著者

安田 敏朗 Yasuda Toshiaki

出版者

名古屋大学大学院文学研究科附属「アジアの中の日本文化」研究センター

雑誌

JunCture : 超域的日本文化研究 (ISSN:18844766)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, pp.56-69, 2015-03-27

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After the Great Kanto Earthquake of September 1923, the massacre of Korean residents was carried out by common Japanese influenced by groundless rumors and practices of discrimination. It is estimated that thousands of Koreans were killed, but the correct number is still unidentified. In carrying out this massacre, Japanese residents devised methods to distinguish Korean people from the Japanese. Various methods have been recorded, such as to make people repeat the names of Japanese Emperors or sing the Japanese national anthem. In this article, I will focus on one method: to make someone pronounce “15 yen 50 sen (jyuugoen gojissen)” in Japanese. This method was said to show a pronunciation difference between Korean and Japanese languages, and that if someone was Korean, she/he would pronounce the phrase as “chuukoen kochussen”. This method may have been invented by daily contacts between Japanese and Korean people before the earthquake. After the earthquake, this method spread with the diffusion of the groundless rumors throughout the Kanto district. This “15 yen 50 sen” method was documented with the memories of the Korean massacre afterwards by historians and writers. Nowadays, we hear ignominious calls such as “Kill the Korean”. In such situations, it is important to inspect the process of how such methods to distinguish people were created, and how they spread.

著者

安田 敏朗 Yasuda Toshiaki

出版者

名古屋大学大学院文学研究科附属「アジアの中の日本文化」研究センター

雑誌

Juncture : 超域的日本文化研究 (ISSN:18844766)

巻号頁・発行日

no.6, pp.56-69, 2015-03

---

After the Great Kanto Earthquake of September 1923, the massacre of Korean residents was carried out by common Japanese influenced by groundless rumors and practices of discrimination. It is estimated that thousands of Koreans were killed, but the correct number is still unidentified. In carrying out this massacre, Japanese residents devised methods to distinguish Korean people from the Japanese. Various methods have been recorded, such as to make people repeat the names of Japanese Emperors or sing the Japanese national anthem. In this article, I will focus on one method: to make someone pronounce "15 yen 50 sen (jyuugoen gojissen)" in Japanese. This method was said to show a pronunciation difference between Korean and Japanese languages, and that if someone was Korean, she/he would pronounce the phrase as "chuukoen kochussen". This method may have been invented by daily contacts between Japanese and Korean people before the earthquake. After the earthquake, this method spread with the diffusion of the groundless rumors throughout the Kanto district. This "15 yen 50 sen" method was documented with the memories of the Korean massacre afterwards by historians and writers. Nowadays, we hear ignominious calls such as "Kill the Korean". In such situations, it is important to inspect the process of how such methods to distinguish people were created, and how they spread.

著者

大木 龍之介 OOKI Ryunosuke

出版者

名古屋大学大学院文学研究科附属「アジアの中の日本文化」研究センター

雑誌

Juncture : 超域的日本文化研究 (ISSN:18844766)

巻号頁・発行日

no.8, pp.194-208, 2017-03

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In the field of shojo manga studies, feminist theorists favor the subgenres of "shojo fight," "shojo science fiction" and "boy's love" when demonstrating the gender diversity and indefinability in shojo manga. In doing so, they tend to stigmatize the subgenre called "otome chic," which depicts the daily lives and romances of teenage girls, as reinforcing heterosexism and heterosexual kinship. However, "otome chic" magazines, which are targeted at elementary and junior high school girls, feature many shojo manga that resist and subvert gender stereotypes, heteronormativity, and patriarchy. While critics dismiss the shojo manga magazine Hana to Yume as mere "otome chic," some of the series it publishes performatively subvert gender, heterosexism, and kinship, and radically proliferate gender parodies from the inside to the outside of shojo manga through their commercial repetitions. The magazine features a lot of gender-bending manga, most of which were met with commercial success, especially Hanazakari no Kimitachi e by Nakajo Hisaya, as well as manga like Akachan to Boku, which troubles the kinship norm; Newyork Newyork, which depicts a gay couple's situation; and Oresama Teacher, which parodies gender norms. Moreover, Tsubaki Izumi, the author of Oresama Teacher, serializes her manga Gekkan Shojo Nozaki-kun in Gangan Online, an online version of boy's manga magazine Gangan published by Square Enix, expanding her "otome chic" style outside the field of shojo manga. An animated version was produced based on Gekkan Shojo Nozakikun in 2014, which became a major hit. Because their manga repeatedly deconstructs gender normative privilege and displaces the gendered signifier from its signified through their discursive practices, it can be said that Hana to Yume crosses the border of gender itself. In this article, I show that a friction exists between the shojo manga, which are favored by "shojo manga studies," and "otome chic" manga such as Hana to Yume. Afterward, I illustrate how the shojo manga in Hana to Yume succeed in crossing the border of gender stereotypes in and out of the field of shojo manga by analyzing Akachan to Boku, Newyork Newyork, Oresama Teacher, and Gekkan Shojo Nokaki-kun.

