著者

和田 廣

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.1, pp.197-200, 2003-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

被引用文献数

1

著者

宮崎 修二

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.1, pp.57-82, 2003

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In the research of ancient Palestine, Tel Zeror, located in the northern Sharon plain, is generally considered to be a site once occupied by the Sikil Sea People (formerly known in the scholarship as Tjekker) in the early Iron Age. The examination of artifacts brought from mid 1960s excavations of Tel Zeror, some of which are examined here for the first time, reveals that the site's ethnic association with the Sikils is not sufficiently supported, despite the fact that some &ldquo;Philistine&rdquo; indicators, such as the lion-headed cup, or &ldquo;rhyton&rdquo;, and bottle pyxis were found at the site. The material culture revealed by the early Iron Age layers, including collared-rim pithoi, fails to demonstrate that a certain ethnic group was dominant among the population of Tel Zeror in this period. Furthermore, the common assumption that a fortress that once stood at Tel Zeror that dates back to the late 11th century BC was built by the Sikils is belied by the fact that recent excavations at nearby Dor indicate that the Sikil's settlement there had been destroyed before the fortress was constructed at Tel Zeror.<br>The history of the northern Sharon plain in the late 11th century BC should not be characterized chiefly in terms of Philistine material culture. The local Canaanite tradition still existed, and &ldquo;Phoenician&rdquo; influences had started to emerge. The Philistine, or Sea Peoples, culture only played a limited role outside the southern coastal plain, with the probable exceptions of coastal cities in the north, like Dor and Akko. It is more likely that the basic cultural character of early Iron Age Tel Zeror belonged to the continuity of the local tradition. New elements, which can possibly interpreted as belonging to the Sea Peoples, do not have any significance in the material culture of early Iron Age Tel Zeror, particularly in the late 11th century BC. Archaeologically, the Sikil's dominance over the northern Sharon plain cannot be demonstrated in the way most scholars have come to accept.

著者

小山 彰

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.2, pp.1-22, 2010-03-31 (Released:2014-03-31)

参考文献数

31

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In Middle Egyptian grammar, the construction known as the emphatic construction is a construction with a focalized adverbial adjunct. Two models have been proposed for the syntactic structure of this construction: the adverbial-sentence model (ASM) of H. J. Polotsky and the nominal-sentence model (NSM) of J. P. Allen. Ex. sḳdd t3 ḫft wḏ=k (Peas. B1 298-299) It is according to your command (ḫft wḏ=k) that the land sails (sḳdd t3). ASM: S ⇒ [sḳdd t3]NP [ḫft wḏ=k]AdvP NSM: S ⇒ [sḳdd t3 ḫft wḏ=k]NP (AdvP=adverbial phrase; NP=noun phrase) Although ASM has a very great influence on current research, the guestion of the relative merits of the two remains controversial. This paper treats this problem through a new approach. It compares these two models and two focus constructions in Japanese: (a) the “wa” cleft sentence corresponding to ASM and (b) the “no da” in-situ focus construction corresponding to NSM. The above sentence can be translated into Japanese in the following ways: ASM: kokudo-ga koukou suru na-wa, anata-no meirei ni shitagatte da. land-NOM sailing do NOMP-TOP you-GEN command to according COP NSM: kokudo-wa, anata-no meirei ni shitagatte koukou sum no da. land-TOP you-GEN command to according sailing do NOMP COP (COP=copula; GEN=genitive; NOM=nominative; NOMP=nominalizing particle; TOP=topic)

著者

村川 堅太郎 藤間 生大 橡川 一朗 前田 護郎 吉田 隆 土井 正興 中島 健一 岸本 通夫 太田 秀通 山本 茂 井上 一 渡辺 金一 板倉 勝正 西嶋 定生 石母田 正

