic religious culture. It is important to note that his attempts to revive the Coptic language led to a transvaluation of the ecclesiastical language as Egyptians' ethnic language and contributed to the Copts' construction of Egyptian national identity in a way that was different from mainstream secular Egyptian nationalist thought.

著者

川床 睦夫

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.2, pp.88-105, 1982 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

依田 泉

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.2, pp.154-160, 2000 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

下山 伴子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.2, pp.129-145, 1999

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<i>Kitab al-naqd</i> is a polemic work that Imami-Shi'i 'Abd al-Jalil Qazvini refutes the Sunni contender's accusations against Imami-Shi'i with almost word-for-word quotes from those accusations. It has been valued for the information about religious situations around Ray in the first half of the 12th century. Because of its polemical nature, however, its usability as a historical source has been questioned. The present paper intends to examine the logical framework of this text in order to get better position to evaluate it as a historical source. By &ldquo;the logical framework&rdquo; I mean each contender's standpoint and the structure of his way of thinking.<br>Each contender brings forwards his arguments emphasizing advantageous aspects for him in the complicated situations of conflicts and alliances among several sects and schools (legal and theological) of both Sunni and Shi'i sides in Ray, as it follows.<br>The arguments of the Sunni contender are based on the premise that the religious conflict in Ray exists only between &ldquo;Sunni&rdquo; and &ldquo;Imami-Shi'i&rdquo; . But 'Abd al-Jalil refers to another opposition between &ldquo;Usuli&rdquo; and &ldquo;Jabli&rdquo; sects to refute the above premise. &ldquo;Usuli&rdquo; is a subsect of Imami-Shi'i sect and &ldquo;Jabri&rdquo; is one of the Sunni. He insists that &ldquo;Usuli&rdquo; to which he belongs is prevalent and in good term with the Saljuq, while &ldquo;Jabri&rdquo;, which practically means Ash'ari theological school, is a minority and the Sunni author belongs to this sect. This insistence is based on the suppression of Ash'ari school by the Saljuq since 537/1142-3. 'Abd al-Jalil emphasizes that &ldquo;Usuli&rdquo; endorses the theological viewpoint of the Saljuq and opposes to that of Ash'ari school. Thus he stresses the legitimacy of &ldquo;Usali&rdquo; depending on the power of the Saljuq state.

著者

池田 潤

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.2, pp.171-174, 2000 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

佐藤 次高

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.2, pp.1-16, 1991 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Some Coastal towns of Syria during the 11th-12th centuries were headed by local qadis (judges) who had acquired independence from either Fatimid, Seljuqid, or Byzantine rule. These urban states have been the objects of serious research by such scholars as Cl. Cahen, E. Ashtor, A. Havemann and U. A. Tadmuri. But as for the period when qadis lost their independence, few references are made to their role in Muslim urban life. The cases of Tripoli and Jabala, because of ample information, may provide us with a means to better our understanding of local qadis in medieval Islamic societies.During the years 1066-1070 the qadi office of Tripoli was established by Amin al-Dawla, a Shi'ite jurist of great reputation, from the 'Ammar family. Jabala also had a wise qadi named Mansur, who managed the judicial affairs among Muslims under Byzantine rule. His status (Ra'is Jabala) was inherited by his son, Ibn Sulayha, who maintained independence against the pressure of the Seljuqids until the arrival of the Crusaders. Ibn Sulayha, faced with a strong siege by the Crusaders, was forced to transfer sovereignty to Tripoli; but another qadi, Ibn al-Naqqar, then continued to manage judicial affairs in Jabala. Even under the Crusader rule from July 1109, Jabala was administered by an influential qadi named Mansur b. Nabil, who succeeded afterwards in delivering the town to Saladin.These instances reveal that the qadis of Tripoli and Jabala managed these municipalities even during the periods when towns lost their independence. We may therefore evaluate positively the role of local qadis before the Ottoman period, a time when they came to be organized more systematically into that empire's provincial administration.

