著者

黒柳 恒男

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, no.2, pp.87-100,184, 1974 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Jam-e Jam which means Jamshid's Cup, is one of the most traditional and favourite themes among the classical Persian poets. This Cup has been expressed in various names, such as Jam-e Kai Khosrou, Jam-e Jahan-numa, Jam-e Giti-numa, Jam-e Jahan-bin, Jam-e Alam-bin, Jam-e Jahan-ara, Jam-e Iskandar and Aine-ye Soleiman. Ferdousi, the greatest Persian epic poet, was the first one who used this Cup in his Shahname. He called it Jam-e Gitinumayi, which means the Cup representing the whole world, by which King Kai Khosrou found out the missing hero Bizhan. After this, this Cup was called Kai Khosrou's Cup until the twelfth century and many famous poets, such as Unsuri, Masud-e Sad-e Salman, Muizzi and Khaqani used this Cup in their poems in the traditional and mythical way.But after the twelfth century, this Cup began to be called Jam-e Jam and was employed as a mode of Sufi expression. The famous Sufi poet Sanai interpreted this Cup for the first time as Sufi's pure heart in his Tariq al-Tahqiq. After him many Sufi poets, such as Attar and Sadi adopted his interpretation. This Cup found its highest expression in Hafiz's ghazals, in which he expressed this Cup in different ways and meanings. The true understanding of this term is regarded as an important key to appreciate his implicative poems.In short, we may conclude from the use of Jam-e Jam in Persian literature that Persian poets who flourished in the Islamic periods were greatly influenced by their pre- Islamic traditions, wherein we make out the Persian cultural continuity and consistency.

著者

東長 靖

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.1, pp.64-79, 1990-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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In my last paper [in The World of Islam, Nos. 33/34, 1990] on the controversies over the orthodoxy of Wahdah al-wujud in the late Mamluk period, I pointed out that most of the sufis were within the ‘orthodox’ and that in this period we find no ‘ulama’ vs sufi schema.In this article I take up Ibn Taymiyah's comprehension of tasawwuf for enlargement of my last study. It is fact that Ibn Taymiyah, who belongs to the early Mamluk period, severely criticized Wahdah al-wujud and some popular sufi practices, but he was not against tasawwuf itself.He divides sufis into three groups as follows; (1) ‘true’ sufis who worship only Allah, (2) sufis who observe legal (shar'i) manners in their practices, and (3) superficial sufis who follow some customs without understanding of their true meaning. He puts his own position in the first group, and from this inner standpoint he criticizes other sufis such as those of Ahmadiyah-Rifa'iyah Tariqah, who belong to the third group, for their innovation and deviation from shari'ah, and demands their repentance. According to his view, Wahdah al-wujud goes outside of this framework of sufis. So his criticism on Wahdah al-wujud was not against tasawwuf, rather his aim was to defend ‘true’ tasawwuf as he thinks it.From this and the last study, we can conclude that nobody was against tasawwuf itself in the Mamluk period with the only exception of Wahdah al-wujud, which was criticized as philosophy by some, not all, thinkers.

著者

有松 唯

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.2, pp.28-54, 2007 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

24

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Materials excavated from the deep layer of Noruz Mahale are from the Bronze Age. Arimatsu No other Bronze Age materials have been excavated on the Southwest Caspian coast. Moreover, it is important that among them is pottery similar to the LBGW (Late Bronze Age Gray Ware) from Gorgan on the southeast Caspian coast. This is farther west they have been excavated. It means the LBGW culture flowed into this region as early as the Bronze Age and that LBGW or LBGW-like pottery extended to a far wider area than was thought before.Generally, it is said that LBGW is the ancestor of the Early Iron Age pottery in the northern part of Iran. However, there is no direct relationship between the characteristics of pottery from Noruz Mahale and those of pottery of the Early Iron Age in this region. On the other hand the funerary practices and bronze materials of the Early Iron Age in this region use many elements which owe their origin to the Caucasus. So, it is probably best if we accept that in the change from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age in Iran there were influences from various areas and assume that there were diverse aspects of this change in each region.

