著者
奥井 正俊
出版者
日本地理教育学会
雑誌
新地理 (ISSN:05598362)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.36, no.3, pp.30-38, 1988-12-25 (Released:2010-04-30)
被引用文献数
2

The present paper attempts to clarify the diffusion process of automobiles which had appeared on the Japanese road traffic as modern transport facility, during the Taisho and the pre-war Showa periods (1912-1937). Main findings are summarized as follows:In Japan there were only 535 automobiles in 1912. The number of automobiles had gradually increased since then (Fig. 1). Particularly since automobiles showed great convenience at the reconstruction works just after the severe earthquake hitting the Kanto district in 1923, the number of automobiles had increased remarkably and counted 128, 735 at its maximum in 1937. Throughout the study period, most of automobiles were used for business, that is for both the bus enterprise and the trucking. Because prices of automobiles and their related costs exceeded the Japanese living standard in those days, private automobiles were very few. Also throughout the period, most of automobiles were imported articles from the Western countries, especialiy from the United States.The number of automobiles per ten thousand population was calculated for each prefecture for the year's 1915, 1920, 1925, 1930 and 1935. Subsequently distribution maps were drawn (Fig. 3). On the whole automobiles spread from the most urbanized areas containing large cities, i. e. Tokyo, Kanagawa, Kyoto, Osaka and Hyogo prefectures to the urbanized areas and then to the rural areas. The propagation of automobiles on the nation-wide scale arrived latest at some of the Tohoku district and Hokkaido, where the propagation began over ten years later than Tokyo, the most advanced area. By using correlation analyses between such time lag variable and the selected explanatory variables, the author founds that areal variation of the time lag resulted from various industrial structures, road conditions and income level of areas and so on. Thus the author could be concluded that the automotive diffusion in those days described some parts in Japanese modernization process spatially and temporally.
著者
マリアディナタ ジュハナスピリアディ 白坂 蕃
出版者
日本地理教育学会
雑誌
新地理 (ISSN:05598362)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.32, no.1, pp.26-38, 1984-06-25 (Released:2010-04-30)
参考文献数
5

After the independence day August 17, 1945, education system of Indonesia was not established because of the confusion in economic and political problems. However, step by step the Government made the policy for developing national education.The first curriculum was not developed in 1956 and then renewed in the year of 1963 and 1968. Recently we have the new one, developed in 1975.By the way, we had the education system since the Hindu culture entered Indonesian society, and the Hindu religion penetrated, so the education activities were usually held at the Hindu temples, which we called Pade pokan (about 700 BC).After the Islamic religion came on, we had Pesantren system for the Muslim who want to study deeply about Islamic religion, and the center of the education activities were in the mosks. This Pesantren was opened after about the 15th century.During the Dutch colonial days, the national education was not developed, but Pesantren education system were continued.Since the year of 1908, the Dutch colonial government opened schools for both their children and the common people. Therefore the people who entered schools were not many. After 1928, schools belonged to the educated-class and it was more necessary to develop and spread education among all the common people in the Indonesian archipelago.Today, we have two school systems for the same purpose, but they different in responsibility and management administration. One is organization of school system under responsibility of the Ministry of Education and Culture, and other under responsibility of the Ministry of Religion Affairs.Generally speaking, the education of Social Studies field in Indonesia has been using this system since the 1975 Curriculum was established. However, before using this system, for example in the 1963 Curriculum, we used many different kinds of courses for learned Social Studies. For example; History, Economy, Cooperation system, Geography, Sociology, etc, were established as one field to study.Since the 1975 Curriculum, the system has been changed as following:1. For the Elementary Schools and Lower Secondary Schools, we teach Social Studies above mentioned.2. For the Upper Secondary Schools and up we use continuing system like the 1968 Curriculum.And basic purpose of national education is PANCASILA which is the 1945 Constitution as the declaration of the independence of Republic of Indonesia.
著者
ランバート デヴィッド
出版者
日本地理教育学会
雑誌
新地理 (ISSN:05598362)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.65, no.3, pp.1-15, 2017 (Released:2019-06-21)
参考文献数
39

