著者

吉田 豊

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.1, pp.199-200, 1993

著者

辻田 明子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.1, pp.1-19, 2011

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In texts of ancient Mesopotamia figure both a female Dumuziabzu and a male Dumuziabzu. According to royal inscriptions, the goddess Dumuziabzu was the tutelary deity of Kinunir (or Kinirša) in Lagaš, whereas the god Dumuziabzu was the son of Enki in a god-list (An = <i>Anum</i>). In earlier studies, these two gods were considered to be identical, and the sex of this god/goddess was occasionally thought to be determined by location; for example, the god is female in Lagaš and male in Eridu. In this context comparison between Dumuziabzu and Dumuzi was also taken into account. Because of the common element dumu-zi in their names, a direct link between them was suggested earlier, but this view is now largely abandoned. In this study, evidence on Dumuziabzu has been thoroughly gathered from documents dating from the third to the first millennium BCE, in order to see as precisely as possible the relation between the female Dumuziabzu and the male Dumuziabzu.<br>&emsp;The following observations have been made. First, the female Dumuziabzu was an influential deity in Lagas in the third millennium BCE. Her worship disappeared almost totally with the decline of Lagaš after the Third Dynasty of Ur. However, her name and the district whose deity she was, Kinunir, were passed down in the literary texts after the Third Dynasty of Ur, even in the lamentations written during the first millennium BCE. Furthermore, a few literary texts indicate some confusion between Dumuziabzu and Dumuzi. It seems that Dumuziabzu came to be considered male since the name contains dumu-zi, and that, because of his association with abzu, he then came to be regarded as one of the gods in Enki's circle.

著者

黒柳 恒男

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, no.3, pp.95-110,144, 1964

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Sufism played a great role in the classical Persian literature which flourished from the tenth century to the fifteenth century. We may regard a poet to be a Sufi by nature and a Sufi is incomplete without ecstacies of a poet.<br>The first Persian Sufi poet was Abu Said Abi'l Khair who employed ruba'i form as a mode of Sufi expression. Sanai, Attar, Rumi and Jami expressed Sufism chiefly in mathnavi form.<br>Persian Sufism found its highest expression in ghazal, the greatest exponent of which was Hafiz.<br>The conventional symbolic language is characteristic of Sufi poetry. It is said that every object mentioned by Sufi poets is typal of some philosophic or Sufi conception.<br>In this article I divided Sufi symbolic terms into the following five categories chiefly based on the great Sufi poet Iraqi's work.<br>(A) Terms on the parts of human body.<br>(B) Terms on wine<br>(C) Terms on religion.<br>(D) Terms on plants.<br>(E) Terms on nature.<br>(F) Terms on love.

著者

JOANNÈS Francis

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, pp.29-46, 2016

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The status of women in Neo-Assyrian palaces is well documented, and has been for a long time, through texts and archaeological finds. It reveals that what we could term the Queen's Household as an institution was a powerful element of the Neo-Assyrian palatial system. Women who operate in the Queen's Household possess an economic power that can be considerable. Every place where the Queen is present, and even every place where she owns large domains, generates a Queen's Household with female staff used for service, production, and administration. On the royal administration's model, these Queens' Households are placed under the authority of an administrator-in-chief, the <i>šakintu</i>. This person manages and controls the finances of the House placed under her authority, as the Queen would herself do it, as in fact the lady of the house would in general. These <i>šakintu</i><i>s</i> rely both on the power that their function affords them, and on belonging to family or ethnic networks that are a useful complement to their economic role. This economic role is indeed not ordered along a male/female distinction only. The marriage of Ṣubētu, the daughter of the <i>šakintu </i>Amat-Astarti is a good example of the status and economic power of such a woman.

著者

内田 杉彦

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.2, pp.15-30, 1986 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Ancient Egyptian ‘Letters to the Dead’, addressed to the deceased by the member of the bereaved family, are very important materials showing the image that Ancient Egyptians called up concerning the dead.The aim of this paper is to show such an image of the dead, considering the character of the dead in the letters to the dead which belong to the period from the Sixth to the Twentieth Dynasty.The letter was written mostly for asking the addressee, the deceased, to help the member of the bereaved family, including the addresser, being suffered from some trouble, containing sickness, nightmare, and the evil act by the other living person. These troubles, even the acts of the living, were attributed to the malice of the evil dead, and the addressees were asked to fight, or to report to the court in the Netherworld against the evil dead. In some letters, the addresser even half-threatened the addressee with the stop of the funerary service in order to make him/her help his/her family on the earth.The addressee could also be regarded as the culprit being responsible of the trouble of his/her bereaved family. In that case, the addressee was blamed, and even threatened by the addresser.In any case, the dead in ‘Letters to the Dead’, including the addressee, were used one-sidedly by the living to explain various troubles on the earth, or to acquire their solutions or compensations.