著者

高橋 亮介

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.1, pp.148-159, 2004

著者

前田 徹

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.2, pp.286-289, 2007

著者

横山 美貴

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.2, pp.136-142, 1995

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This paper presents a synthesis of the administration of corv&eacute;e work and corv&eacute;e workers in the Fisrt Dynasty of Babylon especially during the reign of Hammurapi (1792-1750 B. C.).<br>Corv&eacute;e work was imposed by the central government of Babylon upon all male citizens, except registered permanent public workers, of the provincial and/or local administrations to which the central government assigned public works on a local basis. The provincial and local administrations were required to provide corv&eacute;e workers, unpaid laborers, to the labor pool of the central government. Corv&eacute;e work could be avoided by payment of exemption money or by providing a work substitute. The period of corv&eacute;e work was probably a few months. However, it was flexible, depending on the level of authority held by the central government to impose levies upon the provincial and local administrations for public works.<br>Corv&eacute;e workers were under the direct control of the central government and were usually deployed to public works sector which required a large number of unskilled workers under the highly centralized regime of Hammurapi. Large scale public works were carried out by the central government with the collaboration of provincial and local administrations. The main areas of public works were construction of public buildings, canal works, sheep shearing, weaving and boat-making. The labor forces of public works were comprised of corv&eacute;e workers, temporary hired workers, soldiers as a supplementary work force, and public slaves in addition to specialists and administrators.

著者

堀井 聡江

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.1, pp.56-74, 2002

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In Islamic jurisprudence, <i>hiyal</i> (sg. <i>hila</i>) signify &ldquo;legal devices, &rdquo; or skills used to achieve a certain objective through legal methods. They were not <i>ipso facto</i> &ldquo;evasions of law&rdquo; as have been understood. It was common to consult with jurists about certain devices to solve legal problems in daily life. Not to neglect is that <i>hiyal</i> were produced as a result of jurists' ever-lasting endeavor to solve all possible problems using all possibilities allowed by the doctrine, and that they therefore made up an authentic part of jurisprudence except some controversial cases. Among the Sunni schools of law, the Hanafis sanctioned <i>h</i> (<i>iyal</i> most extensively, but the Shafi⁽is and the Hanbalis, even though criticizing some evasions of law, pursued <i>hiyal</i> within the framework of their jurisprudence. It is only the Malikis of whom no single work on <i>hiyal</i> is known. They adopted the principle of &ldquo;blocking ways (<i>sadd al-dhara⁾i</i>⁽)&rdquo; which run against <i>hiyal</i>. Moreover, they never used the term &ldquo;<i>hiyal</i>&rdquo; in their legal discussion. However, we cannot conclude that the Malikis had nothing to do with <i>hiyal</i> which played an important role in the development of Islamic jurisprudence, if we examine the <i>Mudawwana</i>.<br>The <i>Mudawwana</i>, ascribed to Sahnun (d. 240/855), a Maliki jurist and <i>qadi</i> under the Aghlabids, is one of the oldest Islamic legal texts. This text shows that jurisprudence in Qairawan had much in common with its Hanafi counterpart in Baghdad as formulated in the <i>Asl</i>. As one of the most important works of Shaybani (d. 189/805), the <i>Asl</i> represents the authoritative transmission of Hanafi doctrine in all fields of law, including <i>hiyal</i>. For this reason, we find many discussions common to Hanafi <i>hiyal</i>-literature and the <i>Mudawwana</i>. These discussions fall into two groups.<br>In the first group, the <i>hiyal</i> suggested by the Hanafis are rejected as invalid by Malik or his disciple, Ibn al-Qasim (d. 191/806), who was the teacher of Sahnun. The basis of this rejection seems to be the Maliki principle of <i>sadd al-dhara⁾i</i>⁽, i. e. &ldquo;blocking roads&rdquo; that probably lead to an evil end. In the second group, however, Malik or Ibn Qasim, without using the term <i>hiyal</i>, gives his own solutions, and they, in some cases, differ from those of the Hanafis, and, in other cases, agree with them.

