著者

三沢 伸生

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.2, pp.127-141, 1994 (Released:2010-03-12)

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There are two main themes about land problems of the Ottoman Empire. From the 19th century to 1940's timar system was most popular subject of study in the frame of Islamic feudalism. But now many scholars are interested in iltizam system and çiftlik.For all that, there are still unsolved problems about timar system in the scope of the political formation of the Ottoman Empire. This system was not fixed but flexible with regional and periodical variations owing to the political needs.In the 16th century, the Ottoman Empire grew up an Islamic Empire with its vast territory. In the newly conquered lands, a special land system was putted in force. For example, the mâlikâne-dîvânî system, which is a special timar system, was carried out in Eastern Anatolia. By the analysis of two cadastres about Malatya region, BA 387 (1519/20) and TK 142 (1560), the number of villages where the mâlikâne-dîvânî system in charge (table 1) and the proportion of mâlikâne revenue to the total tax revenue (table 2) suggest that mâlikâne-dîvânî system was step by step changed to the normal timar system during 40 years of the reign of Süleyman I.

著者

渡井 葉子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.2, pp.1-16, 2013-03-31 (Released:2016-04-26)

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The Egibi family is the most eminent “private entrepreneur” of the Neo-Babylonian period. Despite the fact that many studies have been published on this family, nobody has ever studied their urban real-estate properties systematically. In this paper I study a deed (Dar. 379) which divides the properties among the members of the Egibi family and then locate and determine the use of each property that appears in the document as much as possible, by examining the pertinent contracts of land sale involving Egibi family members.The Egibi family owned many houses in Babylon and in other nearby cities. These houses in each city adjoined one another. It is likely that heads of the family acquired neighboring plots and added them to their own property. Their houses functioned as residences of family members, business offices, workshops, loan collateral, etc. However, they do not seem to have made profit by selling these houses.According to one document, the “main house (bītu rabû) of the Egibi was situated in TE.EKI area in the city of Babylon, at least in nabû-aḫḫē-iddin times. In another document, we find that the residence or office of the crown prince (bīt-mār-šarri) was located in the neighborhood of the Egibi’s main house. It is therefore probable that the bīt-mār-šarri was located in the TE.EKI area. In fact, heads of the Egibi family appear in some documents as agents of the crown princes Neriglissar, Belshazzar and Cambyses. The location of the Egibi’s houses close to the bīt-mdr-Eam' was undoubtedly convenient for their partnership relation.Through this study there emerges an interesting picture of the process by which a newcomer to the urban elite through acquiring pieces of urban property was able to develop large residences in the neighborhoods of the administrative centers of big cities during the “long sixth century” of prosperity in Babylonia.

著者

稲葉 穣

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.1, pp.118-124, 1991-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

坂本 勉

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, no.2, pp.113-125, 1978 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

医王 秀行

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.2, pp.30-52, 2000 (Released:2010-03-12)

