著者

長谷部 史彦

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.1, pp.165-168, 2001-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

法貴 遊

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.1, pp.33-48, 2014

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In Medieval Arabic medical texts, a specific property (<i>khāṣṣa</i>) is thought to be one of the effects of a medicine, and effective in a specific humor or organ. This property is mainly mentioned to explain two phenomena, purgative medicines' attraction of a certain humor and theriacas strengthening of human innate heat. Galen had advocated the theory that the faculty of attracting a specific material inheres in a medical substance as its nature (referred to as the theory of inherence). The same view can be seen in the texts of Islamic philosopher-physicians such as Ibn Sīnā (d. 1037). On the other hand, Ibn Rushd (d. 1198) perceived the defects of this theory and criticised it. This article examines his criticism of the theory of inherence in his discussions about purgative medicines and theriacas.<br> Ibn Rushd says that using the theory of inheritance, we cannot explain the phenomenon that when someone takes more than one dose of purgative medicine, it attracts not only the specific humor, but all of the humors. He then proposes the alternative theory that the specific property originates in the proportions of the qualities in the attracting and the attracted materials. From this perspective, he insists that the object of attraction varies according to the amount of the heat in the medicine.<br> As for theriaca, Ibn Rushd criticises the theory of inherence as seen in the writings of Ibn Sīnā Ibn Sīnā claims that theriaca's specific property is generated from its substance, i.e. the combination of form with matter, not the mixture of the four qualities. But according to Ibn Rushd, with this explanation, it is impossible to explain the body's various responses to theriaca. Therefore he maintains that one must explain its specific property in terms of the four qualities.<br> To conclude, Ibn Rushd considers his theory to be more capable of explaining various phenomena than the theory of inherence is.

著者

阿久津 正幸

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.2, pp.165-183, 2002 (Released:2010-03-12)

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In fear of the extinction of the knowledge and the death of scholars, Umayyad Caliph Umar II is reported in hadith to have said, “Pick up the traditions of the Messenger of God and write them down” (Sahin al-Bukhari, Chap. of 'Ilm, §34). This report makes clear the fact that manuscripts of Islamic religious sciences are media for preserving records and also means for transmitting knowledge to the next generation. Many studies are now beginning to stress the peculiar nature of the person-to-person style in Muslim traditional education and regard Muslim education as a cultural practice. As a result, written material (i. e. the manuscript) has not attracted broader interest among modern historians of Muslim education except for the revision and compilation of certain texts. Although, when we focus on how learners receive educational contents of the religious sciences, we can say, even in the above-mentioned hadith, that written material does not necessarily lose its importance. Rather, we should be aware that it is indispensable material in Muslim education.First of all in this brief article, I will introduce information about the Catalogue of Arabic Manuscripts that was accumulated in Aleppo up until the mid-20th century. The Manuscripts were kept in the library called Dar al-Maktabat al-Waqfiyya al-Islamiyya, which was located in al-Madrasa al-Sharafiyya next to al-Jami'al-Kabtr. Its catalogue consists of 8 collections; each had been historically collected in religious waqf institutions (jami', masjid, madrasa etc.). The catalogue was arranged finally by the hand of a religious scholar of Aleppo, Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Saradar, and the collections were administered under him until they were transferred to the Asad Library in Damascus by governmental decree in 1986.In addition to providing a short history of the manuscripts and libraries, I will try to indicate a few possibilities about the “archaeology of the manuscript.” Through a short survey of Islamic writing and book history, while considering the study of historical sources, I would like to emphasize as a hypothesis that the manuscript could be regarded as being document-like evidence reflecting the actual learning activities of scholars and students. This research would open a way, beyond our lack of historical sources, to understand the curriculum in pratique at the place of education in Islamic history.

