著者

石田 治頼

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, pp.97-109, 2014-10-01 (Released:2017-06-01)

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Emile Durkheim pointed out that the factor of Jesuit schools' success was their revolutionary training system based on observation and competition. However, regarding the Jesuit Order's support of classical education, Durkheim's opinion is somewhat insufficient. As shown in Constitutiones, the fundamental purpose of Jesuit is amimas iuvare (helping souls), and on this account, they formulated vitae exemplum (exemplary life) and doctrina (learning) as their educational purpose. To accomplish this, the Jesuit Order issued Ratio atque Institutio Studiorum Societatis Iesu (1599) as a manual of educational practice, and attached much importance to classical education. However, they were well aware of the potential harm of pagan gods to Christianity, so it was necessary to reform classical education in order to align it with Christian doctrine. In order to accomplish this revision, the Jesuits developed the educational practice that united vitae exemplum and doctrina, or virtue and learning. It has been claimed that the Modus Parisiensis had an impact on these practices, however Thomas Aquinas' concept of habitus had become an important organizing principle in the conduct of the Jesuit program. Jesuits highly respected Aquinas as a doctor without peer. Aquinas defined habitus as virtues, ranked prudentia in the first place among them, and assumed memoria as one of its components. Memoriae Exercitatio (memory exercise) formed the core of Ratio, composed of the writing and recitation of classical texts.

著者

杉村 美佳

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, pp.6-22, 2001-10-01 (Released:2017-06-01)

著者

樋浦 郷子

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, pp.84-96, 2014-10-01 (Released:2017-06-01)

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To date, there is only a limited amount of scholarship on the study of Imperial Portraits in Imperial Japan's colonies. In addition, extant research on the subject is predominantly based on the assumption that Imperial Portraits were distributed throughout colonial schools as they were in Japan proper due to 'assimilation' policy. As a result, their conclusions at times fall short of the realities of colonial school life. In other words, it is important to abstain from such an assumption when considering the realities of colonial school life. First, this paper reveals that the distribution of Imperial Portraits to Korean schools was first planned by Governor General Minami Jiro. This project was actually related more to the introduction of the 1938 Korean Voluntary Military Service Law than the third revision of the Korean Education Law of the same year. Second, this paper carefully examines how Imperial Portraits were actually distributed as well as how principals, teachers' associations and schools responded to them. Third, this paper shows that it was almost impossible for Chosun Government General to distribute the portraits to elementary schools for Japanese residents in Korea, let alone to all Korean elementary schools because of the distrust of Korean-Japanese mutual antagonism, and the excessive anxiety held by the Japanese residing in Korean local communities. In conclusion, this paper hypothesizes why Governor General Minami persisted in the unprecedented distribution of Imperial Portraits to Korean schools.

著者

江口 潔

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, pp.45-57, 2011-10-01 (Released:2017-06-01)

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The purpose of this study is to clarify the effect that the modernization of department store salesclerk training had on young salesclerks in the interwar period. Department stores were among the first to adopt modern management techniques, thus becoming the model for other businesses. Modern salesclerk training shortened the time necessary for youth to acquire sales skills through practical training, and started short-term courses on the department store and sales. Previous studies recognize the influence that the "method of organized cultural transmission" has had on department store salesclerk training. However, little attention has been given to the differentiation of continuing education in salesclerk training. The separation between these two kinds of training is important when considering the process of skill acquisition in order to become a salesclerk in Japan. This study considers salesclerk training at Shirokiya Department Store because Shirokiya actively sought to adopt new management techniques that influenced the differentiation of training in the interwar period. The first section considers continuing education in kimono fabric shops prior to 1920. Since the Edo period, apprentices learned to read and write from senior salesclerks and learned the trade through practical training. At the end of the nineteenth century, clerks began to receive continuing education from teachers hired by the shop. In-store training followed the traditional method that required a long period of practical training, although the organization of continuing education represented the introduction of modern methods. The second section presents the efficient salesclerk training that spread throughout department stores by the end of the 1920s. Previously, an apprentice became a regular salesclerk by acquiring experience over a long period. With the introduction of scientific management methods in the early 1910s, department stores changed their method of the salesclerk training. At Shirokiya by the end of the 1920s, apprentices became regular salesclerks after a brief period of instruction in standardized skills and knowledge of sales. As a result, young women who had worked for only a short time could be promoted to salesclerk. The third section describes in detail how department stores in the 1930s considered experience as an apprentice as less important. By this time, secondary school graduates were replacing higher primary school graduates as department store salesclerks. Department store promotion policies changed because the specialization of labor reduced available work for apprentices, and stores preferred the possibility of training secondary school graduates. Consequently, department stores entrusted general education to secondary education while improving the efficiency of salesclerk training.