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

日本オリエント学会月報

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, no.9, pp.135-161, 1960

著者

臼杵 陽

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.2, pp.67-82, 1993 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The aim of the article is to survey Jewish immigration to Palestine (Aliya) from Yemen, Yemenite settlement in Silwan near the old city of Jerusalem, and their separation from the Sephardi rabbinate in Jerusalem. The article relies upon recent studies on this subject written in Hebrew.The first mass Aliya of Yemenites in 1882 (called 'Aliyat Tarmab according to the Jewish calendar), which was coincident with Bilu's Aliya, that is, the first Zionist Aliya, has been ignored in Zionist's historiography. Recently academic endeavors have been made to explore early history of Yemenites in Jerusalem before World War I, as well as Old Yishuv in general.Yemenites immigrated to the Holy Land, motivated mainly by the messianic aspirations, but found themselves disappointed in difficult situations in Jerusalem. Most of them remained too poor to find their accommodations. Israel Frumkin (1850-1914), editor of ha-Vatzelet, the second Hebrew magazine in Palestine, gave assistance to poor Yemenite immigrants so as to settle them in an Arab village, Silwan (Shiloah in Jewish history), which had been the main community center of Yemenites until the Arab Revolt of 1936.When Yemenites immigrated, they were under the patronage of the Sephardi rabbinate which was recognized as the sole Jewish representative, millet, in Jerusalem by the Ottoman authorities. But later they differed with the Sephardi rabbinate on problems such as Haluka (charitable funds from abroad to Palestine) and Balad Askari (Tax for exemption from conscription), finally to separate as de facto independent kolel (a Jewish community in Palestine from a particularcountry or town) from the Sephardi rabbinate in 1908.

著者

小川 英雄

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.2, pp.177-178, 1988 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

蔀 勇造

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.1, pp.125-132, 1991

著者

西秋 良宏

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.1, pp.154-158, 1993-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

馬場 嘉市

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.1, pp.167-176, 1970

著者

糸賀 昌昭

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, no.1-2, pp.129-147,177, 1969 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Iraq or ancient Mesopotamia is one of the richest treasuries of archaeology. From eighteenth century, inspiring by the Bible or religious faith many Europeans visited here and remained their account of the trip. It is, however, from 1899 of R. Koldeway's excavation of Babylon that a comprehensive and scientific archaeological survey begun to start. Since mid-twenties century there were continuously remarkable excavations held by many famous foreign archaeologists.After independence of the kingdom of Iraq, there brought up several Iraqi archaeologists. During the World War II, these young archaeologists carried out the surveys of some sites on their own country. Tell Uquir, Deir, Aqar Quf, Hassuna are their brilliant achievements.Survey of Tell as-Sawwan, “Mound of the Flints”, is one of the most important excavations recently held in Iraq. The site is located some ten kilometers south of Samarra on the eastern bank of the middle Tigris river. The site was first noted by Ernest Herzfeld in 1911. Operations carried out five seasons by Behnam Abu as-Soof and others under the auspices of Directerate General of Antiquity since 1964 and not finished until now.There were five main building-levels and these were numbers I-V from the top downwards. The special feature identified on the site consists of an artificial ditch cut into the natural conglomerate underlying the mound, forming three sides of a square round the eastern side of mound B. It may be regarded of an early defensive system. The pottery is classified 1) coarse ware 2) semi-corase ware 3) fine ware 4) incised, painted, incised-painted ware. Top two levels belong to Samarran type and levels IV and V are Hassunan type. In level III the incised Hassuna ware becomes very popular, but this phase is transitional pierod from Hassuna to Samarra pottery. The most remarkable objects were ‘mother-goddess’ statuettes made of clay or creamy alabaster, using clearly as cult objects.The significance of Tell as-Sawwan are as follows: 1) in view of Tell as-Sawwan's geographical position, there was a reasonable prospect of cultural contacts between northern and southern Iraq during the sixth millennium B. C. 2) The pottery discovered on the site corresponds fairly closely to the standard Hassuna-Samarra repetoire which is known from Hassuna itself, and the mixture in levels III and II showed that Hassunan type gradually replaced Samarran type without cultural interruption. This also indicates there was no abrupt change of population in the area during this period.As excavation has not finished, it is impossible to describe full account of this site. But it may provide answers to several important problems of Mesopotamian prehistory after excavation finishes.

著者

田澤 恵子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.2, pp.111-118, 2012-03-31 (Released:2015-04-01)

著者

余部 福三

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, no.1, pp.69-84, 1983-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