著者

小田 淑子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, no.1, pp.27-41,159, 1975-08-31 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Rumi's religious thought is based on the sufism developed by Ibn 'Arabi. The pivot of his thought is the idea of the union with God. According to his view, it is not the abstract thought separated from reality but the subjective and existential one. It is concerned with what the true and fundamental self of man should be. The idea originates from the Unity of God (tawhid), the basic doctrine of Islam. I think his idea occured when “tawhid” was earnestly and thoroughly sought.God is the only true Being. Beings other than God are nothing but Divine Manifestation (tajalli). The true Unity of God is found, I think, in Divine Act in the eternal Now which Rumi calls the “new creation” (khalq-i jadid). This Unity cannot be known by means of ordinary knowledge. Man can know it when he dies to his self. Dying to his self is “fana'”.Why must he die to self in order to know God? God gives man both body and soul (ruh, jan), the latter of which is one with God. Man is the only creature that is created to know God. Though everyone is created and given life at every moment by God, he separates from God before reaching fana'. It is the separation from God to live without knowing that fundamental fact. This is no other than the sin of man. Forgetting that God is his fundamental (asl), he regards his self as his own. Rumi names this self “nafs”. To regard his self as what is in and by himself is at the same time to set it up against God. That means to rebel against the Unity of God.The awakening of sin makes him a seeker (talib). The seeker must be guided by the master (shaykh, pir) who is one with God, for “nafs” remains in the seeker. The only purpose of this search is to die to his self. So he must make himself lower and lower. God pours his Love on the one who makes himself lower.Dying to self takes place in the very self, but it is not due to man's own act. Only Divine Love can do it. This is fana'. Man can reach the union with God at the moment of fana'. Therefore, the union never means that two kinds of being, God and man, become one by such means as fusion. We must regard Rumi's idea of union as the realization of the Unity of God, where man is dead and only God exists. At the moment of fana' he can know God and find his fundamental self which participates in Divine Act. He can find God nowhere but in his own fundamental (asl), his soul.But fana' is not the final stage. He must pass away from fana'. Passing away from fana' (fana' al-fana') is baqa'. In this stage he can realize the true unitive state. At baqa' he can live the life of his fundamental self and his life is one with Divine's. Rumi expresses this situation as “ham-dami”, which literally means “to participate in breath”. Man's every act participates in Divine Act.

著者

杉村 貞臣

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, no.3-4, pp.87-120,224, 1969 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Since 614, when the Holy Cross in Jerusalem fell into the Persian hand, the time was getting ripe for taking back it, and was strengthening the spiritual unity of the Roman Empire with the doctrine which was proposed by Sergios.The Roman Emperor Heracleios (610-641) went on an expedition into the Persian territory from 622 to 629, and took back the Holy Cross. In the Christian world, before the expedition, the Monophysist in Syria and Egypt opposed the proporsal of Sergios, but during the expedition they changed to agreed to it, and the Pope Honorius I (625-638) recognized the Monotheletism.We can point out that the Persian Expedition of Heracleios went a long way toward strengthenning the unity of the Empire in the early part of the seventh century.

著者

屋形 禎亮

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, no.2, pp.57-78,184, 1973 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The Abusir Papyri are the oldest body of papyri at present known. it was discovered at the funerary temple of Neferirkara Kakai at Abusir. Though fragmentary, their importance to Egyptology lies in furnishing the earliest examples of the hieratic script and giving informations for the administration of a Pyramid temple. But they had fallen into the hands of many museums and only a few fragments had been published till 1968. In this year all these important documents were fully published by P. Posener-Kriéger and J. L. de Cenival, Hieratic Papyri in the British Musenm, 5th series: The Abu Sir Papyri, London 1968. So now we can study these documents for the first time. In this article I treated of the date of these papyri, their contents and their significance to Egyptological studies.As for the date of the papyri, comparing the clear dates (those of Isesi and Teti), other dates without the name of the reigning pharaoh (ranging from the 2nd “numbering of the cattle” to the 21st), and the cartouches of pharaohs without dates, we can deduce that the highest date of the papyri is the year 3 or 5 under Isesi and the lowest is the year 2 or 12 under Teti. But because of the close similarities in the script and the small number of the cartouches of Unas and Teti, I suppose that the most of the papyri should be ascribed to a relatively short period, that is, to the reign of Isesi.As for the contents of the papyri, they consist of four types of documents, 1) duty-tables (the compilation of the every day allotment of the tasks of each member of the temple staff on duty), 2) inventories (charaterized by the records of inspections on the change of phylae), 3) accounts (of most varied classes registering income and expenses of the temple), and 4) the other documents) including a copy of a letter, a permit, rituals, and many unclassified fragments).I think duty-tables are the most interesting of these four types of documents because of its uniqueness, and examined from four points of view what kind of informations we could expect to derive from them. Firstly we have the oldest record of the practise of “Stundenpriesterschaft” (rotation-system in religious services of the temple staff divided into phylae) in these duty-tables. I suppose that this system had been introduced from royal labour-system into funerary temples for management of its economy and spread over other temples. Secondly we can reconstruct the organization of the temple staff from their titles, and thirdly gather informations on their duties, especially the priests called hm-ntr and hntj-š. Lastly, concerning the reform of the organization of funerary temples under Nyuserra, I think there is some possibility that hntjw-š were introduced by this reform.In short, by studying personal names, their titles and their duties recorded in duty-tables, we can make out the kind of their services and the forms of its performance. This will be a important step to reconstruct the actual operation of the administrative system of funerary temples and to approach many unsolved problems concerning the state-structure under the Old Kingdom.