著者

広田 照幸 冨士原 雅弘 香川 七海

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, pp.6-18, 2018 (Released:2019-04-01)

参考文献数

8

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The objective of this paper is to clarify the relationship between Ethical Guidelines for Teachers (hereafter, Ethical Guidelines) and Explanatory Notes on Ethical Guidelines (hereinafter, Explanatory Notes). Specifically, the paper examines (1) by whom, (2) when, (3) why, and (4) through what process these documents were created. As a document setting forth basic guidelines for teacher disposition and behavior, Ethical Guidelines was formulated and adopted through a formal procedure by the JTU. In July of 1951, the draft version of Ethical Guidelines, written by a number of well-known pedagogists and philosophers, was submitted to the JTU Central Executive Committee, where it was accepted as a “draft document.” Thereafter, the Ethical Guidelines “draft document” was officially adopted at the regular JTU general assembly held in June of 1952, attended by representatives of the member unions.In contrast, Explanatory Notes was created and published without having gone through the formal approval process within the JTU. Explanatory Notes was independently prepared by the Information and Public Relations section of the JTU and published in September of 1951 as an informational pamphlet. The contents of the pamphlet were neither approved by the Central Executive Committee nor discussed at a regular general assembly. Thus, Explanatory Notes, is merely an unofficial document.Ethical Guidelines sets forth abstract principles for teacher behavior and is written using moderate expressions from beginning to end. The Explanatory Notes, on the other hand, contains passages written in a militant style that evokes images of Marxist class struggle. For this reason, since the mid-1950s, right-wing polemicists as well as conservative government officials and politicians who disagree ideologically with the JTU have criticized the Ethical Guidelines by shining a spotlight on the Explanatory Notes.However, as demonstrated by this paper, Ethical Guidelines and Explanatory Notes are completely unrelated documents, both in terms of how they were created and how they were approved (or not approved) by the JTU.

著者

高木 雅史

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, pp.58-70, 2013-10-01 (Released:2017-06-01)

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Through the revision of the 1952 Eugenic Protection Act, the system of birth control practical instruction was introduced. This system was intended to decrease abortion and increase awareness of contraception. Midwives were assigned the primary role of instructor. After the mid-1950s, this system was incorporated into the family planning movement. As a consequence, the purpose and activities of the family planning movement were transformed, with the expanding role and difficulty of midwives as practical instructor. Thereafter, this system was ceased in 1971. This article considers the significance of this transformation that contributed to the end of the family planning movement. The family planning movement grew out of a change in thinking regarding children, from that of "an object received" to "an object created." This movement intended to instruct people how to foster a "bright healthy family life." It may be said that this movement, an attempt to encourage voluntary practice, was a form of social education (indoctrination) policy and practice. The historical materials used in the research for this article are information magazines of the Ministry of Health and Welfare (1953-) and bulletins of the Japanese Midwives Association (1947-). Through an analysis of these sources, the following becomes clear. First, in a series of processes, the family planning movement became part of the cultural movement. As a result, the specific purpose and role of birth control instruction became unclear. Second, based on the necessities of the occupation, midwives required not only to fulfill their role in hygiene instruction on the care of newborns to pregnant women and nursing mothers but also to carry out instruction in child care and child education. Furthermore, midwives also took on roles such as the care of healthy children or mentally disabled children, even the care of mothers with post-partum depression. Third, it was very difficult for midwives to provide instruction based on the "bright healthy family life" ideal as the population became more affluent and urbanized during Japan's period of rapid economic growth, because the target of the family planning movement, the modern family, had developed characteristics such as individualism and desire for privacy. This was an important factor in the collapse of the family planning movement.