著者

遠藤 春香

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.2, pp.17-32, 2013-03-31 (Released:2016-04-26)

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This paper discusses ‘Abd al-Wahhāb al-Sha‘rānī’s theory of the Perfect Man (insān kāmil), and examines his contribution to the history of Islamic thoughts. Sha‘rānī (d. 1565) was a Sufi thinker in Ottoman Egypt who belonged to the school of Ibn ‘Arabī (d. 1240). The focus of this paper is to analyze how Sha‘rānī inherited and developed Ibn ‘Arabī’s theory. The Perfect Man, as it is argued by Ibn ‘Arabī, refers to one who has attained unity with God and thereby attained the supreme state in Sufism. According to Ibn ‘Arabī, man was made in the image of God before the beginning of God’s creation of other creatures and therefore is capable of manifesting each of the names and attributes of God. The Perfect Man as a locus of God’s manifestation can synthesize two truths about God: God’s transcendence (tanzīh) and immanence (tashbīh), and God as the One and the many. The presence of the Perfect Man is important because he unifies the cosmos and keeps it one. This metaphysical theory of the Perfect Man taught by Ibn ‘Arabī was inherited by his followers. Many of them discussed the concept from the ontological point of view. However, Sha‘rānī, besides explicating the Perfect Man from the ontological aspect, developed it further by translating it into the social context. He developed the idea of the Perfect One (al-kāmil), who, according to Sha‘rānī, witnessed the source of the law (‘ayn al-sharī‘a) through a mystic experience. The various opinions of various people were originally derived from this source of the law. Thus, according to Sha‘rānī, the Perfect One can solve tensions that exist in society, since the Perfect One realizes the source of the law, into which opposing opinions can be ultimately resolved. Sha‘rānī thought that the splits of society into various parties can be unified through such a person. As this paper shows through its analysis, the Perfect Man and the Perfect One are the same concepts. Both hold within them the plane of God’s names and attributes and unify various dichotomies in the world. However, while the Perfect Man unifies the cosmos, the Perfect One unifies the society. attempted to contextualize the metaphysical-ontological concept of the Perfect Man in order to meet the needs of the society of his time. This paper concludes that, by applying Ibn ‘Arabī’s theory to this world, Sha‘rānī played an important role in further spreading Ibn ‘Arabī’s thoughts among the people of the Arab world.

著者

中西 悠喜

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.2, pp.76-92, 2010-03-31 (Released:2014-03-31)

被引用文献数

1

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In classical discussions on the waḥdat al-wujūd (“Unity of Existence”), absolute existence (al-wujūd al-muṭlaq), that is “existence” itself, is recognized as the one and only reality. Existence is, in this system, identified with God, i.e. the “Necessarily Existent” (wājib al-wujūd), the entire universe being conceived to be self-manifestations of it. However, in the second half of the fourteenth century, this conception of existence was subjected to strong criticism by Sa‘d al-Dīn al-Taftāzānī (d. 1389/90). According to this Timurid philosopher-theologian, identifying existence with the Necessarily Existent is impossible, because “existence” itself is merely a secondary intelligible (al-ma‘qūl al-thānī) to which nothing in the external world corresponds. Shams al-Dīn Muḥammad ibn Ḥamzah al-Fanārī (d. 1431), with whom we shall deal in this paper, refuted this attack, thereby laying the ontological foundation of waḥdat al-wujūd. The aim of the present study is firstly to cast some light on this “Taftāzānī-Fanārī controversy” from the viewpoint of “Necessity of Existence,” which plays a decisive role in Fanārī’s whole refutation, and then to elucidate the Ottoman scholar’s strategy in demonstrating the identification of existence with the Necessarily Existent. Taftāzānī’s criticism revolves around the three themes: 1. classification of existence; 2. existence of the Necessarily Existent and His distance from impurities (qādhūrāt); 3. the Necessarily Existent and unity. In refuting all this criticism, Fanārī posits a concept of “relation” (nisbah). According to Taftāzānī, “existence” is a concept of “being” (mafhūn al-kawn). According to Fanārī, existence thus understood is nothing other than the relation of “existene” itself to the “beings” (kā’ināt), i.e. the created things. Fanārī salvages the identification of “existence” itself with the Necessarily Existent through this equation of what Taftāzānī calls “existence” with the relation of existence.