著者

橋爪 烈

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.1, pp.60-87, 2006-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

10

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Mir'at al-zaman is one of the most enormous chronicles among Arabic historical works; it was written by Sibt ibn al-Jawzi in the 13th century. This work has been regarded as one of the most important sources of history contemporary with the author and has the further value of containing other historical works which have already been lost. Nevertheless, Mir'at remains unedited except for some small parts and has scarcely been examined philologically yet.Therefore, in this paper I examine Mir'at philologically and start on the classification of its manuscripts into groups.The first fruit of this paper, is a table of the 111 known manuscripts of Mir'at, together with their bibliographical information, I was able to classify many of the manuscripts as belonging to one of two groups, though many I have been unable to classify yet.I investigated the features of these two groups of manuscripts. As a result, it develops that one belongs to an abridged edition of Mir'at which was compiled by al-Yunini, the other belongs to an abstracted version which was compiled by an anonymous editor. Although the latter has been regarded as a copy of an original text of Mir'at in former research, I point out the error of this conclusion. I have been unable to discover any copy of the original text among the 111 manuscripts.Thus, as I point out, the manuscripts of Mir'at which have been used for historical research on medieval western Asia are not those of Mir'at itself, but are historical works abridged from original in a later period. In other words, medieval western Asian history has never been examined using Mir'at itself.

著者

北川 誠一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.22, no.2, pp.39-55, 1979 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Nikudaris was a band of people who lived in the district of Ghazna and used to make invasions into the provinces of Sistan, Kerman and Fars to the west and Multan, Lahore and Dehli to the east in the 13th and the 14th centuries. Originally they were belonging to the Ulus of Juchi, but later they were commanded by the princes descending from Chaghatai.I have come to the conclusion that they were belonging not to the three princes Balaghay, Tutar and Quli, who had been dispatched by Batu from the Ulus of Juchi to join Hülegü's campaigns in Iran and died successively in the II-khan's court, but to the army who had settled in the Indo-Iranian frontier by the order of the Great Khan Ögedei.For one reason, I find in eastern Iran no trace of the army of abovementioned princes after the conquest of the Assassins and the Abbassids.Then, Marco Polo, who traveled through the districts of Kerman, , Rudbar and Hormuz in about 1272, reported that their soldiers were of mixed bood, which was impossible to happen to those of the three-princes who arrived in Iran with Hülegü.Thirdly, they were called as Nikudaris or as Qarauna (s) s replaceable with each other. The latter was a name given to the descendents of the army settled in the Indo-Iranian frontier by the order of Ögedei.In 1261/2 they fled from Hülegü's search and went to the city of Mastung led by Nikudar (or Negüder) Noyan. Later they came in submission to the Chaghataid princes. In 1262/3 it was reported to the court of prince Töbshin that Shams al-Din Kurt of Herat was willing to join the Chaghataids and Nikudar. At that time Algu Khan of the Ulus of Chaghatai invited the commanders of the Indo-Iranian frontier army, but no one from the Nikudaris was cited. Then we find Junjudar Noyan, one of the chiefs of the Niktidaris was appeared in the vicinity of Zaranj, the capital city of Sistan. Before 1271 some of the Chaghataids were settled in Sistan and before 1272 the Nikudaris began to attack Rudbar. Their commanders were Chaghatai's great grandson Mubarak-Shah, his son Öljei-Buqa, Chaghatai's grandson Mochi and his son Qutlug-Khoja.