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In the Jahiliya period, sanctuaries that enshrined various idols existed all over the Arabian Peninsula, and the Arab tribes who guarded the sanctuaries organized and ran various festivals and annual markets. A sacred month was fixed as the pilgrimage period (it was also the time for trade) in the peninsula to ensure the safety of pilgrims coming from a great distance. Since it was necessary to maintain this system and furthermore to trade with merchants outside the peninsula, the pilgrimage event was held in a particular season every year. Since the lunar calendar of 12 months results in a discrepancy with the solar calendar every year, a leap month was inserted into a year approximately every 3 years to adjust this discrepancy. This makes 13 months a year.The sixth to seventh century, when the Prophet Muhammad was active, was an era when Meccan people were under the influence of Judaism and Christianity. We cannot examine the calendar of that time without taking into account the leap system in the Jewish calendar or the movable feasts of Christianity. At the time when the Prophet Muhammad started propagating Islam in Mecca, a leap month was inserted into a year in the same period as in the Jewish calendar. Therefore, I consider that it is possible to determine the cycle of the leap year in this era from this.Starting in the first year of the Islamic calendar, there were three leap years until the 10th year of the Hijra when the prophet abolished the leap month. The Islamic calendar's New Year's Day was April 18, 612 AD. I conjecture that it was June 28th, the day of the summer solstice when Muhammad arrived at Medina.Knowing the fact that the pilgrimage was carried out during Pesach and Easter in the spring and that they introduced the Judaic and Christian systems into the calendar, combined with the worship of Abraham in the surrounding area of Mecca in the Jahiliya period, the author conjectures that these facts laid the groundwork for the birth of a new religion, i. e. Islam, in this region. The Prophet Muhammad destroyed the idols and the function of the pilgrimage spread in various places of the peninsula and introduced the pure lunar calendar. In addition, he nullified the conventional pilgrimage cycle of the peninsula and the Arabic order associated with the conventional pilgrimage cycle, and simultaneously eliminated the influence of Judaism and Christianity. He brought forth a new Islamic order in which Mecca was worshipped as the sole pilgrimage ground.

著者

吉田 豊 W. Sundermann

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.2, pp.119-134, 1992 (Released:2010-03-12)

被引用文献数

1 1

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When he visited Turfan in October 1990, Y. Yoshida, one of the authors of the present article, examined the Iranian manuscripts unearthed at Bäzäklik during the excavation undertaken in 1980-81. Among them he found and transliterated a fragment (80. T. B. I. 644) of a Parthian hymn written in Sogdian script. He showed his transliteration to the other author, W. Sundermann, in April 1991 when the latter was invited to Ryukoku University. On the spot Sundermann noticed that the same hymn is found in two manuscripts, one in Sogdian script (X) and the other Manichaean (M 779), of the German Turfan collection deposited at Turfan Forschung in Berlin. The two then decided to publish this hymn dedicated to the Manichaean Third Messenger as a joint contribution to the project organized by Professor K. Kudara of Ryukoku University and supported by the grant of the Monbusho International Scientific Research Program.In the meantime Yoshida discovered two small fragments containing the same hymn among the Otani collection (Otani 6229 and 7375) now housed at the Ryukoku University library. They are also edited in the present article.Perhaps the most interesting feature of this hymn is the occurrence of 'yl (M 'yl), the Aramaic word for god so far unknown in the Manichaean literature. This word appears in combination with 'st'y (M 'st 'yy) “(you) are” and employed in an ecstatic exclamation: 'yl 'yl 'yl 'yl 'st'y 'st'y 'st'y “El, el, el, el. You are, you are, you are!”. It is also to be noticed that 'st'y (M 'st 'yy) is the combination of the inflected forms of a verb 'h- “to be”, i. e. 'st “is” and 'yy “you are”.

著者

柴山 栄

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, no.2, pp.49-63,167, 1975 (Released:2010-03-12)

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C. H. Gordon holds that the early Hebrews and the early Greeks share a common East Mediterranean heritage. We can find the parallels that form the core of his “Before the Bible” fit into a historical frame work in the wake of the Amarna Age during the closing centuries of the second millennium.However, it is quite true that prior to the Amarna Age (i. e. before 1400 B. C.) a kind of international order of commerce was formed to let Canaanite, Syrian, Mesopotamian, Anatolian, Aegean and the other cultures meet around the East Mediterranean. That is what we can make sure of according to Mari texts in the eighteenth century B. C.Mari texts tell us that such international order of commerce had been formed during the beginning centuries of the second millennium before the Amarna Age synthesis which Gordon called appeared.Some aspects of the common culture we notice in the areas mentioned above. Musical instrument “kinnaru” is one of them.

