著者
川村 藍
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科附属イスラーム地域研究センター
雑誌
イスラーム世界研究 (ISSN:18818323)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.7, pp.320-336, 2014-03

Most of the Gulf States have been working on strengthening their financial industries in order to develop another sector that would provide an alternative to their oil industry. In this phenomenon Islamic finance has expanded its province in the financial sector, especially in the United Arab Emirates (UAE). The Islamic financial market grew around 20% on average from 2000 until the global financial crisis in 2008. The Dubai shock attracted massive attention from the world as Islamic financial products were involved. However, the Dubai shock has been overcome by the initiatives of the UAE and Dubai governments. This paper will study how the Dubai shock was overcome by the process of validating the "Dubai Approach", a new dispute resolution system for dealing with disputes related to Islamic finance in Dubai. Accordingly, this paper will examine the progress and effectiveness of the "Dubai Approach".
著者
塩見 浩之
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科附属イスラーム地域研究センター
雑誌
イスラーム世界研究 = Kyoto bulletin of Islamic area studies (ISSN:18818323)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.10, pp.205-216, 2017-03

This paper examines Iran's external relations and international strategies after the Iranian Islamic revolution in 1979. Currently, the Islamic Republic of Iran is one of the most influential states in the Middle East and the Islamic world. Iran's international politics is based on Ayatollah Khomeini's ideas. He proclaimed the importance of the unity of Islam, and the Islamic community or 'Ummah.' His Ummah thoughts were applied to Iran's political movement, which I have defined as 'Ummah politics' in this paper. Iran has been trying to achieve the unity of Islamic countries with its 'export of revolution' strategy; accordingly, this strategy plays a big role in 'Ummah politics.' Therefore, it can be said that 'Ummah politics' is at the core of Iranian politics. So, this paper examines Iran's Islamic revolutionary thoughts that are the foundation of 'Ummah Politics' with a special focus on Iran-Iraq relations because, for Iran, its relationship with Iraq is of the utmost importance. Saddam's Iraq challenged Iran's revolutionary movement. Moreover, Iran-Iraq Islamic international relations have been extremely important and in existence since ancient times; therefore, addressing this relationship is essential for Iran. From the perspective of Iran-Iraq relations, this paper analyses Iran's own political characteristics.
著者
田中 友紀
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科附属イスラーム地域研究センター
雑誌
イスラーム世界研究 = Kyoto bulletin of Islamic area studies (ISSN:18818323)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.10, pp.131-151, 2017-03

This paper examines the appointment of political elites and the transformation from the United Kingdom of Libya to the founding of the Great Socialist People's Libyan Arab al-Jamāhīrīya established in 1977. First, this paper analyzes how Mu'ammar Qadhdhāfī took power after the 1969 coup d'état using the perspectives of Libyan tribalism and localism as its theoretical framework. In particular, localism is appropriate for analyzing modern Libyan politics because the United Kingdom of Libya was formed in 1951 by the three regions—namely, Tripolitania, Cyrenaica and Fezzan. Second, to demonstrate the continuity and transformation of the political elites, this paper focuses on the allocation of political posts in the Kingdom of Libya (1951–69). During the federal era, the local tribal leaders obtained ministerial posts in the local governments; however, the central government abolished the federal system in 1963. The allocation of political posts to the Cyrenaican notables engaged with the King's aides, caused an imbalance among these regions. Additionally, the fact that the Sanusi did not assume the features of a ruling family; Herb (1999) indicated that the more political posts which were allocated within the ruling family, the more resilient the governments were. In 1969, the statement of the Free Officers Movement promised to root out corruption and guarantee equality among the Libyan citizens. However, this analysis shows that Qadhdhāfī appointed members of the prominent tribes of Cyrenaica as ministers and he made use of their power to manipulate the political institution and security organizations. Thus, despite his promises, Qadhdhāfī included the ousted regime. Qadhdhāfī deeply understood how difficult yet important it was to manipulate the stability of Libya's three regions and its tribal society.
著者
渡邉 駿
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科附属イスラーム地域研究センター
雑誌
イスラーム世界研究 : Kyoto Bulletin of Islamic Area Studies (ISSN:18818323)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.11, pp.256-303, 2018-03-23