著者

藤井 守男

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.2, pp.56-74, 2002 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The Rawh al-arwah, written by an erudite preacher Shihab al-Din Ahrnad-i Sam'ani (d. 534/1140), is the first complete commentary in Persian on the Divine names (al-asma' al-husna). In this significant Sufi treatise, the author has emphasized on the superiority of the human being to the angels by arguing that the heart of human beings, unlike those of the angels, is the treasure of love and pain.Although some of the points that Sam'ani discussed are traceable to Maybudi's Kashf al-asrar (written after 520/1126), a well-known -Persian Qur'anic exegesis with mystical inclination, the originality of his thought and style of preaching (wa'z) in the Rawh al-arwah is evident. This text unquestionably forms a decisive element for formation of Persian Sufi literature in its historical development.It seems that Sam'ani, an eloquent preacher with great talent as poet and tradition narrator (muhaddith), was under the influence of the Ash'arite school of theology. In this treatise, he extensively discusses such topics as acquisition of the predestination (kasb-i taqdir), the omnipotent power of God (qudrat), beatific vision of God in the Hereafter (ru'yat), and inner speech (kalam-i nafsi). This author concludes that Ash'arite doctrines informed the framework of Sam'ani's mystical thought and that his various discourses, tinted with mysticism in the text, were formed mainly under the influence of these theological dogmas.This author's investigation into the mysticism of the Rawh al-arwah makes it clear that this treatise constituted an important work that marked a turning point in the development of Persian Sufi thought during the 6th/12th century. The beauty of God (jamal) causes an aesthetic sense (dhawq) in the heart of an ascetic (zahid), and the sense transforms him a narrator of the divine beauty. The aesthetic sense gifted by the Divine beauty is one of the main characteristics by which one can distinguish tasawwuf (Islamic mysticism) from zuhd (Islamic asceticism).Sam'ani's thought had an extensive impact on the Persian mystical literature. Particularly, the poetry of Farid al-Din 'Attar (d. 627/1229 or 618/1221), one of the most gifted Sufi poets, can be considered as the one that shares the same characteristics as Sam'ani's Rawh al-arwah.

著者

菊地 咲

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.1, pp.15-29, 2015-09-30 (Released:2018-10-01)

参考文献数

50

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This article analyzes the process and contents of the ritual, text “Hauptritual B” published by W. Farber, in the book Beschwörungsrituale an Ištar und Dumuzi (1977). It examines how this ritual relates to the famous mythological narrative "Ištar's Descent into the Netherworld" by using the following: (1) comparing the ritual process with typical anti-witchcraft rituals (2) comparing the roles of the main divine characters in each texts.   This ritual was linked to the mythological narrative through use of identical divine characters. However, the context in which they appeared in the ritual is not identical to their counterparts in the mythological narrative. Therefore, the above mentioned relationship does not give a direct explanation of the ritual acts by linking them to mythological narratives or provide an etiology of the ritual, as stated in former studies. This article argues that this loose correlation represents another type of relationship between a ritual and a mythological narrative.

著者

貝原 哲生

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.1, pp.75-95, 2011-09-30 (Released:2015-02-27)

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The relationship between the Chalcedonians and the Monophysites grew rapidly worse from the middle of the 5th century. As a result, in the second half of the 6th century, the latter established their own church hierarchy in Egypt. Previous scholars stressed that they were able to accomplish this because of the social severance between the cities, in which the Chalcedonians traditionally had their churches, and the rural areas, in which the Monophysites were based. But in recent years it has been pointed out that there was a close relationship between the cities and the rural areas, and it is possible in this environment that the territories of the bishops of the two sects were separated by fiat or by natural development. This paper analyzes the effect that this religious conflict, which originated in Alexandria, exerted on the society of Middle Egypt by looking at several Middle Egypt regions. It was found that these regions did not have parallel hierarchies. The results are as follows: Firstly, in both the Arsinoe and the Oxyrhynchus regions, the city was closely connected with the rural area. It was therefore difficult for the Chalcedonians and the Monophysites to avoid contact with each other. The episcopal sees were in the cities, but monasteries, which zealously participated in theological controversy, existed throughout the dioceses. In both regions it was always possible for the religious conflict to emerge. Therefore the bishops of those two regions and the Apions, who were the most influential family there, strove to inhibit the aggravation of the religious conflict by standing neutral and not supporting either sect. The local people were also able to strike a balance between faith and secular interests. Secondly, in the village of Aphrodito, the inhabitants dealt with the religious conflict as the people of Arsinoe and Oxyrhynchus did. Dioscorus, the headman of this village, sympathized with Monophysitism but put worldly profit before his belief and relied on powerful figures who were in no position to be favorable towards the Monophysites.