著者

小山 彰

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.1, pp.22-45, 2008-09-30 (Released:2014-03-30)

参考文献数

25

被引用文献数

2

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In Middle Egyptian grammar, the sḏm pw ir.n=f-construction (its passive form is sḏm pw iry) is a well-known narrative construction. Until now this construction has been regarded as a bipartite A pw or a tripartite A pw B nominal sentence. The purpose of this paper is to try a new approach to the sḏm pw ir.n=f-construction; it investigates the possibility of grouping this construction with the Spw-constructions, which were previously discussed in this Bulletin (Vol.49 No.1). The following is a summary of the main conclusions in this paper.(1) The sḏm pw ir.n=f-construction is an Spw-construction into which a (monopartite nominal) sentence sḏm ir.n=f/iry is embedded.(2) The semantic functions of the sḏm pw ir.n=f-construction correspond to two of the subdivisions which the semantic functions of the Spw-constructions show.i) The speaker/writer (S/W) presents to the hearer/reader (H/R) a state of affairs described by the embedded sentence (Q); Q is related to the preceding context (P).ex. ḫr m-ḫt spr=f r ẖnw `ḳ pw ir.n s3-nswt Ḥr-dd=f r smit (Westc. 8 6-7)Now when he arrived at the royal Residence (P), the king's son Hordedef entered to report (Q).ii) S/W presents Q to H/R; Q is not related to a previous P.ex. The beginning of a new episode:`ḥ` p[w] ir.n s3-nswt Ḥr-dd=f r mdt (Westc. 6 22-23)(Now) the king's son Hordedef stood up to speak (Q).(3) The sḏm pw ir.n=f-construction is in complementar ydistribution with the “perfect” Spw-constructions (ink pw sḏm.n=i/h3.kwi, NP pw sḏm.n=f, sḏm.n=f pw, etc.) with respect to the combination patterns of the kinds of verbs (transitive verbs, verbs of motion, or other intransitive verbs) and the kinds of agents (1st personal pronoun, 3rd personal/indefinite pro-nouns, or noun phrases) that it can take.

著者

井谷 鋼造

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.1, pp.1-20, 1987-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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After the death of Sultan ‘Ala’ al-Din Kayqubad I, his eldest son Ghiyath al-Din Kaykhusraw ascended the throne against his father's will and his supporters became powerful in Rum Saltanat of Saljuq dynasty. Among them Sa'd al-Din Köpek seized the greatest power and killed the late sultan's Ayyubid wife 'Adiliya, Kamal al-Din Kamyar, parwana and atabeg of Kaykhusraw, putting such persons in prison as the two sons of 'Adiliya, Qaymari the Kurdish chief, and Qayïr Khan the leader of Khwarazmian soldiers. These political events mean that the influence of the late sultan Kayqubad was to be removed during the first two years of Kaykhusraw's reign and as a result Kaykhusraw's Saltanat lost its military power.Then in autumn of 1240 the revolt of Baba happened in the basin of Euphrates and soon reached to the central parts of Anatolia. Rum Saltanat's troops were defeated four times and unable to suppress the revolt, while they were successful in capture of its charismatic leader Baba Ishaq Khariji and put him to death in Amasiya. The final battle was fought in the desert of Maliya near Qïrshahr and the followers of Baba, most of them Turkman nomads, were annihilated together with thier families and livestock. After the painful victory over the revolt of Baba, Kaykhusraw's Saltanat became more active than before in its military phase against the Khwarazmians and the Ayyubid maliks in Diyar Bakr.From the historical point of view the revolt of Baba was not the prelude to the approaching Mongol invasion, but its disastrous end led to the establishment of Kaykhusraw's power in Rum Saltanat.