著者

戸田 聡

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.2, pp.142-148, 2011-03-31 (Released:2014-04-02)

著者

守屋 彰夫

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.1, pp.130-142, 1995-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

佐藤 進

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.2, pp.16-37, 1995 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

81

被引用文献数

1

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A view has been widely accepted that state-formation was based upon a nation in Media and Persia. But, the existence of a nation before state-formation is questionable in the Iranian areas in the first half of the first millennium B. C. The Neo-Assyrian cuneiform documents show the lack of ethnic identy among the Medes. “Media” is apparently not self-named, since the attempts have not succeeded to interprete it by any Indo-European languages. An explanation is most convincing that the name is derived from the Akkadian appellation KUR (Mad/t)-a-a “men of the mountains, frontier” to the Medes. The Medes was really men of the frontier, a people of aboriginal and Iranian origins in the central Zagros. They were incorporated to a nation in the process of forging political unity (cf. T. C. Young, CAH IV2, 21f.). A similar phase is described by de Miroschedji (ZA 75, 265-306) in pre-Empire Persia. He considers the ethnogeny of the Persians in accordance of the rise of Persian monarchy in the last seventh century. He asserts persuasively that the Achaemenian rule is started by Darius the Great. In this paper, it is emphasized that the real formation of the Persians was promoted by the founder of Achaemenian rule.

著者

秋山 慎一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.28, no.1, pp.131-144, 1985-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

被引用文献数

1

著者

榮谷 温子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.2, pp.40-60, 1999 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

9

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In this study definiteness is considered in view of information structures, especially giving weight to the notion of “familiarity.” We compare it with three other information structures: old- and new-information, theme and rheme, and reference. Through this comparison we find that the category of definiteness is independent from the other structures, although it correlates with them.a) Old- and new-information is “already activated” and “unactivated” information in certain discourse but definiteness depends on a writer/speaker's assumptions.b) Theme-rheme structure is strategy on the sentence level though definiteness is on the noun phrase level.c) Referentiality means how a noun phrase refers (or does not refer) to an entity, though definiteness is the relation between a noun phrase and what it refers to.Then, this paper analyses the Egyptian short play 'Arafa Kayfa Yamutu by T. al-Hakim to show how definite noun phrases are used in discourse, and we found that the following features decide the usage of definite noun phrases:1) how much the speaker feels convinced of an issue, and2) how much the speaker puts importance on the object.The result tells us that the structure of definiteness and indefiniteness is not only defined through hearers' or readers' state, but also that definiteness can be employed actively or subjectively by the speaker/writer. Definiteness is one independent information structure and a device which can be used actively by writers/speakers to send their message to others.

著者

秋葉 淳

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.1, pp.84-97, 2013

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It has been generally accepted that in Ottoman society Muslim girls were not excluded from elementary education in the traditional schools (<i>mekteb</i>). However, there is no study that addresses the issue of to what extent girls' education was widespread before the Tanzimat reforms. Although some studies have mentioned the existence of female teachers for girls, they only gave a general description without references or drew on a limited number of examples, and no further investigation has been conducted.<br> This article presents some findings on girls' schools and female teachers in Ottoman society based on two documents, dating from the 1780s and 1811, which provide lists of <i>mektebs</i> located in Istanbul. These documents show that there were a fairly large number of girls' schools: about one-sixth of the schools listed in the first document and about one-third of those in the second document were for girls. Noticeably, most of them were taught by female teachers.<br> Many of the girls' schools with female teachers were probably schools of modest size without an independent school building where the students gathered in the teachers' houses for instruction. However, since mixed schools for boys and girls are known to have been common, one can safely assume that the opportunity for elementary education for girls was significantly richer than is generally supposed for a "traditional" Muslim society. The existence of a large number of female teachers suggests that some women could acquire an education sufficient for teaching children. Their appearance in the official documents also shows that their occupation was socially recognized.