著者

佐藤 次高

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, no.1, pp.60-67, 1978

著者

杉江 拓磨

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.1, pp.70-81, 2015

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<p>The reverse of the Uruk Prophecy (W 22307/7) predicts a series of unnamed kings and highlights the removal and the later return of "the protective goddess of Uruk." It is widely accepted that the second king, who will remove the goddess, and the next-to-last one, who will return her, should be identified with Nabu-šuma-iškun and Nebuchadnezzar II respectively, on the basis of other historical sources. There is, however, no consensus about the identification of the kings in between. When addressing this issue, the question of how to interpret the repetition sign KIMIN, which is written five times in line 8, must first be resolved, because on it depends the answer to the question of how many kings are mentioned on the reverse.</p><p>   Given that the surviving exemplar of the text is presumed to date to the Achaemenid period, this article proposes the following hypotheses: (1) The fivefold KIMIN indicates a succession of five kings, and so the reverse of the text refers to eleven kings in total ; (2) the fivefold KIMIN was not in the original text, but the result of an Achaemenid alteration ; (3) the copyist re-identified king 2 with Nabonidus, who gathered the statues of Babylonian deities, including Ištar of Uruk, to Babylon ; and (4) the copyist replaced the repetition of the same phrase describing a reign of a wicked king with a sequence of the iterative sign KIMIN and changed (probably reduced) the number of reigns by adjusting that of KIMIN in order that kings 3-9 would be identified with Cyrus II, Cambyses II, Darius I, Xerxes I, Artaxerxes I, Darius II and Artaxerxes II. Thus, the successor to Artaxerxes II (i.e. king 10) would be the one who would arise in Uruk and restore the city as well as its goddess. If these hypotheses are correct, the Uruk Prophecy was updated during Artaxerxes II's reign to foretell that soon the Achaemenid domination would end and a native Urukaean dynasty be founded.</p>

著者

大塚 修

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.1, pp.80-105, 2007-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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It is generally accepted that the origin of the Saljuqids (Seljuks) is the Qiniq clan, one of the clans in the Turkish Oghuz tribe. While it is considered as “a historical fact, ” the origin also has been linked with Afrasiyab, the legendary Turkish hero in Iranian myth by many traditional historians. Although both the origins were stated in many previous studies, it has not been explained why the Saljuqids have been linked with two totally different origins and how traditional historians described it. This article reexamines the descriptions of the origin of the Saljuqids by analyzing all available Arabic and Persian sources written before the end of the 16th century. Especially, the following two points are focused on: 1. How were the two origins described by traditional historians? 2. How was the image of the Saljuqids formed in after ages?Conclusions:1. Even in the Saljuqid period, the Afrasiyab origin, the fictional origin, came to be stated in some sources. After fall of the Saljuqids, the Persian historians preferred the Afrasiyab origin. The main reason for this is that when writing Persian general histories, it was considered important to link the origins of Iranian dynasties, including the Saljuqids, with Iranian mythical heroes. Furthermore, as in the 14th century Jami'al -Tawarikh of Rashid al-Din, the prototype of the history of the Turkish tribes, the image of the Qiniq is rather negative, the Qiniq origin was avoided.2. In this background, also there was a positive image of the Saljuqids. In particular, Hamd-Allah Mustawfi, the author of the 14th century Tarikh-i Guzida, bestowed his utmost praise on the Saljugids, and he was often quoted by later historians. Thus, the positive image of the Saljugids became established, and the dynasty was often praised by later historians.

著者

国谷 誠朗

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, no.4, pp.31-59,142, 1966 (Released:2010-03-12)

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This is anintroduction to the studies of ancient synagogues. The achievements in this particular field by the Palestine Exploration Fund, Deutsche Orient-Geselschaft, the Department of Antiquities of Palestine government, Jewish Palestine Exploration Society, Hebrew University/Jerusalem, Ecole Biblique et Archéologique Française, Yale University, the Department of Antiquities of Israel Government, and Louis Rabinowitz Fund are chronologically described. Thus synagogues at Na'aran, Beth Alpha, Jerash, el Hammeh, Dura-Europos, Tell-es-Sultan, Eshtemo'a, Caesarea, Aegina, Salbit, Ma'on etc. are introduced. General development of the style of synagogue architecture is also briefly discussed.The writer expresses his gratitude to Prof. M. Avi-Yonah of Hebrew University, Jerusalem, for providing valuable materials and information.