著者

溝渕 久美子 MIZOBUCHI Kumiko

出版者

名古屋大学大学院文学研究科附属「アジアの中の日本文化」研究センター

雑誌

JunCture : 超域的日本文化研究 (ISSN:18844766)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, pp.80-91, 2014-03-28

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This paper focuses on the National Cinema Screenplay Prize, and discusses a screenplay contest that was held in wartime Japan. From 1914 to 1944, the National Cinema Screenplay Contest, sponsored by Department of the Interior and the Japan Film Society, was held with the intention of generating national cinema. The Japanese government tried to collect screenplays written by the people suitable for this new genre. At the 1st contest, people with various backgrounds (in terms of class, gender, employment, and residence) submitted 209 works. Kurosawa Akira's work received the Johokyoku-Sho (second place) and Shindo Kaneto's work earned honorable mention. Most studies mentioning this contest focus only on Kurosawa and Shindo from the viewpoint of their career during wartime; they ignore Koito Nobu and her work Hahakogusa (Jersey Cudweed), even though that was the only work adopted to film by Tasaka Tomotaka after the contest. In this paper, I will focus on Koito Nobu and Hahakogusa in order to examine the complexity of contests held in wartime Japan. The National Cinema Screenplay Prize was based on the national film policy, designed to generate national cinema. Hahakogusa, on the other hand, was a melodrama that depicted the relationship between a mother and her step children, which does not seem to fit the typical image of national cinema at the contest. Considering her career, her favorite novels, and her previous works, it is likely that Koito simply wrote a story that she wanted to write rather than what organizers. This contest was a part of the wartime mobilization efforts by the government, and therefore, Hahakogusa and Koito were used to fit that purpose. The movie Hahakogusa was highly praised as an example of national cinema, and Koito was treated as a female icon that contributed to wartime society.

著者

王 温懿 WANG Wenyi

出版者

名古屋大学大学院文学研究科附属「アジアの中の日本文化」研究センター

雑誌

Juncture : 超域的日本文化研究 (ISSN:18844766)

巻号頁・発行日

no.8, pp.150-166, 2017-03

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Previous research in film history has verified that sex and violence are the two most crucial themes of Japanese film in the 1970s and that in Toei Porno these two themes have been blended brilliantly through the naked bodies of fighting women. Nevertheless, the study of Toei Porno from any kind of perspective is still lacking. This article explores the neglected historical value of Toei Porno from various layers. By analyzing related materials about Japanese film industry and their social context, this article interprets the argumentative logic of the "Freedom of Expression" controversy in 1970s, and test how Toei Porno has been "forgotten" by patriarchal history. Furthermore, in order to prove Toei Porno is different from the other pornography, this research will use spectatorship theory, focusing on the key term of "pleasure," to investigate the possible relationship between Toei Porno and its potential female audiences. Reviewing the paraphrasing of the term "pleasure" from both psychoanalytic film theory and cognitive film theory perspectives, I will identify the kinds of cinematic representations within Toei Porno that may bring various pleasures to female audiences and further discuss the possibility of de-patriarchal discourses which would be inspired by these pleasures. The final aim of this study is to reassess the "Sexual Liberation" politics (discourse advocated by Tanaka Mitsu) in Women's Liberation in 1970s by investigating their representations of several sexual issues found in Toei Porno. I will argue that the discourse of "Sexual Liberation" in 1970s restricts sexual liberation in a broad sense; however, the sexual liberation in a wide sense is represented and prompted by Toei Porno. With answers to the above questions, it is possible to rethink the historical value of Toei Porno and through this rethinking, investigate the gender politics of Japan in 1970s.