著者

澤井 真

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.2, pp.115-132, 2011-03-31 (Released:2014-04-02)

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The aim of this paper is to consider Junayd’s theory concerning the “primordial covenant” (Q7: 172) through an analysis of the concepts of “fanā'” (annihilation) and “baqā'” (subsistence) in his writings. In early Sufism (Islamic Mysticism), Junayd and other ṣūfis referred to this verse in the Qur'ān, because it represents the ideal relationship between Allāh and human beings. Before human beings in their pre-existence made a contract known as the “primordial covenant,” they had been unified with Allāh. According to Junayd, this situation is “eternity without begining” (azal); the term “fanā'” is used to explain that human beings melt into Allāh, and is used to show that this condition continues. In order to achieve this ideal condition, there are three stages of “fanā'” and four stages of “tawḥīd.” On the one hand, the term “fanā'” means to annihilate the self, by removing its attributes and feelings. On the other hand, “tawḥīd” (unity), which only the “elite” can achieve, is regarded as the ultimate level. At this level, the human, who is “like a shadow,” is annihilated by the response made in the primordial contract. When ]unayd discusses this situation, he talks about the human unification with God in this world, and at the same time about the ideal condition in the pre-existence. In Junayd’s theory of Sufism, the primordial covenant is one of the hid den tools for understanding the ontologically ultimate condition of human beings. This means that “fanā'” (annihilation) and “baqā'” are concepts of multiple meanings which enable one to achieve this condition.

著者

大塚 修

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.1, pp.40-56, 2015

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<p>This article discusses the flowering of Persian literature under the patronage of the local Iranian ruler of Luristan, Hazaraspid Nuṣrat al-Dīn (r. 1296-1331/2), in the late Ilkhanid period. It is generally accepted that Persian literature evolved dramatically under the patronage of Ilkhanid rulers and senior officials. However, there is almost no research that deals with the contribution of local rulers to this evolution during the period. In this article, I introduce the case of Hazaraspid Nuṣrat al-Dīn and explain his significant role in this evolution.</p><p>   Although the Hazaraspid dynasty lasted more than two centuries (1155/6-1424), because of the scarcity of historical chronicles, the details of the history of this dynasty remain unclear. However, through an investigation of literary works compiled in this dynasty, it is shown for the first time that Īdhaj, where the Hazaraspid court was located, was one of the cultural centers of the Ilkhanid domain, and attracted various scholars. They celebrated Nuṣrat al-Dīn in both prose and poetry, and the following five Persian literary works were compiled under his patronage: 1. Sharaf-i Qazwīnī's <i>al-Muʻjam fī Āthār Mulūk al-ʻAjam</i>, 2. Sharaf-i Qazwīnī's <i>al-Tarassul al-Nuṣratīya</i>, 3. Shams-i Fakhrī's <i>Miʻyār-i Nuṣratī</i>, 4. Hindū-shāh's <i>Tajārib al-Salaf</i>, and 5. the anonymous <i>Tajārib al-Umam fī Akhbār Mulūk al-ʻAjam wa al-ʻArab</i>. Most of them relate to the history of the ancient Persian dynasties or to the rhetoric of Persian prose and poetry.</p><p>   In these works, Nuṣrat al-Dīn, who identified himself as a descendant of the legendary Persian Kayanid kings, was celebrated as an ideal ruler who combined the characteristics of an Iranian ruler and an Islamic ruler. While Nuṣrat al-Dīn accepted the suzerainty of the Mongol Ilkhanid dynasty, he justified his local power by emphasizing his character as an Iranian ruler, and patronized cultural activities for this purpose. Thus, the local rulers' growing awareness of themselves as legitimate Iranian rulers under the Mongol domination contributed to the evolution of Persian literature.</p>