This study attempts to create a methodological reflection on the political analysis of contemporary Arab monarchical states. In particular, this study pursues a theoretical framework of comparative political analysis, which attempts to clarify the ideal structure and genealogical legitimacy of eight Arab monarchical states. Recent political studies of monarchies have a tendency to presuppose the disappearance of monarchies in the modern era. However, this assumption often seems inaccurate. When we cast our eyes on the history of political regimes, most of them have been monarchies. In addition, a group of eight monarchies still exist in the Arab world in the contemporary era. Considering these circumstances, this article does not assume that monarchies should fall in the contemporary era. It begins by accepting the fact that a group of monarchies still exist in the world and aims at exploring their actuality and the way the monarchs' powers have been recognized by the ruled. To accomplish this, the article is composed of three sections. Section I compares monarchies around the world, and attempts to establish the features of Arab monarchies compared to European and Asian monarchies. Section II analyzes Arab monarchies from historical and contemporary perspectives. Section III contains case analyses of the genealogies and lineages of Arab monarchies and tries to determine how these elements are utilized to legitimize their rule.
著者
山根 聡
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科附属イスラーム地域研究センター
雑誌
イスラーム世界研究 (ISSN:18818323)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.7, pp.143-151, 2014-03

The project of Islamic Area Studies, Kyoto University has been promoting the preservation of the intellectual heritage of Islamic culture and the compilation of a database of this heritage. In this regard, Kyoto University decided to house the huge collection of books on Islamic culture in South Asia collected by Dr. Mu'inuddin Aqeel in 2012, which contains almost 27, 000 items, including both rare books and magazines. This paper overviews the characteristics of the Aqeel Collection with a introduction to Dr. Aqeel who has had a deep attachment to the Japanese academic community. There are many private libraries in South Asia but most of them specialize in a particular subject such as Islamic studies, Urdu literature, art, and so on. The most distinguished characteristic of the Aqeel Collection is that since Dr. Aqeel has wide-ranging interests concerning Islamic culture in South Asia, his collection includes many books on different subjects such as tazkiras, books on religions, history, or literature. Because he tried to collect as many books on one particular subject as he could, his collection includes rare tazkiras of many Sufis of different cities of the Indo-Subcontinent and the regional history of many cities, even small towns of the sub-continent. Besides, Dr. Aqeel adopted his own method of classification for the books. For example, for books on history, Dr. Aqeel classified books according to regions and historical events, such as Pre-Mughal period, Mughal period, Sikh era, British era, Independent movement, and after the independence of India and Pakistan. He even put some literary magazines on a particular subject on the same shelf as the books on the same subject. This method of classification has provided scholars with easy to access all the literature on a particular subject. Thus, the study of these books must inevitably provide multidimensional perspectives about Islam in South Asia.
著者
浜口 恒夫
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科附属イスラーム地域研究センター
雑誌
イスラーム世界研究 (ISSN:18818323)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.9, pp.127-135, 2016-03

'Nationalist Muslims' and 'Muslim nationalists' are cited here not as an example of inverse word order but as historical terms to denote two rival groups of South Asian Muslims belonging to different political parties. The former term refers to those Muslims who were associated with the Indian National Congress with an ideology of composite Indian nationalism and advocated the independence of a united India from British rule, while the latter one means those Muslims who were attached to the All-India Muslim League with an ideology of Muslim nationalism and struggled for the cause of a separate Muslim state, i. e. the division of British India into the two independent states of Pakistan and India. This paper, utilizing the related materials from the Aqeel Collection, tries to trace the political activities of two contending Muslim leaders, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad as one of the most prominent nationalist Muslims and Muhammad Ali Jinnah as the Quaid-i-Azam (great leader) of the Pakistan movement respectively, leading to the partition of British India and to appraise their contrasting legacies to nation building in each of the newly born states.
著者
東長 靖 山根 聡
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科附属イスラーム地域研究センター
雑誌
イスラーム世界研究 (ISSN:18818323)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.9, pp.113-117, 2016-03