There is, at least in the West, a long-standing difficulty with knowledge in education. This may have arisen from a deep distrust of the value of dead or useless, disconnected ‘facts’ such as was parodied by Charles Dickens through his awful caricature of ‘Gradgrind’. But distrust was reinforced by influential scholarly work such as that from Michael Young in 1971 who in Knowledge and Control communicated influential arguments about how the school curriculum, through its selection of knowledge, favoured the elite and alienated the majority of young people. This article opens up a discussion about what kind of school curriculum is appropriate for young people now and in the future – as a pedagogic right. We argue that the distrust of knowledge among progressive educationists has led to what we name as ‘Future2ism’. Such a skills or competence-led curriculum thinking is not, we argue, in the interests of children, especially the disadvantaged. Michael Young, who wrote about the elitist ‘knowledge of the powerful’ in the 1970s has himself revised, or extended, his thinking by pointing out (Young 2008) that such specialist knowledge is also powerful knowledge. Thus, if policy makers, or school leaders, decide that it is better for ‘less academic’ children to receive a differentiated curriculum to suit their ‘needs’ then they are denied access to powerful knowledge. This is unfair on a number of levels; not least it reinforces social and economic divisions. In the article, I describe the rise of Future 2 curriculum thinking as a response to the long-known inadequacies of the ‘traditional’ school curriculum, since at least Gradgrind. But despite its superficial attractions, and its appeals to ‘creativity’ and ‘twenty-first century skills’, the weaknesses of Future 2 thinking are exposed. Following this we then explore what a Future 3 curriculum may look like – one that is knowledge-led but progressive and conscious of the pupils we teach, who are seem as agentive and diverse. The key to Future 3 is to grasp the significance of the discipline expressed as powerful knowledge – in the case of this article, geography. This is challenging, for powerful knowledge cannot easily be expressed on the page – through a list of ‘key concepts’ for example. Rather than a list, it requires specialist understanding of the subject’s goals and purposes expressed more as a system of thought and enquiry, which itself is dynamic being subject to contestation and change. In this sense, pupils (all pupils) are inducted into the discipline of knowledge-making, where the quality of argument matters, where evidence needs to be identified and evaluated and where reliable conclusions drawn (but nevertheless never beyond contestation or challenge). The article draws upon an international project called GeoCapabilities which has explored these ideas with particular reference to their implications for high-quality teaching and the need for teachers to see themselves as curriculum leaders – as professionals with responsibility for enacting a Future 3 curriculum.
著者
田部 俊充
出版者
日本地理教育学会
雑誌
新地理 (ISSN:05598362)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.49, no.2, pp.18-30, 2001-09-25 (Released:2010-04-30)
参考文献数
29

In Japan, many studies have been conducted on Social Studies Education in U. S., but little is known about the studies on Geography Education in U. S. The year 1783 marked the end of the American Revolution, the citizens of the United States would need to be educated in the values necessary for national cohesion. Davidson, R. published a geography book in 1784. Davidson's Geography Epitomized was “world tour” in rhyme. Brown identified Morse, J as the “father of American geography”. Morse's Geography made easy presented the geography of the United States. According to Morse, the geography of Europe and of Asia was well-known by Americans, while they were ignorant of accurate accounts of their own new republic. Jefferson's geography of Virginia added to the intellectual respectability of geography in U. S.
著者
浅井 得一
出版者
日本地理教育学会
雑誌
新地理 (ISSN:05598362)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.25, no.3, pp.1-9, 1977-12-25 (Released:2010-02-26)

The writer researches several kinds of text books of the social study, and finds some confusion of expression and understanding as follows:1. Japan is called Nippon or Nihon in Japanese, but it depends upon teachers'choice which term they use in teaching.2. Some text books contain the south of Chishima islands as the territory of Japan, on the other hand, the others negrect them.3. Each text books indicates the total area of cultured field of Japan dependent on different sources.4. Japan is not an empire, kingdom or republic after the War.The category of Japanese national structure is now obscure. The course of study by the Ministry of Education does not show any indication about it.The writer shows in this paper the problems mentioned above.
著者
田中 岳人
出版者
日本地理教育学会
雑誌
新地理 (ISSN:05598362)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.69, no.1, pp.1-19, 2021 (Released:2021-08-11)
参考文献数
18