著者

岡本 和也

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.2, pp.186-193, 2005 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

9

著者

竹内 茂夫

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.1, pp.105-118, 2009-09-30 (Released:2014-03-31)

参考文献数

37

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This paper aims to re-examine three Hebrew words in the Hebrew Bible which are usually translated as “flute” or “pipe”. First, ‘ûgāb (attested four times in the Hebrew Bible and once in 11QPsa/11Q5), could in fact refer to a chordophone rather than to an aerophone, since in the Septuagint it is rendered as κιθαρα “lyre, harp” on one occasion, whilst it occurs twice as οργανον “tool” and a further two time as ψαλμος “song (sung to the harp), psalm” In addition, words clearly referring to chordophones such as kinnôr “lyre” or minnîm “stringed instruments” are always found paired with ‘ûgāb. Secondly, nəḥîlôt (attested once) occurs as ’el-hannəḥîlôt with the preposition ’el- “to (ward)” and the definite article haC-. Is is said that its meaning is “difficult” or “uncertain”. Even so, it has been translated as “flute” from the supposed Hebrew root ḥ-l-l like ḥālîl or as “inheritance” from the n-ḥ-l found in the Septuagint. Although the meaning of nəḥîlôt itself remains open to question, ’el-hannəḥîlôt as a whole may refer to the incipit of an unknown tune. Thirdly, ḥālîl (attested five times) is translated as αυλος “double-pipe” in the Septuagint. This meaning is quite plausible as there are archaeological evidence of existence of the double-pipe in the Syria-Palestine area. It is not unlikely that the fairly modest number of attestations of words referring to ‘flute’ or ‘pipe’, (less than 10 in the Hebrew Bible) is due to the fact that such words are easily associated with erotic or intoxicating objects, rather than with musical instruments such as these were known in Egypt and Greece.

著者

松永 泰行

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.2, pp.61-79, 1999

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<i>Wilayat-i Faqih</i> (henceforth, <i>WF</i>) as a doctrine justifying the rulership of a <i>faqih</i> was developed almost single-handedly by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (1902-1989) during his exile in Najaf. This doctrine constituted the core of his revolutionary call for the establishment of an Islamic polity by the clerics. After the victory of the Iranian Revolution of 1979 and the adoption of a constitution incorporating the doctrine of <i>WF</i>, the claim that a <i>faqih</i> as &ldquo;<i>wali-yi amr</i>&rdquo; has the God-given right to rule the society and that the people must give obedience to him became a matter of real-world significance. This led not only to the heightened efforts to promote the doctrine but also to further theorization and the resultant different interpretations.<br>The key question then became: by whose sanction is the <i>faqih</i> entitled to such commanding authority? On this question (which is technically called the issue of <i>mansha'-i mashru'iyat-i WF</i>), two opposing views were developed among the disciple-followers of Imam Khomeini. They were the <i>intisabi</i> (or <i>mashru'iyat-i ilahi-yi bila-wasitah</i>) view on the one hand, and the <i>intikhabi</i> (or <i>mashru'iyat-i ilahi-mardumi</i>) one on the other, and it was the former that has prevailed.<br>The purpose of this article is two-fold: first to examine the original doctrine of <i>WF</i> as advocated by Ayatollah Khomeini in Najaf in the early years of the 1970s; then to examine the two opposing views &mdash;-<i>intisabi</i> and <i>intikhabi</i>&mdash; on the source of the legitimacy of <i>WF</i> which were developed in Iran after the establishment of the Islamic Republic there. The article ends with some comparison and critical analysis of the two views.

著者

松永 泰行

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.1, pp.186-190, 2000

著者

糸賀 昌昭

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, no.1, pp.129-147,177, 1969

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Iraq or ancient Mesopotamia is one of the richest treasuries of archaeology. From eighteenth century, inspiring by the Bible or religious faith many Europeans visited here and remained their account of the trip. It is, however, from 1899 of R. Koldeway's excavation of Babylon that a comprehensive and scientific archaeological survey begun to start. Since mid-twenties century there were continuously remarkable excavations held by many famous foreign archaeologists.<br>After independence of the kingdom of Iraq, there brought up several Iraqi archaeologists. During the World War II, these young archaeologists carried out the surveys of some sites on their own country. Tell Uquir, Deir, Aqar Quf, Hassuna are their brilliant achievements.<br>Survey of Tell as-Sawwan, &ldquo;Mound of the Flints&rdquo;, is one of the most important excavations recently held in Iraq. The site is located some ten kilometers south of Samarra on the eastern bank of the middle Tigris river. The site was first noted by Ernest Herzfeld in 1911. Operations carried out five seasons by Behnam Abu as-Soof and others under the auspices of Directerate General of Antiquity since 1964 and not finished until now.<br>There were five main building-levels and these were numbers I-V from the top downwards. The special feature identified on the site consists of an artificial ditch cut into the natural conglomerate underlying the mound, forming three sides of a square round the eastern side of mound B. It may be regarded of an early defensive system. The pottery is classified 1) coarse ware 2) semi-corase ware 3) fine ware 4) incised, painted, incised-painted ware. Top two levels belong to Samarran type and levels IV and V are Hassunan type. In level III the incised Hassuna ware becomes very popular, but this phase is transitional pierod from Hassuna to Samarra pottery. The most remarkable objects were &lsquo;mother-goddess&rsquo; statuettes made of clay or creamy alabaster, using clearly as cult objects.<br>The significance of Tell as-Sawwan are as follows: 1) in view of Tell as-Sawwan's geographical position, there was a reasonable prospect of cultural contacts between northern and southern Iraq during the sixth millennium B. C. 2) The pottery discovered on the site corresponds fairly closely to the standard Hassuna-Samarra repetoire which is known from Hassuna itself, and the mixture in levels III and II showed that Hassunan type gradually replaced Samarran type without cultural interruption. This also indicates there was no abrupt change of population in the area during this period.<br>As excavation has not finished, it is impossible to describe full account of this site. But it may provide answers to several important problems of Mesopotamian prehistory after excavation finishes.

