著者

八鍬 友広 Yakuwa Tomohiro

出版者

日本教育学会

雑誌

教育学研究 (ISSN:03873161)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.70, no.4, pp.524-535, 2003-12

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How many people could read and write in Tokugawa Japan? This is the main topic for this paper. Actually it's very difficult to calculate the number of people who could read and write in Tokugawa Japan. Because there are no documents like marriage certificates with signatures, as most research on popular literacy in western society usually include. But we can glean fragmentary information about popular literacy by following historical sources: (1) the surveys on the rate of people who could write their own names in the Meiji period, (2) the "Monjincho", attendance books of "Terakoya", and (3) the historical materials with "Kao", special signature in medieval and early Tokugawa Japan. (1) There were several surveys on the rate of people who were above six years old and could write their own names during 1877-1889. Results of those surveys of Shiga, Gunma, Aomori, Kagoshima and Okayama prefectures were listed on "Monbusho Nenpo", annual report of Japanese Ministry of Education. Those surveys show that about 90% of men in Shiga could write their names, but on the other hand 33% of men and only 4% of women in Kagoshima could write their own names. The 1879 survey of Kuga County, one of the counties of Yamaguchi Prefecture, on the rate of people who could write their names is important. It covered 122 villages and towns, 88 school districts and a population of approximately 135,000. The literacy rate, the rate of people who could write their own names for the total population, was 36.3%(men 55%, women 16.5%). The literacy of men of every district ranged from 19.3% to 98.3% and women from 0% to 68.5%. Literacy rate has minus correlation with the rate of agriculture population (r= -0.66), and has plus correlation with the rate of commerce and manufacture population (r=0.65). (2) The "Monjincho" of "Jishuusai juku" in Omi and "Isobe Juku" m Echigo show how many people of those regions were enrolled for Terakoya. According to Jun Shibata, 91% of Kitanosho village people were enrolled for "Jishusai juku" in 19 Century. Through the case of "Isobe juku" we can see the situation in the 18th Century In Komachi one of the towns of Murakami city, 64% of the households had their children, at least one child, enroll for "Isobe juku" in the middle of the 18th Century. (3) In medieval and early Tokugawa period there were some documents with "Kao", special signature. To sign "Kao" practice in writing was required. Those who could not sign "Kao" marked a circle by stem of the brush. Therefore we can know the literacy through these documents. According to Masanobu Kimura, about 80% of the present head of the family could sign "Kao" in the first half of the 17th Century. We can conclude that partial literacy has already been considerably high even in early Tokugawa period, and a major difference of literacy between men and women existed, which deeply depended on the region even in early Meiji era.

著者

長尾 彰夫

出版者

日本教育学会

雑誌

教育学研究

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.3, pp.239-247, 1988-09-30 (Released:2015-02-09)

著者

大谷 尚

出版者

日本教育学会

雑誌

教育学研究 (ISSN:03873161)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, no.2, pp.110-124, 2006

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小論では、情報技術の教育利用に関して筆者が継続している質的研究を通した論考を示し、学習の場での観察的かつ理論的な研究の重要性を論じる。まず情報化に対応した教育政策の概観と、情報化社会に関する諸言説の検討を行う。その上で、技術の存在論的で現象学的な意味と意義について、ハイデッガーの『技術への問い』を通して検討する。これに基づき、情報技術の教育利用に関する著者自身の現象学的な質的研究について述べ、質的研究手法についても概観する。その後、総合的な学習の時間のインターネット利用での未習漢字の問題とその事例の検討を通して、近代文書化技術により形成されたカリキュラムや教授・学習文化の本質的特徴、また教師と学習者との不可視の権力構造に言及し、それらの脱構築の必要を論じる。最後に、情報技術の使用による人間発達への否定的影響と同時に、情報技術を通した人間の解放の事例と可能性についても触れ、教育学の課題を論じる。

著者

上野 浩道

出版者

日本教育学会

雑誌

教育學研究 (ISSN:03873161)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.65, no.2, pp.174-175, 1998-06-30

著者

水原 克敏

出版者

日本教育学会

雑誌

教育学研究 (ISSN:03873161)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.2, pp.p154-164, 1981-06

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(教育学説史の諸問題<特集>)

著者

梶山 雅史

出版者

日本教育学会

雑誌

教育学研究 (ISSN:03873161)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.3, pp.p254-263, 1983-09

著者

利根 啓三郎

出版者

日本教育学会

雑誌

教育学研究 (ISSN:03873161)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.3, pp.43-53, 1973-09

著者

梅村 佳代

出版者

日本教育学会

雑誌

教育学研究 (ISSN:03873161)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.2, pp.p151-160, 1986-06

著者

中垣 啓

出版者

日本教育学会

雑誌

教育学研究 (ISSN:03873161)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.1, pp.p41-50, 1975-03