著者

岡 英里奈 Oka Erina

出版者

名古屋大学大学院文学研究科附属「アジアの中の日本文化」研究センター

雑誌

JunCture : 超域的日本文化研究 (ISSN:18844766)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, pp.118-129, 2015-03-27

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Shimazaki Toson’s novel Yoakemae tells the story of the Meiji Restoration in Magomejuku – a post station of the Nakasen-do Road in the Edo Period. Toson wrote the novel by referring to many historical records, and Shimazaki Masaki’s Arinomama is one of those records. Arinomama is the autobiography of Shimazaki Masaki, who is Toson’s father and the model for Aoyama Hanzo, Yoakemae’s hero. Toson made Hanzo’s history based on Arinomama, but he often interweaved truth and fiction, especially the scene of Hanzo’s Otaki-Sanrou (praying to Gogoku-Jinja in Otaki, Ontakesan). This article makes a comparison between Yoakemae and Arinomama and examines how Yoakemae narrates the history of Hanzo/Masaki. While Masaki’s Otaki-Sanrou in Arinomama is for the healing of Masaki’s father, Hanzo’s Otaki-Sanrou in Yoakemae tells another meaning, that of finding his way as “Hirata-Monjin” (a disciple of Hirata Atsutane’ Koku-gaku). In this paper, I view this difference as the problem of modernization in Yoakemae’s narrative history and argue that the problem is in the representation of modern novels. Yoakemae describes Hanzo as a modern individual by changing the meaning of Otaki-Sanrou and drawing Otaki as another potos. In the point of representation, Modernism of Yoakemae’s narrative clearly exists.

著者

大木 龍之介 OOKI Ryunosuke

出版者

名古屋大学大学院文学研究科附属「アジアの中の日本文化」研究センター

雑誌

JunCture : 超域的日本文化研究 (ISSN:18844766)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, pp.194-208, 2017-03-17

---

In the field of shojo manga studies, feminist theorists favor the subgenres of “shojo fight,” “shojo science fiction” and “boy’s love” when demonstrating the gender diversity and indefinability in shojo manga. In doing so, they tend to stigmatize the subgenre called “otome chic,” which depicts the daily lives and romances of teenage girls, as reinforcing heterosexism and heterosexual kinship. However, “otome chic” magazines, which are targeted at elementary and junior high school girls, feature many shojo manga that resist and subvert gender stereotypes, heteronormativity, and patriarchy. While critics dismiss the shojo manga magazine Hana to Yume as mere “otome chic,” some of the series it publishes performatively subvert gender, heterosexism, and kinship, and radically proliferate gender parodies from the inside to the outside of shojo manga through their commercial repetitions. The magazine features a lot of gender-bending manga, most of which were met with commercial success, especially Hanazakari no Kimitachi e by Nakajo Hisaya, as well as manga like Akachan to Boku, which troubles the kinship norm; Newyork Newyork, which depicts a gay couple’s situation; and Oresama Teacher, which parodies gender norms. Moreover, Tsubaki Izumi, the author of Oresama Teacher, serializes her manga Gekkan Shojo Nozaki-kun in Gangan Online, an online version of boy’s manga magazine Gangan published by Square Enix, expanding her “otome chic” style outside the field of shojo manga. An animated version was produced based on Gekkan Shojo Nozakikun in 2014, which became a major hit. Because their manga repeatedly deconstructs gender normative privilege and displaces the gendered signifier from its signified through their discursive practices, it can be said that Hana to Yume crosses the border of gender itself. In this article, I show that a friction exists between the shojo manga, which are favored by “shojo manga studies,” and “otome chic” manga such as Hana to Yume. Afterward, I illustrate how the shojo manga in Hana to Yume succeed in crossing the border of gender stereotypes in and out of the field of shojo manga by analyzing Akachan to Boku, Newyork Newyork, Oresama Teacher, and Gekkan Shojo Nokaki-kun.