著者

小澤 一郎

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.1, pp.40-56, 2016

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<p>The arms trade in the Persian Gulf experienced a drastic expansion in the mid-1890s, and emerged as an important issue for the polities around the Gulf. This study investigated the factors giving rise to and sustaining this trade. Analysis was conducted from the perspective of the attempts of the Qajar dynasty of Iran to suppress the trade on the Gulfs northern shore.</p><p> The Qajar government's initial suppressive attempts remained unsuccessful, revealing the two factors sustaining the trade: first, the complicated interests within the Qajar government concerning the profits from the trade, and second, the difficulty in regulation that arose from the trade's international nature, namely, the existence of Muscat as a "loophole." This situation led the Qajar government to cooperate with the British Empire. Besides strengthening the existing suppressive measures, the Qajar government permitted the British Navy's activities in its territorial waters. Furthermore, a joint Qajar-British request was communicated to the Muscat government in December 1897 asking for the introduction of more effective suppressive measures. However, the joint request did not bring about the expected result, although the various interests within the Qajar government had been reconfigured and ceased to promote the arms trade by that time. This was probably due to the trade's economic importance for the Muscat government, the Muscat government's treaty obligations to the other great powers, and the noncooperation of France. This failure guaranteed the continuation of the trade itself, which became less visible and accelerated the influx of modern arms into southern Iran.</p><p> In conclusion, the author asserts that the development and the failure of the measures taken to suppress the Persian Gulf arms trade reflected not only the characteristics of the arms trade, but also the nature of the regional order of the Persian Gulf at that time.</p>

著者

青島 忠一朗

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.1, pp.14-26, 2016

被引用文献数

1

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<p>This paper discusses how the accounts of rebellion in Assyrian royal inscriptions were described and manipulated, taking the Annals of Ashurnasirpal II as an example.</p><p> Accounts that deal with rebellions can be divided into two types : 1) those where the suppression of the rebellion is clearly mentioned, and 2) those where a punitive expedition is presented in a way to suggest that the military activity is unrelated to a rebellion. Those of the first type present putting down rebellious acts that disturb the world order as the reason for the campaign. By describing those acts the accounts put enemy in the wrong and justify the military activity of the king.</p><p> Those of the second type, where the rebellion is concealed, include not only accounts of unsuccessful punitive expeditions, but also those of campaigns that fulfilled their aim. A number of rebellions in the same region, even if the king subjugated them each time, might expose the incompetency of the king and the fragility of his rule. Since this does not lend itself to royal praise, the accounts describe only the last rebellion in a certain region as such.</p><p> The failure to mention the rebellion in the account was not merely intended to cover up an unfavorable fact, but was also utilized to glorify a royal deed. If a description of the rebellion is left out of an account, it is indistinguishable from the account of a campaign against a foreign land. The punitive expedition is thus described as if it was a military activity against an unsubmissive ruler. In particular, through first hiding and then mentioning rebellions, the suppression of repeated rebellions in the same region is transformed into the conquest of "unsubmissive" land and the stabilization of the kings rule through the elimination of the rebel.</p>

著者

高橋 寿光 西坂 朗子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.1, pp.2-13, 2016

被引用文献数

1

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<p>The second boat pit of Khufu is located on the south side of the pyramid of Khufu at Giza, Egypt. In 2011, the cover stones of the second boat pit were lifted up by the Japanese-Egyptian joint mission. The graffiti in red, yellow and black inks were recognized on some of the cover stones. It is well known that the graffiti written on building stones provide information about transportation procedures and workmen involved in the work. This paper aims to examine the graffiti on the cover stones in order to understand transportation process and workmen responsible for these works.</p><p> The graffiti on the cover stones can be chronologically divided into at least two stages by observing the surface treatment of each cover stones. The stone surfaces which show the older stage were roughly shaped. On the other hand, the surfaces at new stage were carefully smoothed. According to observation, it was presumed that the old stage corresponds to the phase from quarry to workshop and the new stage coincides with the phase after shaping stones at workshop.</p><p> The old stage graffiti include the simple signs such as "ankh," "hetep," "nefer" which seem to represent the team of workmen in charge of transporting stones. The destination marks in old stage such as "pyramid," "temple" instruct transportation from quarry to pyramid area. The graffiti in new stage include inscriptions with the name of Khufu or Dedefra which represent the workmen in charge of drugging stones in the pyramid area. The destination marks include "boat" or "boat-pit" which seems to indicate the instructions of delivery to the second boat pit.</p><p> The study of graffiti on the cover stones from second boat pit suggest that two distinctive organizations were involved in the transportation of stones from quarry to the building site at Giza.</p>