In Japanese geography education, the Köppen climate classification was introduced before the WWⅡ and is the major climate classification in Japan. This paper clarifies the process by which Köppen’s climate classification became established in Japanese geography education, along with the changes in physical geography learning. In this research, the Courses of Study, and textbooks from the 1930s to the 2010s were analized. It was confirmed that the ratio of physical geography in textbooks increased or decreased due to how much subject changes were dealt with in Courses of Study. Based on the amount of the description of Köppen’s climate classification, the timing of its establishment was determined. The process could be categorized as the early period in the 1930s, the period of disorder from the 1940s to the 1950s, and the period of establishment that has continued since the 1960s. Köppen’s climate classification became prevalent in Japanese geography education because it was used in region geography in the first post-war human geography textbooks. It was just a model of climate classification, until then. However it was developed as a way of learning climate with descriptions of vegetation, soil, agriculture and livestock. How much Köppen’s climate classification have been covered in textbooks in Japanese geography education can be viewed as a mediation between physical geography and human geography. The Köppen climate classification is considered to have systematized geography education as a whole.
著者
天井 勝海
出版者
日本地理教育学会
雑誌
新地理 (ISSN:05598362)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.19, no.2, pp.66-71, 1971-09-25 (Released:2010-02-26)
参考文献数
6
被引用文献数
1
著者
川添 航
出版者
日本地理教育学会
雑誌
新地理 (ISSN:05598362)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.65, no.3, pp.16-33, 2017 (Released:2019-06-21)
参考文献数
28

In Japan, foreigner inflow has been active since 1980s “bubble condition”. And, in recent years, research on foreigner society in Japan has been also promoted in the field of geography. This paper focuses on the Muslim society in Japan, and aims to clarify how the everyday lives of Muslims interacts with the activities of masjid (Mosque), and how masjids as a religious space change with the expansion of the Muslim, society in Japan. The case study object was “Masjid Otsuka”, which is in the Toshimaward of Tokyo. The main findings of this study are summarized as follows: 1) Reflecting the socio-economic development of Muslims, Masjid Otsuka has expanded and improved its activities in the past 20 years. The development of Masjid Otsuka has been influenced’ by the growth of Muslim society in Japan which continuing since 1990s, and it reflects higher accessibility from both the city center and the suburbs because of its location in the center of the city. Various activities of masjid are developed by a flexible management system. 2) Analyzing the daily life of Muslims and the relationship of masjid, labor carries a significant weight in a Muslim’s daily life, and those Muslims who live in suburban areas have difficulty visiting the masjid. Thus, Muslims in Japan put weight on the existence of masjid by comparing worship behavior at workplaceor home, and masjid. Worship behavior in appropriate environment is the primary purpose to visit masjid. 3) As an ancillary role to visit masjid, there are communication and exchanging information, or religious education to children. According to the residence and the socio-economic situation, Muslims can be categorized as “Neighborhood residential type”, “Single living and simple labor type”, “Family residential and professional working type”, “Participation type”. Muslims have various needs for masjids due to their different socio-economic situations, and masjid develops its activities responding to their needs. As a result, Masjid Otsuka became a facility for Muslims to relate to their faith subjectively, and embrace a lot of Muslims from various regions.
著者
宮原 弘匡
出版者
日本地理教育学会
雑誌
新地理 (ISSN:05598362)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.42, no.4, pp.28-39, 1995-03-25 (Released:2010-04-30)
参考文献数
16
被引用文献数
1 1

The main purpose of this paper is to make clear the spatial distribution of knowledge regarding Tokyo, Hokkaido and all the other prefectures for the study about Mental Maps of Japan. A survey made high school students in Nagano Prefecture answer each name of the prefectures pictured on white map was conducted. It provided with the percentage of “right”, “wrong”, and “no” answers according to the prefectures. Considering each distribution map of those data can be found spatial characteristics about the knowledge of them.The results are summarized as follows:1) The prefectures are located at the ends of the country, for example, Hokkaido, Okinawa prefecture, and so on are known very well. The knowledge of them are fixed or stable.2) The prefectures near Nagano prefecture regarded as familiar places, for example, Niigata prefecture and Gunma prefecture are known very well. But all prefectures near that may not necessarily be known. By way of example Yamanasi prefecture and Gifu prefecture can be found.3) Some prefectures are known well, for example, Tokyo and Osaka, are distributed separately.4) The prefectures are located halfway between above-mentioned prefectures and Nagano prefecture are not known much. Spacial distribution of knowledge of them presents uncontinuous distribution in the form of mosaic.5) The prefectures are dotted on the triangular-graph used three index, the percentage of “right”, “wrong”, and “no” answers are distributed continuously. And the author considers it means the development of knowledge about them.