著者

日比 嘉高 Hibi Yoshitaka

出版者

名古屋大学大学院文学研究科附属「アジアの中の日本文化」研究センター

雑誌

JunCture : 超域的日本文化研究 (ISSN:18844766)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, pp.58-67, 2016-03-28

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This paper provides a brief history of Japanese bookstores in Karafuto (Sakhalin) from the occupation of Sakhalin by Japanese army in 1905 to the end of the WWII in 1945. In the Russo-Japan War, the Japanese army occupied Sakhalin Island and the Japanese Empire obtained the southern half of the island after the Treaty of Portsmouth. Japanese settlers in Karafuto grew in number and began to build towns. The first bookstore, “Saito Branch,” which is found in a list of bookstores of 1907, was built in Korsakov (named Odomari in Japanese). It is assumed that Japanese-managed bookstores grew gradually in number, but there is no comprehensive list of them in the 1920s. A selective list published in 1928 reports nine shops existed in Karafuto: three in Toyohara, three in Odomari, two in Maoka, and one in Tomarioru. The Bookseller Association of Karafuto (樺太書籍商組合) was organized in 1926 after the establishment of a National organization of bookseller associations (全国書籍商組合聯合会) in 1920. There were 88 members of the Bookseller Association of Karafuto in 1930 and 97 in 1942. The increase in the number of bookstores is related not only to the population of Japanese living in Karafuto but also the development of its educational system. Before 1945, there used to be three junior high schools, four girls’ high schools, and their respective libraries in Karafuto. Educational associations of Odomari (大泊町教育会) and of Karafuto (樺太教育会) also had their own public libraries.

著者

池内 敏 IKEUCHI Satoshi

出版者

名古屋大学大学院文学研究科附属「アジアの中の日本文化」研究センター

雑誌

JunCture : 超域的日本文化研究 (ISSN:18844766)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, pp.38-49, 2014-03-28

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BAISO Kenjyo (梅荘顕常) was a priest of the Shokoku-ji Temple (相国寺) in Kyoto. He is well known as a writer of Chinese poetry in the Edo period. In this paper, I will analyze three events that connect him to Korea at three different times, 1. in 1764, 2. from 1781 to 83, and 3. in 1791. 1. First, during a diplomatic mission to Japan from Korea in 1764, a murder took place in Osaka in which Tsushima samurai killed a member of the mission. For those members of mission that wanted to know in detail the progress of the case, BAISO Kenjyo made a record of the murder case and presented it to them. They read it and gave it high praise. 2. Later, BAISO Kenjyo went to the Itei-an Temple (以酊庵) in Tsushima on rotation duty (輪番制 rinbansei), and there he conducted interviews with Korean castaways. The Chinese poetry he wrote during that time reflects the warmth BAISO Kenjyo felt for these castaways. 3. Finally, from 1764 he was involved in planning of the diplomatic missions to Japan from Korea. When the ministers of the Edo Shogunate consulted BAISO Kenjyo, he explained the history of Japan-Korea relations in terms of the conquest of Korea by Empress Jingu (三韓征伐 sankanseibatsu). It is important to note that conflicted views of Koreans coexist within the one person.

著者

ティアニー ロバート 大﨑 晴美 Tierney Robert Osaki Harumi

出版者

名古屋大学大学院文学研究科附属「アジアの中の日本文化」研究センター

雑誌

JunCture : 超域的日本文化研究 (ISSN:18844766)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, pp.28-41, 2015-03-27

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In the early 20th century, Japanese writers, publicists, and politicians evinced a great deal of interest in Japan’s expansion toward the South Seas. In Nan’yō Yūki, Tsurumi Yusuke, a prominent advocate of expansion to the South, championed the mobilization of folklore to spark the interest of Japanese youth in the acquisition of overseas territories. Introduced to all school children from 1888 in elementary school readers, Momotarō was seen as a folk tale with particular relevance to the colonization of the South Seas. Nitobe Inazō thought of Momotarō as a pedagogical tool that could fire the imagination of Japan’s youth and spur them on to participate in colonial projects. In “Momotarō no mukashibanashi,” an essay published in 1907, he argued that the folktale expressed in allegorical form the irrepressible drive of the Japanese people to expand continuously toward the South. He placed particular stress on the geographical specificity of the folktale when he argued that the island of the ogres lay in the South Seas and that the treasures Momotarō brought back to Japan were the products of the tropics. Nearly twenty years after Nitobe’s essay was published, Akutagawa Ryūnosuke depicted Momotarō as a villain in a parody “Momotarō” that was published in the Sunday Mainichi in 1924. In this satire, Momotarō is a cruel invader who brutally attacks a group of humanized ogres living peacefully on an island paradise in the South Seas. At the end of this story, young ogres counterattack and fight to win the independence of their homeland. At the intersection of folklore, propaganda and parody, Momotarō emerges as a contested site for debating the Japanese imperial project in the South Seas and for defining self and other in the age of empire.