著者

小池 やよい

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.1, pp.123-139, 1987-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

吉田 京子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.1, pp.89-102, 2000-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Muhammad b. 'Ali b. Husayn b. Babuyah al-Qummi (d. 381/991-2), known as Ibn Babuyah or al-Shaykh al-Saduq, is the author of the Man la yahdurh al-faqih, one of the four canonical collections of Shi'ite hadith, and regarded as one of the foremost traditionists among the Twelver Shi'a. However, in the early rijal works, Ibn Babuyah had been authorized merely as “jalil”, that is, important. On the other hand, two other compillers of the four canonical collections, al-Kulayni and al-Shaykh al-Ta'ifah al-Tusi (d. 460/1067-8), enjoyed the highest esteem “thiqah” which means fully trustworthy in the transmission of hadith.To find the reason of his appparently lower evalutaion, the present study focuses on the question of ghaybah, comparing Ibn Babuyah's approach to traditions in Kamal al-din wa-tamam al-ni'mah with that of al-Shaykh al-Ta'ifah al-Tusi in Kitab al-ghaybah, who himself appreciated Ibn Babuyah “jalil” in his Fihrist.Ibn Babuyah made the best use of traditions to define, clarify and verify the twelfth Imam's ghaybah as a corporeal incident, claiming that only through ‘hearing’ traditions, the words of the Prophet and Imams, man can obtain true knowledge with the help of Divine grace.On the other hand, al-Tusi had much less confidence in traditions and made them supplementary. Following the rational method of his teachers such as al-Shaykh al-Mufid and al-Murtada, he tried to solve the problems caused by Imam's ghaybah by using mainly human reason.Considering the differece of their approaches to traditions, it can be said that the split between pre-Akhbaris and Usulis had already started since then, and that this caused the judgement of Ibn Babuyah as jalil.

著者

平山 洋

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.2, pp.63-73, 2012-03-31 (Released:2015-04-01)

参考文献数

23

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It is generally held that the name Osiris was not attested until the 5th dynasty, when it appears as a title of deceased kings in the Pyramid Texts. However, the name may be attested in the tomb of nb-m-3ḫt, an elder son of King Khafra. The mother of nb-m-3ḫt was queen mr-sy-‛nḫ III, one of Khafra’s wife. The prince had two tombs, called LG86 at Giza Central Field and LG12 in the Quarry Cemetery beside the pyramid of Khafra. Piacentini appears to report that an epithet including the name Osiris, im3ḫw ḫr wsir, is attested in LG86. However, an examination of the original report on LG86 shows that the name Osiris is attested not in LG86, but in LG12. From the name of the owner, nb-m-3ḫt, and the fact that one of his tombs was built in the site of quarry for Khafra’s pyramid, LG12 can be dated from the reign of Khafra to the end of the 4th dynasty. Thus, it is possible that the name of Osiris is attested at the end of the 4th dynasty.