著者

塩野崎 信也

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.2, pp.41-62, 2015

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It is common knowledge that Muslims living in the south-eastern part of Caucasus, now the Republic of Azerbaijan, were referred to as 'Tatars' without a clear distinction from other Turkic groups under the rule of the Russian Empire. These Muslims were also called 'Turkish people' (Turks) or Caucasian Muslims. In the latter part of the 19th century and during the early 20th century, a feeling of nationalism emerged among them and they began calling themselves 'Azerbaijanis'. However, no study clearly explains the reason they claim to be Azerbaijanis.<br> The author scrutinised manuscripts, printed books, journals and newspapers written in several languages and discovered that 'Azerbaijan', the name of the nation, is not directly derived from the name of a geographical location, but from the name of a language. Around 1840, Kazem-bek, a professor at Kazan University, named the language spoken by Muslims in the South Caucasus as 'Azerbaijani Turkish'. Muslim intellectuals who lived in Tiflis, the centre of the South Caucasus in the 19th century, adopted the language name in the 1880s, following which they considered 'people who speak Azerbaijani Turkish' as a single nation called 'Azerbaijani'. The name of this nation initially appeared in the 115th issue of the literary journal <i>Keshkul</i> (<i>Dervish Bowl</i>), published in Tiflis on 16 November, 1890.<br> Two major reasons for why Muslim intellectuals in Tiflis called themselves Azerbaijanis instead of Tatars, Turkish people and Caucasian Muslims are as follows : First, they wanted to avoid a name based on a religious belief, such as 'Muslim', because they thought that a nation must not be defined by its religion, but by its culture, customs and language. Second, they considered their culture, customs and language to be different from those of the Tatars in the Volga region and Crimean Peninsula, or Turkish people in the Ottoman Empire.

著者

山田 重郎

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.1, pp.1-18, 1999-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

被引用文献数

1

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The setting-up of royal monuments in the course of royal expeditions is a phenomenon familiar in the history of ancient Mesopotamia. Among the royal records of various Mesopotamian rulers, the inscriptions of Shalmaneser III, king of Assyria (859-824 B. C.), are especially informative on this subject. Over fifty references of this kind in his inscriptions represent twenty historical cases of the erection of one or more monuments. In this paper I shall examine these references and discuss some aspects of the phenomenon.The monument is referred to as the “image (salmu)” of the king in all cases but one, where it is described as a “stela (asumettu).” The term salmu itself can denote three types of object: (1) a three-dimensional royal statue, (2) a free-standing stela bearing a relief of the royal figure, or (3) a relief engraved on a rock face (i. e. a rock relief). Nevertheless, on the basis of archaeological and iconographic evidence, it may be supposed that the monuments, especially those set up in the open, were usually stelae and rock reliefs rather than statues in the round. Some evidence indicates that the text accompanying the royal image was usually a short commemorative inscription, not a long text of the king's standard annals as found on various objects unearthed in Assyrian capitals.The monuments were placed at the most distant points in the course of the campaign, and were designed to perpetuate the king's arrival at the most remote places. The places chosen can be classified into two categories: (1) at conspicuous geographical features with no associated settlements (mountains, sea coast, river source, etc.); (2) in cities, especially in their sacred places (i. e. temples, etc.). Monuments, especially royal images, erected in the second type of place must have represented the Assyrian king as a worshipper in the local sanctuary. He was thus associated by his image with every act of worship performed there, both as the earthly representative of the gods and as a participant in every favour they might grant. Simultaneously, the image must have reminded the local elite of their relationship with the Assyrian overlord when they came to the place in order to take an oath before the gods or for other purposes.