著者

藤木 健二

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.1, pp.49-68, 2005-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

被引用文献数

1

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In Ottoman cities, the shoe industry had played an important socioeconomic function as one of the chief industries. Very few studies, however, have ever tried to elucidate the actual state of the shoe industry and guilds. This study aims to create a concrete picture of their role in eighteenth-century Istanbul, with a focus on their structures, processes of their production and trade, and their relationship with the government. The principle resource used in this paper was the Ahkâm Defterleri, which was published as Istanbul Esnaf Tarihi by the Istanbul Arastirmalari Merkezi.The shoe industry was clearly divided into two sectors—production and retailing. Shoemakers had become specialized according to the type of shoes they made. They had their own guilds according to the kind of shoes and were all well organized under a leader called the dikicibasi. Meanwhile, most shoe retailers had their shops in shoe markets called arasta. Each market was staffed with one kethüdâ to supervise the shoe retailers working there. The kethüdâ of the kebîr arasta administrated all the shoe retailers in the city. He also had a degree of influence on the shoemakers' guilds and undertook to maintain cooperation between the shoemakers' and the retailers' guilds.Though the guilds needed the approval of kadis or the government in regard to all matters, they were hardly interfered with by the government, but were managed and administrated strictly by the leaders in a quite autonomous manner. Especially, shoemakers had to buy materials and produce shoes in accordance with the regulations which guilds made to protect members against violation of their rights.This paper concludes that the guilds of the shoe industry in eighteenthcentury Istanbul formed a complex structure in order to supervise their members who produced and sold many kinds of shoes in many places, and that the guilds were granted a relatively wide degree of autonomy.

著者

辻田 明子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.1, pp.1-19, 2011-09-30 (Released:2015-02-27)

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In texts of ancient Mesopotamia figure both a female Dumuziabzu and a male Dumuziabzu. According to royal inscriptions, the goddess Dumuziabzu was the tutelary deity of Kinunir (or Kinirša) in Lagaš, whereas the god Dumuziabzu was the son of Enki in a god-list (An = Anum). In earlier studies, these two gods were considered to be identical, and the sex of this god/goddess was occasionally thought to be determined by location; for example, the god is female in Lagaš and male in Eridu. In this context comparison between Dumuziabzu and Dumuzi was also taken into account. Because of the common element dumu-zi in their names, a direct link between them was suggested earlier, but this view is now largely abandoned. In this study, evidence on Dumuziabzu has been thoroughly gathered from documents dating from the third to the first millennium BCE, in order to see as precisely as possible the relation between the female Dumuziabzu and the male Dumuziabzu. The following observations have been made. First, the female Dumuziabzu was an influential deity in Lagas in the third millennium BCE. Her worship disappeared almost totally with the decline of Lagaš after the Third Dynasty of Ur. However, her name and the district whose deity she was, Kinunir, were passed down in the literary texts after the Third Dynasty of Ur, even in the lamentations written during the first millennium BCE. Furthermore, a few literary texts indicate some confusion between Dumuziabzu and Dumuzi. It seems that Dumuziabzu came to be considered male since the name contains dumu-zi, and that, because of his association with abzu, he then came to be regarded as one of the gods in Enki’s circle.

著者

松島 英子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.1, pp.96-112, 1990-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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A divine statue played a very important role in the religion of the ancient Mesopotamia. It was considered to be a vividly realistic sacred being, god of a very real sense. It was actually fed and clothed. In the first millenia B. C., the statue was made with wooden materials, I believe, according to some evidences. Then, what were the materials of the divine statues in both the second and the third millenium? Some certain year names of the period of the 3rd dynastie of Ur, Isin, Larsa and the Ist dynasty of Babylon suggest that small copper or bronze made divine statues were dedicated by the kings of those days in the temples there. Certain texts of economic concern of the Ur III period also tell us about the manufacture of the statues with copper or bronze materials. Though the numbers have still been few, lists of divine clothings and jewelries of the Ur III period, mainly of the old Babylonian period and thereafter, have also revealed to us. As I think that a large and wodden-made statue should also have required to wear clothings and jewelries, I am inclined to assume that wooden statues came to apear about this period.

著者

竹内 茂夫

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.1, pp.75-86, 1988-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

5

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There is in Japanese a phenomenon called kakekotoba, in which a word is a homonym with two different meanings, and which coheres two different contexts by the correspondence of one meaning to each context. This brief paper aims to observe that we can find also in Hebrew a similar phenomenon to Japanese kakekotoba called “Janus parallelism” and to clarify features of Hebrew “Janus parallelism” compared with Japanese kakekotoba.“Janus parallelism” has been studied through the analysis of tricola in Hebrew poetry and it has been held that second colon carries the kakekotoba-like function, i. e. that a homonym in second colon parallels “what precedes it with one meaning, and what follows it with a different meaning.” (Gordon)The greatest difference between Hebrew “Janus parallelism” and Japanese kakekotoba may be that the Janus-word in the second colon semantically corresponds to words of different cola because Hebrew poetry is based on parallelism, and so it coheres to two other cola, while the kakekotoba in Japanese poetry semantically and/or syntactically coheres words immediately before and/or after it. But we should note that such a phenomenon with homonym is seen not only in Japanese but also in Hebrew. “Janus parallelism” is found also in prose and poetry besides the tricolon. “Janus parallelism” in such cases will be discussed in the future.