著者

藤田 英典 内田 伸子 山口 和孝

出版者

日本教育学会

雑誌

教育学研究 (ISSN:03873161)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, no.1, pp.66-73, 2008-03

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rights: 日本教育学会rights: 本文データは学協会の許諾に基づきCiNiiから複製したものであるrelation: IsVersionOf: http://ci.nii.ac.jp/naid/110006680583本シンポジウムでは、藤田英典(国際基督教大)による「教育基盤の変容と教職の専門性」と内田伸子(お茶の水大学)の「生活概念から科学概念へ」の二つの報告を基本に、プロフェッションとしての教職者が備えるべき力量と課題について討論を行った。

著者

對馬 達雄

出版者

日本教育学会

雑誌

教育学研究 (ISSN:03873161)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.4, pp.480-492, 2007-12

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ナチ国家に否定された普遍的価値が反ナチ運動において、いかにして本来の意味をもちえたか、さらに戦後史のなかでいかに展開したかを究明することが本稿の主題である。これについて以下の三点から明らかにした。その一は、反ナチ思想を教育実践に込めたライヒヴァインの事例からである。つまり彼の活動の主眼が開かれた世界像の認識に裏づけられた「主体的自己」の基盤を育むことにあったことである。その二は、市民的抵抗者たちの反ナチズムが基本的にキリスト教ヒューマニズムに拠ってドイツ人をヒトラー崇拝の軛から解放(覚醒)することにあり、ドイツとヨーロッパとの和解を追求していたことである。その三は、1950年代に「良心の蜂起」として復権をみた反ナチ運動にたいして、「レーマー裁判」の判決が決定的な役割を果たし、そこに提示された「抵抗権」の思想が後の政治教育に重要な位置を占めたことである。A Nazi autocracy was born in 1933, and it is well known that the power of the state was deified by Nazi ideology. Nevertheless, universal values were never abandoned, and we cannot forget this. This article is going to clarify how the universal values that the Nazi nation denied were able to have original meaning in the anti-Nazi movement and how they were revived after the war again in Germany. The author clarifies this problem through three points throughout this article. The first is that the educational practice of Adolf Reichwein (1898-1944) in the elementary school (Landvolksschule) Tiefensee is performed with all basic thought centered on anti-Nazism. The principal objective of his instructional activities was to raise the self-formation effect (Selbstkraft) of the children who did not adapt to the Nazi view of the world easily. In brief it was to foster a mental base for the independent self (subjective Selbstformung). Therefore, he fostered this in children living in the small sphere of the village of Tiefensee by inviting them to the very large outside world and leading them to the recognition of an open world. The independent self and the existence of openness to the world (Weltoffenheit) are not only principles of anti-Nazi education, but also important in the present age. The second is that the anti-Nazi thought of the resistance movement of the citizenry took on the basic character of religious ethics. When the thinking of the civil resistance recognized absolute evil, they realized that the Christian ethic was the method needed to overcome Nazism. They tried to awaken the Germans who had become believers in Nazism and who obeyed the Nazi system under the spell of Nazi values, and at the base of this effort was the revival of human nature based on Christian humanism. In addition, aiming toward a German nation after the Nazi collapse and European reconciliation, they raised the concept of "European mind" (Europaertum) and an idea of "Christian Europe". The third is that the anti-Nazi movement was finally reevaluated after the war in the 1950's and reinstated. In the background, there were many actions to demand this recognition of the movement by German society from the survivors and bereaved families of the resistance groups. It was an action to prove the existence of another Germany (das andere Deutschland). Furthermore, the judgment of the "Remer trial" of 1952 had decisive influence. Hereby the anti-Nazi movement was finally recognized officially as a "Revolt of Conscience". The principle of law theory referred to as the "right to resist" which prosecutor Fritz Bauer (1903-1968) propounded at this trial became the keyword of political education after the 1960's. Furthermore, the "right to resist" is a word to express the universal values reaffirmed through the experience of Nazi rule.

著者

河原 国男

出版者

日本教育学会

雑誌

教育学研究 (ISSN:03873161)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.3, pp.321-334, 2007-09

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16-7世紀、教育慣行の結果、世俗内職業労働を「天職」として励んだという事例を究明したM.ヴェーバーの工業労働調査論を本稿では中心にとりあげ、同時代の20世紀初頭の工場労働を通じて意図的、無意図的にどう資質能力が形成されるか、という認識を、人間形成契機としての自律化を視点に跡づけた。その結果、国民を対象とする政治教育の課題認識と繋がりつつ、機械化とともに、自律化の契機も同等に探究されていた様相が明らかにできた。すなわち、工場内分業労働での「練習」を通じて、労働外の価値関係的関心にも導かれながら合理的に「考量」しつつ、また中世職人のように最終生産物を生産するように市場的関心をもって働くこと、そうした「実践」を通じて自己自身を人間形成的に配慮するという自律化の可能性が、工場機械化のただなかでも探究されていた。