3 0 0 0 OA 泰緬鉄道補遺

著者
浅井 得一
出版者
日本地理教育学会
雑誌
新地理 (ISSN:05598362)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.10, no.4, pp.1-31, 1963-03-25 (Released:2010-02-26)

泰緬鉄道については, はじめて耳にする人もあると思うので, 正編とやや重複のきらいはあるが, その概要についてしるすことにする。泰緬鉄道は太平洋戦争中に日本軍がタイとビルマの間に建設した延長415kmにおよぶ鉄道である。日本軍は昭和17年5月のビルマ全土の占領をもって, 南方進攻作戦を成功のうちに終了した。しかし連合軍の日本軍占領地域に対する反攻は, インド洋方面においてまず開始され, 昭和17年の後半になると, ラングーン-シンガポール間の航路は, 連合軍の航空機と潜水艦による攻撃のために危険となって, ほとんどとだえてしまった。このため17年6月から安全な陸路としての鉄道の建設が始まったのである。ビルマとタイを結ぶ鉄道の建設は, イギリス側でも調査をしたことがあり, トングーからチェンマイに至るもの, モールメンからビサヌロークに至るもの, メルギーからチュンポンに至るものなどのルートが考えられていたが, のちに日本軍が鉄道を建設したサム・オン峠 (いわゆるThree Pagodas' Pass) を越えるタンビザヤ-ノンブラドック間のルートについては, 工事が困難であるとして, 具体的な計画は何も立てていなかったようである。 (第1図) タンビザヤ-ノンブラドックのルートは, 地形的に見ればそれほどけわしいものではなく, 最高点のサム・オン峠も海抜450mしかない。イギリス側が困難なりとしたのは, おそらくここが世界的に名高い悪性マラリアの浸淫地であつたからではなかろうか。そして日本軍がここを選んだのはこのルートがビルマ側およびタイ側の既設の鉄道を結ぶ最短距離であったからである。このルートのタイ側はメクロン川およびその支流ケオノイ川の谷に沿っており, 雨期には川を利用すればビルマ国境に近いところまでさかのぼることができる。ジャングルの主体は竹で, 株をつくってはえているから, 株と株の間は自由に通行できるが, 1つの株の竹と他の株の竹は上方で互にからみ合っていて, 道を開くために下方を切っても, 竹は倒れず, また焼いても燃えない。工事にはこのような思わぬ困難が待っていたのである。雨量は年に3,000mm内外であるが, その2/3は5月から9月までの雨期に降るから, ケオノイ川は氾濫の危険があり, またビルマ側は多くの川がこのルートを横切っているので, 流木を伴う急流のために, 橋が流失するおそれがある。工事はビルマ側およびタイ側から同時に始められ, 昭和18年10月17日に東西の軌道がタイのコンコイターで連接され, 1年余りで完成した。日本軍の鉄道2個連隊を基幹とする部隊のほか, ジャワ, シンガポール, ビルマから集めたオランダ, オーストラリア, イギリスなどの連合軍の俘虜と, タイ, ビルマ, マライ, ジャワ, 仏印などの現地人の労務者がこの工事に従った。俘虜は昭和18年8月には47,737名 (うち患者27,053名, 就業率42%) に達し, 現地人労務者は多いときには10万名ぐらいいた。工事に従う者の多くがマラリアにたおれたほか, 昭和18年の初めにはコレラがビルマ側で発生し, 4月にはタイ側に波及, マラリアやコレラのために日本軍1千, 俘虜1万, 現地人労務者3万の死者を出している。雨期には食料の輸送が不円滑となり, 奥地方面約100kmの間は, 栄養失調のための犠牲者も出た。軌間はlmで, 日本からC56型機関車および貨車 「トム」 が送られビルマ, タイ, マライ, 仏印からも機関車, 貨車が集められた。軌条はラングーン-マンダレー間の複線およびイェ線の一部をはずしてもってきたり, マライの東部線をはずすなどおもに現地のものを利用したが, サイゴンに集結してあった大本営手持ちのもの120kmも使った。鉄道は完成したが, 最初の計画の1日の輸送量1方向3,000tは, 工事をいそいだためその1/3の1,000tに変更された。すなわち1列車100t (10t貨車10両), 10往復20列車という案で, これは5個師団分の常続補給量であり, 絶対に欠くことができないものであった。しかし開通後間もなく空襲が始まって, 昼間輸送は困難となり夜間を主として1日に3列車の運転がせいいっぱいというところであった。停車場には必ず密林内に待避線をつくり, 昼間は列車をここへいれておくのである。また輸送は主として貨物と患者のみに限り, 健康な兵員は線路に沿って歩かせた。列車の時速も20kmにすぎなかったが, 航空路を除けば, これはビルマ-タイ間の唯一の連絡路となり, ビルマにおける20万の日本軍への補給は, 細々ながらこの1本の鉄道によってささえられていたのである。敗戦後は日本軍の引揚げに使われたのち, こんどはイギリス軍に指揮された日本軍の俘虜の手によって, その大部分が撤去されてしまった。シンガポールの繁栄を守るため, あるいはビルマ, タイ2国の接近を警戒するためにイギリスがとった処置は, 大きな犠牲をはらって建設したこの鉄道をふたたびジャングルの中にうずめてしまったのである。
著者
青木 栄一
出版者
日本地理教育学会
雑誌
新地理 (ISSN:05598362)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.29, no.4, pp.1-11, 1982