著者

後藤 晃

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, no.2, pp.59-77, 1980

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The <i>hijra</i>, the starting point of the Islamic state as well as of its calender, has been investigated in detail by modern scholars. Most of investigations, however, tend to center on migrators but a few on acceptors. Even the works of W. M. Watt, being very excellent and exact, want a vivid expression of the dynamic development of Islam in the Medinan society during a few years around the Muhammad's <i>hijra</i>.<br>Twelve, the number of the participants of the first 'Aqaba in the year of 621, 75, the participants of the second 'Aqaba in 622, and then 238, the participants of the battle of Badr in 624, might be near to the total number of the Medinan believers at each stage of times. These figures show the steady development of Islam in the society. Even the participants of the battle, however, might share less than ten percent of the male adult populations of Medina. None of twelve leaders, elected by Muhammd at the time of the, second 'Aqaba, were a political-military leader of any clan or sub-clan during the civil wars in the pre-Islamic time. It should be noted that the movement for Islam in Medina before the <i>hijra</i>, was organized by not so influencial persons and it covered only a few percent of the total population of the society.<br>The movement had a solid political goal, that was to stop the civil wars and to unite the society into one. Most of the persons who did not recognize Muhammad as a prophet and who were not converted, backed this goal and then, the movement became the main political current of the society. Sa'd b. Mu'adh, one of the strong leaders of the civil wars, was converted and supported the movement. 'Amr b. al-Jamuh, also an influencial leader, taking an indifferent attitude to the movement at first, became a supporter of this by the persuasions of his sons and grandsons. Abu Qays b. al-Aslat, a monk and another strong leader of the civil wars, offered oppositions to the movement. He might be a big obstacle to the progress of the movement, but died ten month after the Muhammad's <i>hijra</i>. Ibn Ubayy, being the most influencial man in Medina after the death of the two supreme commanders of the civil wars, did not become a supporter nor a opponant to the movement. Thus, believers could represent the whole society and concluded the treaty of peace, which should be the first part of the Constitution of Medina.

著者

相馬 隆

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.15, no.1, pp.73-96,A161, 1972 (Released:2010-03-12)

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In contrast to the wide-scaled cargoships, skin floats or boats in the ancient times were undoubtedly the most convenient means of transportation invented more than likely to suit chiefly the purpose of crossing relatively small streams and rivers.Air was blown into the skin bags with the bundles of straws so that they would not give way and loose shapes half way in the river at the time of crossing by some careless and unexpected mischiefs. Boats must have been paddled either by wooden paddles or one's own hands.With the animal-skin boats most rampantly utilized in the orient, as a means of most accessible and handy transportation system, slowly but surely the custom spread out into such areas as Asia Minor, Central Asia and China environ.

著者

吉田 豊

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.1, pp.199-200, 1993-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

角田 文衛

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, no.3-4, pp.17-30,139, 1964 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The Orient, here mentioned, means the Middle East. The history of the Orient from the 6th century B. C. to the 6th century A. D., has hitherto been studied and systematized from the standpoint too greco-roman or hellenistic. How much cultural intercourse may had been taken place with the greco-roman world, we can still recognize the existence of the independent classical culture of the Orient which stands apart from the greco-roman classical culture. This independent culture should be appreciated conformably as that of the Oriental cultural area, and only by this means the Oriental history from the ancient times to the modern times through middle ages will be understood adequately, and its fresh systematization will also be possible.

著者

前嶋 信次

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, no.1, pp.100-104, 1964-08-15 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

メリキシビリ ゲ・ア 渡辺 金一 松木 栄三

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, no.3-4, pp.49-79, 1967 (Released:2010-03-12)