著者

近藤 二郎

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.1, pp.140-151, 1987-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

中田 考

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.32, no.2, pp.76-89, 1989 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Ibn Taimiya condemns the metaphor theory in some of his works like “al-Haqiqa wa al-majaz” and the Kitab al-iman, and he defends the ahl al-hadith's position that they should refrain from metaphorical interpretation of the Qur'an and the Sunna.First he shows that the metaphor theory which devides the meaning into the literal (haqiqa) and the metaphorical (majaz) is not found in the sayings of the salaf and appears only after the 3rd Islamic century. Then he theoretically refutes the metaphor theory adopted by the theologians, who define the literal meaning as follows: (1) The word has a literal meaning when it is used in the meaning in which it was originally coined; and (2) the literal meaning is what the word means without context.The linguistic notion that a word makes sense without its context originates from the same mentality as that of the philosophical notion that the universal without concrete dimensions has a substantial existence. The latter notion forms a metaphysics Ibn Taimiya severely criticizes.Ibn Taimiya criticizes the metaphor theory on the level of its philosophical foundation, through which he discloses the fictitiousness of the metaphor theory. Thus he gives a theoretical ground to the hermeneutical position of the ahl al-hadith.

著者

ヤマンラール水野 美奈子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.1, pp.161-172, 1988-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

堀 晄

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.1, pp.20-32, 2007-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

14

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The auther investigated the ancient balance-weights from Central Asia and it was comfirmed that the Central Asian weight system was the oldest in the world. It is thought that the development of the system must be related to the trade of gold, silver amd lapis lazuli. The auther points out that Altyndepe in south Turkmenistan should be the ancient kingdom of Aratta described in the Sumerian legend.

著者

前田 徹

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.1, pp.119-126, 2000-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

被引用文献数

1

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In this brief paper, I will examine the lines 100-115 of “Gilgamesh and Agga.” I agree that, in this part of the text, the speaker was Gilgamesh and he was addressing Agga. However, I do not agree with the interpretation that Gilgamesh was expressing his gratitude for the mercy Agga had shown him, since we have no evidence to prove this situation. I offer an alternative interpretation for this part of the text; Gilgamesh allowed Agga to be an official in the army under his command, since Agga had no status and no privileges after he had been defeated in battle and had been abandoned by his own army. Gilgamesh released Agga. Agga served as his general and representative of Gilgamesh's rule over Kish.

著者

今澤 浩二

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.2, pp.65-82, 2014

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This paper attempts to examine the development of the vizierate in the Early Ottoman Empire, through analyzing the origins, careers and activities of the viziers of the period.<br> Initially, the Ottoman vizierate comprised a single individual, but the number seems to have increased during the reigns of Murad I and Yildirim Bayazid. During the earlier period, the vizier had power over both administrative and military affairs. However, it is likely that after the number of viziers increased, the second and third viziers of the military class took charge of military affairs, the military authority held by the Grand Vizier of the <i>ulema</i> class gradually becoming diminished until the title was merely nominal. Although the Grand Viziership was thought to have been held exclusively by the <i>ulema</i> class, this paper makes it clear that individuals from the Turkish military class held the office for an extended period during the reigns of Mehmed I and Murad II.<br> During the reign of Murad II, palace slaves (<i>kuls</i>) assumed the offices of second or third vizier, a few of them concurrently holding the post of <i>Rumeli Beylerbeyi</i>. Owing to the severe and continuous struggle between viziers of <i>kul</i> and <i>ulema</i> backgrounds during this period, viziers other than Grand Viziers changed frequently. Although the limitation of this era is reflected in the fact that the <i>kul</i> viziers could not advance to the Grand Viziership, Fatih Mehmed, who had succeeded to the throne for a time during this period, must have realized the effectiveness of having <i>kul</i> viziers. Thus, after the conquest of Constantinople, he strengthened his position as absolute monarch by appointing <i>kul</i> viziers, such as Zaganos and Mahmud Pashas, to the Grand Viziership. From this standpoint, the reign of Murad II was a quite important era, paving the way for the coming age.