著者

中川 隆

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, pp.294, 1986-10-10 (Released:2017-06-01)

著者

久恒 拓也

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 : 教育史学会紀要 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, pp.71-83, 2014-10-01

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This paper examines how teacher training in the university, one of two major principles supporting teacher training in postwar Japan, was accomplished after the inception of the new educational system, through the example of the Tohoku University Department of Education. The education department, an organization without parallel nationwide, was born out of the subsumption of normal schools that were the vehicle for compulsory school teacher training in the prewar imperial university education system. However, from the context of the postwar reform period, the very concept of the university became the ideal place for teacher training as it would eliminate the abuses perpetrated in the normal schools of the imperial education system. If the important change brought about by the teacher training in the university was an the establishment of university graduation as an elementary school teacher qualification, it is necessary to investigate how the education system was transformed by the inception of the new education system. First, this paper analyzes the standard expected of university instructors over teacher training at Tohoku University, by considering reports of the university chartering committee screening of individual instructors. Second, this paper describes the teacher training system of Tohoku University through an analysis of instructors and specific educational content of teacher training. This paper provides the following conclusions. First, immediately after the establishment of the Department of Education at Tohoku University, it appears that many faculty over teacher training were brought in from Miyagi Normal School, and that Tohoku University professors were unable to satisfactorily compensate for the lowere standards of the incoming normal school instructors. Second, this paper reveals the limitations of the cooperative system of Miyagi Normal School and Tohoku Imperial University with their disparate standards of university education and elementary teacher training, particularly when compared to the new system where Education Department students are able to take courses in other departments, courses themselves supported by high level research.

著者

駒込 武

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.32, pp.70-86, 1989-10-01 (Released:2017-06-01)

著者

白川 蓉子 阿部 真美子

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, pp.67-83, 1974-10-05 (Released:2017-06-01)

著者

山下 達也

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, pp.97-109, 2007-10-01 (Released:2017-06-01)

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This paper intends to clarify diversity amongst "Mainlander" (Japanese) teachers in colonial Korea. "Mainlander" (Japanese) teachers were a central presence in elementary schools in colonial Korea that cannot be overlooked when discussing Japanese colonial education policies. Conventional literature on the subject has heretofore clarified such matters as teachers' hometown, transfers, instructional activities, and the like. Results of such studies are keys to clarifying the reality of "Mainlander" teachers. However, understanding of "Mainlanders" who became teachers in colonial Korea should not be limited to only one category, and I problematize this point. Among "Mainlander" teachers in Korea, a variety of people coexisted who can be differentiated by length of stay/career in Korea, presence or lack of experience spent in "the Mainland" (Japan) and gender. The historical reality, therefore, cannot be determined if all teachers in colonial Korea are simply labeled "Mainlander" teachers. Although it goes without saying that we should not overlook the fact that "Mainlanders" as settlers possessed specific positions and roles, at the same time, it is necessary to recognize their internal diversity. Following this outlook, this paper differentiates so-called "Mainlander" teachers by examining the characteristics and relations of "Mainlander" teachers invited from "the Mainland" versus "Mainlander" teachers trained in Korea. First, I pay attention to the teacher-training phase of each, because it is clear that these groups passed through a different process of training. Second, I examine the characteristics and relations of both through document analysis, looking specifically at the times when these individuals became teachers, understandings about educational ideas and policies of the Governor-General's office, knowledge about Korea, and grasp of "the Mainland" were different for each group of teachers. In particular, I argue that these differences originated in differences in the teacher-training process found in Japan and colonial Korea. In addition, I argue that when "Kominka Education" became strongly entrenched, a difference in the characteristics of each type of teacher becomes evident. In addition, I reexamine the implications of the existence of invited teachers from Japan, whose presence had previously been understood as necessary in order to make up for the lack of teachers in colonial Korea.