北原 圭一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.2, pp.159-172, 1999

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The Qur'an's story of Yusuf (=Joseph; Surah 12), parallel to the Joseph story in the Bible (Genesis 37-50), is said to be the best (or the most beautiful) of all stories (Ahsan al-qasas), It was elaborated in the post-Qura'nic legend, that is, Hadith, &ldquo;tafsir (exegesis)&rdquo;, Qisas al-Anbiya' (tales of the Prophets), etc., and became one of the favorite subject matters particularly in Persian poetry. There are many works entitled <i>Yusuf u Zulaykha</i> (=Potiphar's wife) in it, of which the most estimated is a fifteenth century prominent mystical poet, 'Abd al-Rahman Jami (d. 1492)'s.<br>In addition to these independent works of <i>Yusuf u Zulaykha</i>, many Persian poets made the most of this story as edifying anecdote in their poetical works, for instance, Farid al-Din 'Attar (d. ca. 1221)'s <i>Mantiq al-Tayr</i>, Sa'di Shirazi (d. 1292)'s <i>Bustan (Sa'di-nameh)</i>, and so forth.<br>From the folkloristic point of view, as Shalom Goldman states in <i>The Wiles of Women</i>/<i>The Wiles of Men</i> (1995), the Yusuf story consists of three motifs: &ldquo;Potiphar's Wife motif&rdquo;, &ldquo;the motif of the Wise Man as Saviour&rdquo;, and &ldquo;the motif of the Young Man Triumphant&rdquo;. When we examine the development of the Yusuf story in Persian literature, &ldquo;Potiphar's Wife motif&rdquo; is the most important of the three. Because a lot of Persian poets such as 'Attar, Jami, took up this motif in their works by preference as stated above.<br>In this paper is examined the development of the &ldquo;Potiphar's Wife motif&rdquo; as a significant part of the Yusuf story and her image in Persian literature. As to the image of Potiphar's Wife, she is usually described as a wicked woman in many narratives that deal with this motif. But for most of the Persian poets she isn't the like of it. Her passionate love for Yusuf is rewarded on account of its strength, and through the power of repentance she becomes &ldquo;a blessed woman&rdquo; in the end.

著者

今野 毅

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.2, pp.162-181, 2017-03-31 (Released:2020-04-01)

参考文献数

54

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This paper investigates the number and proportion of levends (irregular soldiers) and Arnavud (Albanian) soldiers in the Ottoman military organizations. It is known that from the 17th century the numbers of levends and Arnavud soldiers in Ottoman military organizations gradually increased and they came to play an extremely important role, but little is known concretely about their number and proportion in those Ottoman military organizations.  MM1971 is a ta‘yinât register (ration and allowance register) from the Ottoman Danube and Sava Campaign of 1692. My analysis of that register shows that many levends and Arnavud soldiers were mobilized for the campaign.  The total number of the Rûmeli (the Ottoman Balkan province) governor’s troops and frontier garrisons that joined the campaign reached a minimum of 15,478–17,055 men. About 9,953–10,656 of them were levends, accounting for about 64.3–62.4% of the total. Furthermore, the number of the levends is also a minimum, because MM1971 does not mention the number of some levends mobilized from Anatolia and Syria. The number of Janissaries sent from Istanbul to the front line in the middle and the second half of the 17th century is estimated at approximately 10,000, and from the above it is reasonable to suppose that the number of all mobilized levends was even greater.  The number and proportion of Arnavud soldiers deduced from the analysis of MM1971 indicates their immense importance in Ottoman military organizations. The total number of Arnavud soldiers in the campaign was 8,261–8,881, of whom 7,064–7,119 were levends. Thus, Arnavud soldiers accounted for 53.3–52.0% of the total number of combatants, and 70.9–66.8% of the total number of levends were Arnavud levends.

著者

佐藤 進

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, no.2, pp.69-74,182, 1974 (Released:2010-03-12)

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By courtesy of the Tehran Archaeological Museum (Museh Iran Bastan), I had an opportunity to study unpublished Persepolis Elamite tablets in the Museum in 1973. On examination, fourteen Persepolis Treasury tablets (Teh. 9(w); Teh. 32; Teh. 34; Teh. 49 w; Teh. Pers. 3152-31 (?); 214/56 Teh. illus. B; dk 275 No. 25; 279; 2152/55 6(w); 2290; 2290 742; 3152/9 Teh. no. 38(w); no number; no number) and one Persepolis Fortification tablet (3152/37 Teh. 29w) were identified, but six documents (2290; 2290; 2290; 2451; 3152/52 48(w); 3152/65 97w) remained assigned to neither. In addition, some of documents referred as “not found” in Cameron's Index to Published Treasury Tablets (JNES 24, 1965, pp. 190-192) were identified as follows: 2275=PT45, 2279=PT60 and Teh. 3152/72=PT67. (Persian numerals and letters in italics.)In the present preliminary report, one of these unpublished Persepolis Treasury tablets, 2290 (one of documents with the same number), is transliterated (see p. 71), translated and commented. This is Marrezza's letter addressed to Barišša the treasurer of Parsa dated in the third year of Artaxerxes I, recording allocations to kurtaš kurnukašbe mišbazanaš. The expression “kurtaš kurnukašbe mišbazanaš”, which has been not found in any published Persepolis Elamite documents, is apparently parallel with “kurtaš marrip mišbazana” in PT 79 and further with “grd 'mnn vspzn” in the seventh Aršdma-letter. It is worth noting that the correspondence of kurnukašbe to marrip or 'mnn correctly reflects the translation of OP karnuvaka into El. marrip or Akk. ummanate, MES in Darius' Foundation Inscription at Susa (DSf),