著者

渡辺 金一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, no.1, pp.213-228, 1977-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

勝又 俊雄

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.2, pp.34-54, 1988 (Released:2010-03-12)

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In 1979 at Anemospilia in Archanes, north of Knossos, Y. Sakellarakis unearthed ruins of a rectangular temple which had been destroyed by earthquake in the Middle Minoan IIIA period (c. 1700 B. C.). The temple consists of three rooms and a corridor, where a pair of clay foot models in life size was found. The excavator indicated that the clay feet could have belonged to an anthropomorphic wooden cult image, xoanon. The hypothesis has supported strongly those views which insist on its existence in the period. The aim of this article is to proceed with a negative argument to the views, and to clarify the meaning of the clay foot models in the find-contexts.To begin with, attentions should be paid to the following four facts. 1) Fourteen models so far discovered from seven sites in Crete and one in Kea are rarely found in pairs. 2) Usually they are found in non-shrine contexts and not in shrines of a palace or a country house. 3) They do not represent bare feet, but most likely some sort of footgears are painted on them. 4) Statues and figures in large scale existed certainly in the palatial periods in Minoan Crete. However, they should not be interpreted automatically as a xoanon. In fact, the fragments are always found in the context as a votive.The above analysis leads to a conclusion that no archaeological evidence supports the view which maintains the existence of xoanon in the palatial periods. If it were so, what is the role of the fourteen clay foot models in the find-contexts?It is evident that our models are not votives, since feet models dedicated to deities should be barefooted as we see in numerous examples from the Asklepieion in the classical Corinth. It is also agreed that ‘epiphany’ of deity was a central element in Minoan rituals in the palatial periods, since there existed no cult images. Pictorial representations of epiphanies include scenes where a small deity hovers in the air or descends before the worshippers. Such representations as these could imply a deity perceived by the worshippers, but invisible. Therefore, the clay foot models must symbolize the presence of such invisible deity in ritual, which could have taken place outdoors as shown on a gold ring from Isopata. Consequently The clay feet should not necessarily be found in shrines.

著者

栗山 保之

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.2, pp.53-74, 1994 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Yemen is the southern region in the Arabian Peninsula. The Rasulids [626-858/1229-1454] was one of the flourished dynasties in Medieval Yemen. They succeeded in gaining control of most Yemen, from Hadramawt to Makka. In their realm Zabid was the central city which situated on the Tihama facing the Red Sea. A number of Madrasas were constructed by them in Zabid as well as in many other towns and villages. These Madrasas were built and maintained through waqf allocation. The ‘ulama’ in Yemen gathered on Zabid to study Islamic sciences. Their construction of Madrasas has two purposes. First, they wanted to show their legitimacy to subject Yemen to their rule. Secondly, they aimed to expand their own Sunni authority against the Zaydi shi'is, who were throughout the northern Yemen.

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.2, pp.225-248, 2001 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

和田 廣

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, no.1, pp.190-194, 1996-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

中村 妙子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.2, pp.70-90, 2006 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The Byzantine emperor John II made Syrian expeditions twice, in the 1130s and 1140s. From the beginning of the twelfth century, the Syrian cities and the Crusader States preserved the balance of power through economic agreements and military alliances. However, Zangi, ruler of Aleppo, refused to maintain this balance-of-power policy and started to advance southward in Syria to recover lost territories from the Crusaders and obtain farmland which was under Damascus' rule. John carried out his expedition at this time.John compelled Raymond of Poitiers, the consort of the heiress of Antioch, to become his liege vassal. John and Raymond agreed that Raymond would hand Antioch over to John in return for cities, currently in Muslim hands, which John would capture leading a joint Byzantine-Crusader army. But Raymond had John attack cities whose power Raymond himself wanted to reduce. Also, as the nobility of Antioch, who had come from south Italy, had influence over Raymond, John could not appoint a Greek Orthodox cleric as patriarch of Antioch. Furthermore, an encyclical issued by Pope Innocent II stating that all Latins serving in the Byzantine army were forbidden to attack Christians in Crusader States, forced John to reduce his claims on Antioch, being conscious of the West's eyes. John even sent messengers to Zangi investigating the possibility of forming an alliance with him if the nobility of Antioch rejected him.John's Syrian expeditions largely changed the balance of power in Syria and made Zangi's advance in southern Syria easy. Zangi recaptured his lost territories, just after John retreated from besieging Shaizar, where Zangi had confronted him. The Byzantine threat and the reputation which Zangi gained as a strong leader made Damascus yield him Hims, which would be a base for his further advance southward in Syria.