著者

白岩 伸也

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, pp.45-57, 2017

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<p>After the Potsdam Declaration, the Japanese government had to decide on the treatment of former military educational institution graduates (hereinafter referred to graduates), while attempting to transform the country's self-image from "Imperial Japan" to "Democratic Japan". The Ministry of Education tried to transfer many graduates to other schools. However, various discussions over the measure developed. This paper clarifies the formation of the measures for graduates in early postwar Japan by focusing on the trend of "demilitarization" and "democratization" and its scope.</p><p>In August 1945, the Ministry of Army and Navy began to negotiate with the Ministry of Education to transfer graduates to other schools. As a result, the Cabinet decided upon "preferential transfers" for graduates. However, when students started to criticize and CIE (Civil Information and Education Section) started to intervene, preferential transfers were abolished in November. "Restrictive transfers" that limited the number of graduates to ten percent of a school's capacity was determined in February 1946. Nevertheless, opinions criticizing restrictive transfers or insisting upon the necessity of re-education appeared. In addition, the discrepancy between the text of the Constitution of Japan and the Fundamental Law of Education and the measures was pointed out.</p><p>As described above, the measures were formed through "consultation" and "crossbreeding" with the Ministry of Army and Navy, the Ministry of Education, and CIE. The scope of "demilitarization" was interpreted differently by each organization, so that "demilitarization" and "democratization" developed a relationship of mutual conflict and reliance. It may be considered that the achievement of "demilitarization" and "democratization" was hindered, thus affecting later historical developments.</p>

著者

山口 刀也

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, pp.19-31, 2018 (Released:2019-04-01)

参考文献数

11

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During the Korean War (1950-53), Misao Onda (1916-96) implemented the pedagogical method of “Seikatsu-Tsuzurikata” (life writing) at a Kawashimo secondary school in Iwakuni city, Yamaguchi Prefecture. Through an analysis of Onda’s practices, this paper examines the range of the “SeikatsuTsuzurikata” movement in the early 1950’s in relation to U.S. military base problems.First, this paper considers Onda’s compilation process of a collection of school essays, “Delta” No. 3. It originated from his investigation of essays that reflected children’s responses to Iwakuni U.S. military base problems within “Seikatsu-Tsuzurikata” assignments. He invariably used children’s diverse insights and thoughts as a starting point for his practices. This provided an opportunity for him to relativize Cold War thought. Second, this paper analyses the nature of the content of “Delta” No. 3. Its structure has two functions. The first is to coordinate the scope of the children’s perceptions and the depth of their thoughts, the second to promote their collaboration in engaging in life in a “military base town.”Onda’s practice is closely related to the build up of the Cold War in East Asia. However, Onda’s practices show the realistic potential of “Seikatsu-Tsuzurikata” that takes up the trends of education influenced by political background of the Cold War.Finally, this paper investigates the relationship between the nationwide response to “Delta” No. 3 with the planned publication of Ikutaro Shimizu, et al, The Child of the Military Base (1953). “Delta” No. 3 attracted attention nationwide as a pioneering example of “Seikatsu-Tsuzurikata” that took up military base problems. However, as interest in the subject grew, it was subjected to repeated editing and redirection. As a result, its original two functions and the opportunity of relativizing Cold War thought was eliminated.

著者

藤井 基貴

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, pp.85-97, 2012-10-01 (Released:2017-06-01)

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Dr. Bernhard Christoph Faust (1755-1842), who played an active role at the end of 18^<th> century as a public health doctor and writer in the field of hygiene, published several revised editions of his book, The Catechism of Health. This book focused on the methods of instructing children how to live a healthy life. The first edition appeared 1792, and Faust revised it in 1794 and again in 1802. This paper analyzes how these texts reflect changes in Faust's views on child rearing. The Catechism of Health makes use of a question-and-answer format in order to teach the knowledge of hygiene. It was designed for the classroom as well as home instruction. This paper elucidates the following issues: (1) How and why Dr. Faust wrote his book and later revisions; (2) Background factors contributing to the book's wide distribution; (3) The main content and revised portions of the book; (4) The changing relationships between the book and the influence of the church; and (5) The changing descriptions of how to put a baby to sleep.