著者

北川 誠一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.1, pp.41-53, 1987-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Al-Husein b. Muhammad b. 'Ali al Ja'fari ar-Rughdi or simply known as Ibn Bibi after his mother, many times uses the term of “ilkhan” in his Anatolian history of Al-avamir al-'ala'iyye fi al-Umur al-'ala'iyye.Carefully examining the uses of this title in the faximile of the unique Istanbul manuscript, the author of this paper concludes that Ibn Bibi called by this title Törege Khatun, Ögedei's wife and regent after his death. So, the meaning of this term would not be “the subjugated khan”, but “khan of the people”, because the other title of this regent was “Ulus Beg”, which means “the lord of the state”.Accordingly, Hülegü's title of “il-khan”, when he assumed this title about after twelve years, would mean also “the khan of the people”. This regental title should not be maintained after the conversion of Ghazan-khan so this word was omitted from the legend of his coins as well as his soccessors, just like another inscription of “khaghanu nereber (by the order of the khaghan)”, which was turned into “Möngke tengrin küchündür (in the strength of the eternal Heaven)”.

著者

M・ホルト ピーター 林 武

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, no.1-2, pp.105-129, 1968 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

藤井 守男

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.1, pp.161-164, 2001-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

北原 圭一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.2, pp.159-172, 1999 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The Qur'an's story of Yusuf (=Joseph; Surah 12), parallel to the Joseph story in the Bible (Genesis 37-50), is said to be the best (or the most beautiful) of all stories (Ahsan al-qasas), It was elaborated in the post-Qura'nic legend, that is, Hadith, “tafsir (exegesis)”, Qisas al-Anbiya' (tales of the Prophets), etc., and became one of the favorite subject matters particularly in Persian poetry. There are many works entitled Yusuf u Zulaykha (=Potiphar's wife) in it, of which the most estimated is a fifteenth century prominent mystical poet, 'Abd al-Rahman Jami (d. 1492)'s.In addition to these independent works of Yusuf u Zulaykha, many Persian poets made the most of this story as edifying anecdote in their poetical works, for instance, Farid al-Din 'Attar (d. ca. 1221)'s Mantiq al-Tayr, Sa'di Shirazi (d. 1292)'s Bustan (Sa'di-nameh), and so forth.From the folkloristic point of view, as Shalom Goldman states in The Wiles of Women/The Wiles of Men (1995), the Yusuf story consists of three motifs: “Potiphar's Wife motif”, “the motif of the Wise Man as Saviour”, and “the motif of the Young Man Triumphant”. When we examine the development of the Yusuf story in Persian literature, “Potiphar's Wife motif” is the most important of the three. Because a lot of Persian poets such as 'Attar, Jami, took up this motif in their works by preference as stated above.In this paper is examined the development of the “Potiphar's Wife motif” as a significant part of the Yusuf story and her image in Persian literature. As to the image of Potiphar's Wife, she is usually described as a wicked woman in many narratives that deal with this motif. But for most of the Persian poets she isn't the like of it. Her passionate love for Yusuf is rewarded on account of its strength, and through the power of repentance she becomes “a blessed woman” in the end.

著者

嶋田 襄平

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.3-4, pp.143-151,A200, 1970 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Circumstantial evidence is, as Dr. Soheil M. Afnan points out, in favour of Ibn al-Nadim's statement that Khalid b. Yazid b. Mu'awiya was the first to order the translation of Greek and Coptic books on medicine, astronomy and alchemy into Arabic; yet these precursory translators could not find their immediate successors. The intellectual awakening, which began with the establishment of the Abbasid dynasty and resulted in the brilliant age of translation, was a natural outcome of secretarial translations from Pahlevi under the late Umayyads. The present writer attempts to collect sporadic informations on earlier Arabic translators and on Pahlevi translation of Aristotelian logics by way of Syriac in the Sasanid period.