There have been many oral traditions relating to oppositions against railway constructions in the early period of railway development in Japan. The most famous oral traditions have been in <i>Shukubamachis</i> (towns or villages with facilities for relay post-horse), where the inhabitants had There have been many oral traditions relating to oppositions against railway constructions in the early period of railway development in Japan. The most famous oral traditions have been in <i>Shukubamachis</i> (towns or villages with facilities for relay post-horse), where the inhabitants had opposed to railway constructions for fear of losing their travel customers. Curiously, however, in Japan, there have been no reliable historical documents relating to the oppositions, or no historical articles certifying the facts of oppositions, using reliable records. Many stories of railway opposition have remained in vague condition from a view-point of positivism, today. The author insists that it is necessary to prove the fact of railway oppositions, through the following procedures. They are, (1) discovery of reliable documents written contemporaneously, (2) consideration to policies and general opinions about railways on the day, and (3) investigation of ideal rail-routes in relation to topographic feature and railway track gradient (25&permil; in maximum gradient in case of Japanese trunk railways).<br>There were two periods of railway mania in Japan, in the closing years of 19th Century, 1885-90 and 1894-99. In those days, inhabitants of rural towns made passionate movement to raise their fund for private railway construction, or to introduce national railways to their towns. It is unreasonable to suppose railway oppositions in those days without showing any reliable documents. As for the Kobu Railway, between Tokyo and Hachioji (opened in 1889), having famous oral traditions of railway opposition by <i>shukubamachis</i> along a traditional trunk road, we have no reliable records to prove the existence of oppositions, and many preserved documents showing the insistence of introduction of railway construction in those days, showed the decision in ideal rail-route in relation to topographic feature and track gradient.<br>There were some categories of railway oppositions, capable to certifying their existence by reliable documents. They were, (1) the oppositions to coastal or riverside railways, which compete with steamship operations, by officers of national railways, (2) the oppositions by military authorities or conservative <i>samurais</i> (feudal warriors) class, insisted the precedence of military expansion or anti-foreign spirit, and (3) the oppositions by farmers, protested the change for worse utilization of water in paddy field, because of the construction of embankment for railways. The first and second categories had lasted by about 1880s and 1870s, respectively, but the third one has continued toward the 20th Century. The author presents some examples belonging to the first and the third categories of oppositions during the Meiji Era (1868-1912) in this article.
著者
山口 幸男 原口 美貴子
出版者
日本地理教育学会
雑誌
新地理 (ISSN:05598362)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.46, no.4, pp.1-13, 1999-03-25 (Released:2010-04-30)
参考文献数
27

The Japanese word “Kyodo” means one's home area or one's home province. Present day, the term of “Kyodo” is not used and the term of “local area” is used in geographical teaching and social studies education in the primary and secondary school in Japan. But the “Kyodo” had been used before 1968. The authors would like to using the term of “Kyodo”.In this paper they discuss on the spatial extent of Kyodo area which is one of the main themes about the Kyodo study in school.There are following three ideas on the spatial extent of Kyodo area.(1) Observable field(2) Sphere of living(3) Administrative district (Prefecture, city, town and village).Makiguchi (1912, 1916) has supported the idea of “observable field”, and he recognized the far distant observable field as the Kyodo area too. From the same view, Kikuchi (1960) has described that discussing the spatial extent of Kyodo area was not meaning.Uchida (1933) and Tanaka (1954) have supported the idea of “sphere of living” which is the residents' daily living area. As the sphere of living is spread beyond on the administrative districts such as the city, town and so on, Uchida and Tanaka have not supported the idea of “administrative district”. Though the sphere of living is the most popular idea present day, the authors support the idea of “administrative district” (prefecture, city and so on).The authors consider not only cognitive contents but also children's attitudes to thier Kyodo in the school teaching. Thinking from this view, the “administrative district” is very important. Therefore we support this idea. And we have proved this idea by interview method resarch to 308 residents in Oota city, Gunma prefecture and Ashikaga city, Tochigi prefecture which are located close to the prefectures' boundary at 1994-1996.Lastly we want to revive the term of “Kyodo”.