著者

渡辺 和子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.1, pp.55-70, 2013-09-30 (Released:2016-10-01)

参考文献数

29

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The Tayinat Archaeological Project of Toronto University, in 2009, excavated a large clay tablet along with 10 other tablets at Tell Tayinat, Turkey, which was identified as a copy of the 'Succession Oath Documents' issued by the Assyrian king Esarhaddon in 672 BC. These documents were known through the Nimrud version published by D. J. Wiseman in 1958, and reedited by myself in 1987. As J. Lauinger, who published the Tayinat version in 2012, pointed out, the tablets were excavated in situ at the sacred precinct in the center of the mound, and had been issued to the governor of Kunalia. Through this information, Tell Tayinat was definitely identified with the ancient city Kunalia. The present author considers §30 (ll. 353-359), now restored by the Tayinat version, to be especially important here. The mood of the verb in line 353 of the conditional clause has proven to be indicative, not subjunctive, as I had expected before. Indicative verbs are generally used in conditional clauses led by "if" (šumma). However, the usage of subjunctive verbs in conditional clauses had not yet been elucidated in any Akkadian grammars, which had regarded the subjunctive as an expression of an oath, and in translation, merely gave instructions to omit the word "if" and to render affirmative subjunctive verbs in the negative, and negative subjunctive verbs in the affirmative. However, almost all of the conditional clauses in these documents are in the second person plural, and are in fact, followed by curses as apodoses, mostly placed in the latter part of the documents. Only §57 is an utterance of an oath and consists of a conditional clause (protasis) in the first person plural subjunctive, and a directly following self-curse (apodosis). Sometimes, with verbs in the second person plural indicative and subjunctive are combined in the same conditional clause, as in the case of §30. In my view, the indicative is used to explain certain given conditions and the subjunctive affirmative ('if you should do ...') that follows, indicates something that the speaker assumes that 'you' ought not to do ; the negative subjunctive ('if you should not do ...') expresses something that 'you' ought to do.

著者

岡田 恵美子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.1-2, pp.151-166,A196, 1970 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

10

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The romantic epic, “Vis u Ramin” was composed by Fakhr al-din As'ad Gurgani in the eleventh Christian century. On account of the following three aspects, this epic may be ranked as one of the most valuable works in Persian literature:(1) Being the earliest romantic epic extant, the work must have influenced on Persian literature to follow after it, to a great extent.(2) It is said that Fakhr al-din As'ad Gurgani versified in Persian from the basis of the story then existed in Pahlavi (a some earlier form of Pahlavi). The process, therefore, presents important materials to the field of philology as well.(3) The story “Vis u Ramin” is considered as a work of the Arsacid dynasty.With regard to the last two aspects, it should be best a for us to examine what the author-himself describes about them in his own epic.

著者

佐藤 圭四郎

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, no.1, pp.69-83, 1963-08-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

小林 義尚

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.24, no.1, pp.165-174, 1981-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

中野 さやか

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.1, pp.118-143, 2003-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The aim of this paper is to clarify the real character of the “Revolt of the Zanj, ” the great rebellion in the Abbasid empire, by analyzing the backgrounds of the participants in the revolt. To study it, I divided this revolt into three periods, the beginning (863-869), the heyday (869-879), and the decline (879-883), and analyzed the participants at the beginning and the heyday, and the rebels who surrendered to the Abbasid military at the decline.In the beginning, the number of participants was small. The group consisted of townspeople and those from the upper echelons of society. The reason that participants consisted of various groups was that 'Ali b. Muhammad had not confined the scope of the rebellion to a particular social class.The heyday of this revolt began when tens of thousands of Zanj, who had been taken from East Africa to Iraq as agricultural slaves, joined the revolt in 869. Through their participation, the rebel troops swelled in number and occupied Southern Iraq in 879. During this heyday, various types of people, such as townspeople, farmers, Arab nomads and people from the upper echelons of society, participated. However, they were lacking in solidarity as they participated merely because the rebel troops were powerful militarily.The decline of this revolt began in 879 when the Abbasid military launched an attack against the rebels. The leader of the Abbasid military, Muwaffaq, while besieging the rebel stronghold of Mukhtara, called on the rebels to surrender to the Abbasid military and treated the rebels who did surrender respectfully. Therefore, the main body of the rebel troops surrendered and this revolt collapsed. The reason for this rapid collapse was that the main body of the rebel troops were people who put their own interests first, such as Zanj and townspeople.