After it received funding from the university-wide fund (provision of a large collection) in 2012, the Graduate School of Asian and African Area Studies, Kyoto University, purchased Dr. Moinuddin Aqeel's Collection of Urdu Literature (hereunder, "Aqeel Collection"). Since then, the school has been continually working on registering the collection. It expects to have inputted almost all of the content onto OPAC by March, 2016. The collection represents a treasure trove for the field of South Asian Islam, which still has not made sufficient headway in Japan. The collection has been utilized in an inter-regional joint research promotion undertaking by NIHU [National Institutes for the Humanities] "South Asia and Islam" and the Grant-in-Aid Research project (Kakenhi) "General Research on the Publication and Transmission of Islamic Books in the South Asian Languages" (research representative: Tonaga Yasushi; Co-researchers: Kosugi Yasushi, Tanabe Akio, Matsumura Takamitsu, Yamane So, Inoue Aeka, and Imamatsu Yasushi). One outcome of this research is the opening of a comprehensive database on the collection http://www.asafas.kyoto-u.ac.jp/ kias/aqeel_db/. In the process of the research, we invited the original owner of the collection, Dr. Moinuddin Aqeel (former Professor at the University of Karachi), in the framework of the Kyoto University Asian Studies Unit (KUASU) a couple of times, received suggestions from him, and conducted joint research in connection with its research project "Forming an Educational Research Base for the World Leading Contemporary Asian and Japanese Studies: Kyoto University Asian Studies Cluster and International Affiliated Graduate School Program."
著者
岡本 正明
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科附属イスラーム地域研究センター
雑誌
イスラーム世界研究 : Kyoto Bulletin of Islamic Area Studies (ISSN:18818323)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.9, pp.231-251, 2016-03-16

The transgender group called waria in the Indonesian language was politically active nationally during the direct presidential campaign in 2014. It was the first national political movement for waria. Waria in major cities enthusiastically supported the presidential candidate, Joko Widodo (Jokowi) partly because some waria leaders thought Jokowi was a pro-poor and communicative candidate and his pluralist standpoint could benefit the waria, one of the most marginalized groups in Indonesia. The widely opened political space under the democratic regime enabled the rise of warias’ political activism. The waria was the most politically active group among the LGBT, partly because their grouping and organizing pattern is hierarchical under one leader called mami. Mami could rather easily mobilize the members of her own group or organization for political purposes. This undemocratic character of waria groups and organizations (and the national networks among them) paradoxically enabled the nationwide political support for Jokowi in a democratic election.
著者
松田 和憲
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科附属イスラーム地域研究センター
雑誌
イスラーム世界研究 : Kyoto Bulletin of Islamic Area Studies (ISSN:18818323)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.8, pp.246-258, 2015-03-16

The purpose of this paper is to examine previous studies about the Mujahidin movement. The Mujahidin movement was founded by Saiyid Aḥmad Barelvī and Shāh Muḥammad Ismā‘īl. The Mujahidin were mainly active in north India. In 1826, they started a Jihad against the Sikhs. British officers thought that the Mujahidin movement was affected by Arab Wahhābīs, and so they were labeled as ‘Indian Wahhābīs'. Western scholars tend to connect the Arab Wahhabis and the Indian Mujahidin, but their connection with the Arab Wahhabis has been denied by South Asian and Japanese scholars because of the difference of their attitudes toward Sufism and saint cults. They insist that Indian Mujahidin had a deep relationship with the family of Shāh Walī Allāh. Recently, a new paper revealed that this movement was influenced by a Yemeni scholar.The movement pursued many reforms such as the usage of lithography and the remarriage of widows. This had a big impact on South Asian societies in those days. Their reforms exerted influence on South Asian Islamic revivalist movements like the Deobandī, and today, this Jihad affects Islamic militants in Kashmir.