著者

佐藤 深雪 SATO Miyuki

出版者

名古屋大学大学院文学研究科附属「アジアの中の日本文化」研究センター

雑誌

Juncture : 超域的日本文化研究 (ISSN:18844766)

巻号頁・発行日

no.5, pp.52-65, 2014-03

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The purpose of this article is to determine when and how Soseki NATSUME (1867-1916) had been influenced by Charles Sanders Peirce (1839-1914). Soseki had already discovered the importance of Peirce's philosophy in the early 20th century when he introduced the concept of "abduction," the essence of Pierce's philosophy, in Bungakuron (Theory of Literature), published in 1907. In this respect, I argue that Soseki possessed extraordinary foresight. In this article, I examine the concept of "suggestion" expressed in Bungakuron in order to prove the influence Soseki received from Pierce. I confirm this influence using the following two key factors; Baldwin's Dictionary of Philosophy and Psychology published in 1902 and the introduction of the concept of pragmatism to Japan in 1906. In addition, I discuss the significance of the "law of suggestion".

著者

栗田 秀法 KURITA Hidenori

出版者

名古屋大学大学院文学研究科附属「アジアの中の日本文化」研究センター

雑誌

JunCture : 超域的日本文化研究 (ISSN:18844766)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, pp.223-225, 2017-03-17

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恩地孝四郎展 (東京国立近代美術館 2016年1月13日-2月28日, 和歌山県立近代美術館 2016年4月29日-6月12日)

著者

加島 正浩 KASHIMA Masahiro

出版者

名古屋大学大学院文学研究科附属「アジアの中の日本文化」研究センター

雑誌

JunCture : 超域的日本文化研究 (ISSN:18844766)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, pp.180-193, 2017-03-17

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The purpose of this article is to determine the significance of literature on the Great East Japan Earthquake written by authors who do not belong to one of the affected parties. It does so by analyzing a novel depicting the Great East Japan Earthquake, focusing on the relationship between Tokyo and the affected area. Immediately after the earthquake, when the threat of radioactive substances spreading to Tokyo loomed large, the author of this novel was able to write as one of the affected. However, later it became difficult for the author to write about the disaster as the impact of such first-hand accounts began to wear thin. This was due to consideration for the affected parties, who continued to live in Fukushima after the disaster. However, as this article argues, excessive consideration for the affected parties distracts people from realizing the true state of affairs in Japan, and when those other than the affected parties are discouraged from speaking out, it causes feelings of indifference and accelerates the “wearing thin” of the impact, ultimately forcing the affected area to take care of the problem on its own. The affected parties, who had to focus on restoring their everyday lives after the disaster, could not fight against this “wearing thin” of the impact. However, others could. Thus, writers who write about the earthquake disaster with due care are fulfilling their part.

著者

秦 剛 Gin Gang

出版者

名古屋大学大学院文学研究科附属「アジアの中の日本文化」研究センター

雑誌

Juncture : 超域的日本文化研究 (ISSN:18844766)

巻号頁・発行日

no.6, pp.70-85, 2015-03

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To review the origin and development of China's proletarian artistic style, Yanase Masamu, who has fallen into oblivion in China, has to be referred to. Promoted by Uchiyama Kanzo's bookstore, Yanase's political caricatures began to circulate in Shanghai and gained in popularity in the early 1930s. Lu Xun did not only collect his works, but recommend them to numerous young artists. The artistic style represented by Yanase's work profoundly influenced Chinese Leftists' art creation. During the Sino-Japanese war, his works were regarded as the paradigm for anti-war comics and were widely imitated. Based on abundant historical materials, this paper intends to reenact the dissemination and influence of Yanase Masamu's masterpieces in 1930s China.