著者

大島 宏

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, pp.109-128, 2004-10-01 (Released:2017-06-01)

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The purpose of this study is to define the process of the institutionalization of an open door policy for higher schools (Koto-gakko) to allow girls to attend. In Japan, higher schools had been only for boys until 1947. In the early stages of preparation for "A New General Plan of Female Education Reform", the Ministry of Education had planned to open the door of higher schools to girls. In the plan, girl's special colleges (Joshi-senmon-gakko), higher courses (Koto-ka) and special courses (Senko-ka) of higher girl's schools (Koto-jogakko) would be changed into "girl's higher schools (Joshi-koto-gakko)". However, a difficulty arose in changing girl's special colleges into "girl's higher schools". Also, it became possible for girls to receive a higher school level education through other means. Because of this, in 1946, the Ministry of Education denied the urgent need of an open door policy for higher schools, refusing to qualify girls for entry into higher schools. The revision of the Constitution made it necessary to allow girls to qualify for entry into higher schools. Therefore, the establishment of "higher schools for girls" was once more chosen as the way to open the door of higher schools to girls. However, the plan to reform the school system intended to abolish the higher schools. This made it difficult to carry out an open door policy for higher schools in this way. Eventually, opening the door of higher schools to girls was realized by transforming higher schools into coeducational institutions. The revision of the Constitution required a revision of the purpose (the first) and entrance qualification (the 12th) articles of the imperial ordinance regarding higher schools. However, only the purpose was revised, and entrance qualifications were not. This originates from having tried to deal with the issue of girls' entrance qualification as an exception to the rule.

著者

渡辺 徳三郎

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, pp.197-199, 1958-10-10 (Released:2017-06-01)

著者

麻生 千明

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, pp.60-77, 1995-10-01 (Released:2017-06-01)

著者

橋本 美保

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, pp.24-40, 1995-10-01 (Released:2017-06-01)

著者

坂本 紀子

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, pp.32-44, 2011-10-01 (Released:2017-06-01)

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The purpose of this paper is to analyze the elementary education systems that the Hokkaido government put into operation in 1887. The following questions will be addressed through a study of Oyafune town, 9 towns and 3villages in Ishikari district: how did Hokkaido settlers establish and maintain elementary schools under the revised regulations, and what kind of role did these schools play among the settlers? In 1886, the Meiji government reexamined Hokkaido development policy. The next year, the Hokkaido government reformed the elementary education system and issued the following educational ordinances and regulations: regulations of elementary schools and Shogaku-kan'ika, regulation on town and village elementary schools, the official order regarding annual expenses for town and village elementary schools, and the regulation on the establishment change, and abolition of schools. The purpose of many of these regulations was to allow the Hokkaido government save on educational expenses and prioritize industry and development over public education. For this reason, approximately 96% of schools were Shogaku-kan'ika. The characteristic of Shogaku-kan'ika in Hokkaido was different from that of the mainland. The tuition fees were collected and the curriculum included "business exercises." The purpose of Shogaku-kan'ika was not to allow children to attend school, but to promote industry and development, and to secure a steady work force, while abolishing government subsidies, and placing the burden of educational expenses upon the settlers. In actuality, the settlers trying to forge new communities, would not defer educational opportunities school education was indispensable in the formation of the community. In addition, most settlers expected the establishment of elementary schools and upper elementary schools. For Hokkaido's inhabitants, schools were a symbol of the-"development" -of their new community. In this way, when the history of education in Hokkaido is separated from the reality of communities, we see that the education system that the Hokkaido government established was unsuitable to the actual circumstances of Hokkaido settlers. The people of Hokkaido actually paid for the bulk of school expenditures including their establishment and maintenance. By understanding this, the history of education in Hokkaido under modern Japan's Hokkaido development policy becomes clear.

著者

斉藤 利彦

出版者

教育史学会

雑誌

日本の教育史学 : 教育史学会紀要 (ISSN:03868982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.32, pp.31-50, 1989-10-01