著者

NOMOTO Shin

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, pp.19-39, 2009

被引用文献数

2

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The fourth/tenth (A.H./C.E.) century is one of the most crucial time to the development of Ismā'īlī Shī'ism not only because the Fāṭimids' claim for the sole leadership (<i>Imāmah</i>) conflicts with its original belief in the advent of the messianic figure called the Qā'im, but because some thinkers adopted Greek thought, especially Neoplatonism. This article aims at contributing to elucidation of how the Ismā'īlī thinkers made consistent their doctrine on the Qā'im with newly adopted Neoplatonism in this important century, with special reference to Abū Ḥātim al-Rāzī's (d. ca 322/933-4) <i>Kitāb al-Iṣlāḥ</i>, one of the oldest extant Neoplatonist-influenced texts.<br>&emsp;The text of <i>al-Iṣlāḥ</i> suggests that the Qā'im will resume the full contact, which Adam had enjoyed, with the two highest hypostases of Neoplatonist cosmology, that is, the Universal Intellect and the Universal Soul. Also in his text al-Rāzī implies that the advent of the Qā'im will mark or bring the full actualization of the "spiritual forms" (<i>al-ṣuwar al-rūḥānīyah</i>) and "simple form" (<i>al-ṣurah al-basīṭah</i>) of the human soul. This is also the result of the influence of the "highest simple world," the realm of the two highest hypostases. Thus, with the background of Greek thought, especially Neoplatonism, al-Rāzī de-politicized the role and mission of the Qā'im. This idea is shared by al-Sijistani (d. after 361/971), Neoplatonist Ismā'īlī thinker who is nearly one generation younger than al-Rāzī. Did this shared idea of the de-politicized and "spiritualized" Qā'im function as precursor for Ḥamīd al-Dīn al-Kirmānī's (d. after 411/1020) own vision of the Qā'im and the postponing of his advent and the ultimate <i>eschaton</i>? This will be an issue of our future research.

著者

嶋本 隆光

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.1, pp.45-63, 1990-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Ta'zieh (passion play or representation of the tragedy of Kerbala), which is the religious practice peculiar to Shi'ism, in particular Twelver Imami Shi'ism in Iran, is said to have reached its zenith in the 19th century of Qajar Iran. We could observe in this practice two conspicuous yet rather contradictory characteristics; one is uncovered orgiastic eruption of religious passion and the other peacefully festive expectation.In this paper, present author will make an attempt to analyze this contradictory features of Ta'zieh by referring to Ta'zieh (ritual mourning specifically for the Imams and their family) in the period betweenca. 1885-1906 and 'Azadari (mourning for the deceased in general) during the Constitutional Revolution, thus comparing the two to find their correlationship.Despite the fact that frequent eruptions of unusual religious feelings were its concomitant, generally annual Ta'zieh-dari seems to have been performed more or less under control, whether self-imposed or imposed by authority, thus creaitng a peacefully festive atmosphere.Contrary to this, 'Azadari, when it was peformed under socially, economically and politically stressed conditions, could easily be trans-formed into uncontrollable force vis-à-vis unjust govermnent. Here 'Azadari was carried out just as if it were truely the Kerbela event. This transformative process took place chiefly because the participants of 'Azadari had been acquainted with the main themes of Ta'zieh through annual Ta'zieh-dari.The occasion of Ta'zieh-dari was the one in which the people were, whether consciously or unconsciously, “educated” to be good Twelver Imdmi Shi'i believers. Indeed its visual and auditory representation must have been of great effect. Under the critical historical circumstances those who had been “educated” in this occasion and imbued with the basic principle of the religion could easily turn into the warriors of “Holy War” with Imam Hosein against the enemy of faith.

著者

三沢 伸生

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.1, pp.198-200, 2008

被引用文献数

1