著者

小淵 忠秋

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.1, pp.168-184, 1987-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

79

著者

守屋 彰夫

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.2, pp.38-54, 1982 (Released:2010-03-12)

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To define the correlation of ‘treaty’ with ‘covenant’, the functions of the gods in the Aramaic Inscriptions from Sefire (Sf) are investigated from the religious-historical point of view. It is stated in stele IA lines 7-14 that this treaty was concluded in the Presence of the gods of the contracting parties and the names of the gods as witnesses are listed. In the first half of these lines (11. 7-10) the gods of KTK, an unknown city or territory, are enumerated in pairs, showing clearly the influence of the Babylonian pantheon. The construction of these lines suggests that the Babylonian culture exerted a remarkable influence on KTK. The latter part of the same enumeration lists the gods in Arpad as witnesses (11. 10-12). There both western semitic gods, such as Hadad, 'El and 'Elyon, and natural phenomena were worshipped. Unlike the former enumeration, there is no pair consisting of a god and his consort. To enumerate gods as witnesses in such a way was very prevalent in the Ancient Near Eastern traditions. In Sf natural phenomena were adored as well as gods, but in the OT phenomena listed were limited to only heaven and earth (e. g. Dt. 31:28 etc.). In addition, God appears as the witness to the treaty between Laban and Jacob (Gen. 31:50). These examples show that the function of the gods in Sf is similar to that of God in the OT. There was a traditional thought in Ancient Orient that the transgressors of the treaties were cursed and doomed to extinction by the treaty-gods. A similar type of curses appears in stele IA lines 14-35, in which Hadad plays quite an important role and most curses are closely related with his character as the storm-god. Furthermore, it was essential that the gods themselves conclude the treaty, which means, they were not only witnesses but also parties to the treaty. The following verbal usages are discussed in detail here: sym and nsr. Frequent appearances of the expression 'lhy ‘dy’ or ‘treaty-gods’ emphasize the inseparable connection of Sf with the OT and Ugaritic Literature. My final conclusion is: although there may be no direct borrowings on the part of the OT from Sf, the covenant thought in the OT and the treaty thought in Sf are closely related each other.

著者

杉 亜希子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.2, pp.55-89, 2007 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Water was an essential life-giving element to the Ancient Egyptians, and this soon led them to associate the symbol of life, _??_, with water. An _??_-symbol in relation to water was iconographically exploited since it encompasses the concept of ‘gives life’ to a receiver: the pharaoh and/or the deceased, in particular, as an assurance of his/her present and perpetual life.In this article, the iconographic motifs of an _??_-symbol in relation to water in the New Kingdom will be categorized into three types: in the form of chained _??_-symbols; the ritual vessel in the shape of an _??_-symbol (so-called _??_-vessel); the personified _??_ holding a water basin (s) or a ritual vessel. Then the context which contains the _??_-motif related to water will be considered predominantly in respect of two fundamental mythological conceptions: solar revivification and Osirian resurrection. The _??_-symbol is represented in the context of solar creation, especially the bathing of the sun-god at sunrise and his movement through the heavens. Furthermore, in the Osirian context, the strong association of an _??_-symbol becomes obvious with the liquids flowing from (efflux) and into (influx) the body of Osiris, in the manifestation of whm-_??_ ‘that which repeats life/renewal of life’ in particular. This binary cosmic scheme of mythological concepts is interwoven into the transformation process from death to life, and that from present to mythic/cosmic reality.This study will demonstrate an iconographic mechanism within which _??_-motifs associated with the life-giving water were carefully and appropriately chosen in each case depending on the context as a device to create the magical reality of dj _??_ ‘giving life, ’ the substantial and repeatedly stressed formulaic message throughout the Phraohnic periods.

著者

河合 望

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.1, pp.19-39, 2003

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In the <i>Topographical Bibiliography</i> by Porter and Moss, the tomb of Ramose (TT 46) is listed as probably belonging to &ldquo;the time of Amenhotep III (?)&rdquo;. This tomb was first recorded by John Gardner Wilkinson in the 19^th Century. On the basis of Wilkinson's manuscript, Helck gave some of Ramose's titles in <i>Urkunden</i> IV. Graefe later published a brief communication concerning Ramose's titles based on this limited information. In 1991 Bohleke assumed that Ramose's career and tomb should date to the reigns of Tutankhamun, Ay, and perhaps, the first year of Horemheb. Most recently, Kampp discussed tomb 46, mainly focusing on architecture. She dates TT 46 to the reigns of Amenhotep III and Amenhotep IV, with Ramose as the usurper of a tomb originally constructed for someone from the end of the Seventeenth Dynasty to the beginning of the Eighteenth Dynasty.<br>As a part of my study on the reign of Tutankhamun, I had the opportunity to visit the tombs of officials active during the reigns of Tutankhamun and his successors from the late Eighteenth Dynasty in the Theban Necropolis. A certain Ramose who has the title of Overseer of Granaries of Upper and Lower Egypt is mentioned in the year 3 stela of King Ay from Giza. Since Ramose, the owner of TT 46, also has the title of Overseer of Granaries of Upper and Lower Egypt, the tomb and the stela seem to refer to the same person, and thus the generally accepted date of Ramose's tomb seems to be questionable. During my study of TT 46, it became clear that this is a tomb from the post-Amarna period for the following reasons: 1. Ramose held the titles of the Steward of the temple of Aten as well as the High Priest of Amun in <i>Mn-st</i> at the same time. The names of Amun were not expunged at all but those of Aten were clearly chiseled out on the tomb walls. This strongly indicates the tomb was decorated after the Amarna period. 2. The artistic style also suggests that the tomb was decorated in the post-Amarna period. 3. A headless block statue of Ramose, Overseer of Double Granaries, may support this date. 4. Since it is known that Khaemhat was the Overseer of Granaries during the later part of the reign of Amenhotep III, Ramose could not have served as the Overseer of Double Granaries of Upper and Lower Egypt at that period.<br>Therefore, it is likely that Ramose served in the post-Amarna period, most probably under Tutankhamun as well as Ay, as the Overseer of Granaries of Upper and Lower Egypt, Steward of the Temple of the Aten, and High Priest of Amun in <i>Mn-st</i>. If so, his titulary provides the first Theban evidence that the temple of Aten was still functioning even after the Amarna period, supplementing the contemporary evidence from the Memphite necropolis.

著者

河合 望

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.1, pp.19-39, 2003-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

---

In the Topographical Bibiliography by Porter and Moss, the tomb of Ramose (TT 46) is listed as probably belonging to “the time of Amenhotep III (?)”. This tomb was first recorded by John Gardner Wilkinson in the 19th Century. On the basis of Wilkinson's manuscript, Helck gave some of Ramose's titles in Urkunden IV. Graefe later published a brief communication concerning Ramose's titles based on this limited information. In 1991 Bohleke assumed that Ramose's career and tomb should date to the reigns of Tutankhamun, Ay, and perhaps, the first year of Horemheb. Most recently, Kampp discussed tomb 46, mainly focusing on architecture. She dates TT 46 to the reigns of Amenhotep III and Amenhotep IV, with Ramose as the usurper of a tomb originally constructed for someone from the end of the Seventeenth Dynasty to the beginning of the Eighteenth Dynasty.As a part of my study on the reign of Tutankhamun, I had the opportunity to visit the tombs of officials active during the reigns of Tutankhamun and his successors from the late Eighteenth Dynasty in the Theban Necropolis. A certain Ramose who has the title of Overseer of Granaries of Upper and Lower Egypt is mentioned in the year 3 stela of King Ay from Giza. Since Ramose, the owner of TT 46, also has the title of Overseer of Granaries of Upper and Lower Egypt, the tomb and the stela seem to refer to the same person, and thus the generally accepted date of Ramose's tomb seems to be questionable. During my study of TT 46, it became clear that this is a tomb from the post-Amarna period for the following reasons: 1. Ramose held the titles of the Steward of the temple of Aten as well as the High Priest of Amun in Mn-st at the same time. The names of Amun were not expunged at all but those of Aten were clearly chiseled out on the tomb walls. This strongly indicates the tomb was decorated after the Amarna period. 2. The artistic style also suggests that the tomb was decorated in the post-Amarna period. 3. A headless block statue of Ramose, Overseer of Double Granaries, may support this date. 4. Since it is known that Khaemhat was the Overseer of Granaries during the later part of the reign of Amenhotep III, Ramose could not have served as the Overseer of Double Granaries of Upper and Lower Egypt at that period.Therefore, it is likely that Ramose served in the post-Amarna period, most probably under Tutankhamun as well as Ay, as the Overseer of Granaries of Upper and Lower Egypt, Steward of the Temple of the Aten, and High Priest of Amun in Mn-st. If so, his titulary provides the first Theban evidence that the temple of Aten was still functioning even after the Amarna period, supplementing the contemporary evidence from the Memphite necropolis.