著者

元兼 正浩

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, pp.282-285, 2008-10-10 (Released:2018-01-09)

著者

前原 健二

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, pp.4-20, 2020 (Released:2021-10-12)

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The purpose of this paper is to discuss what“justice”is for education, especially for local education administration. In the first half of the paper, the basic ideas of justice of education are discussed, and in the second half, the current state of the theory of“justice of education”in Germany is considered, and in particular, the policies of the Hanseatic city Hamburg, Germany, are examined as concrete examples.Justice is subject to various discussions. In political science, some argue that it is impossible to prove the correctness of a concept of justice, so they focus on only the“decision process”of what seems to be“justice”. On the other hand, there are people who continue to argue for tentatively agreed justice, even if the final correctness is uncertain. From the standpoint of the latter, this paper discusses justice for local educational administration from some limited perspectives.The theory of educational justice is generally discussed as distributive justice of education. The popular positions in discussions are egalitarianism, priority theory, sufficiency theory, and meritocratic conception. Aside from these individual-based approaches, it is also important for educational administration to take into consideration individual school or school districts as a subject, on which the compensative measurements are offered. When ensuring equal educational conditions for each school district or school, it is necessary to carefully consider how to handle the differences that actually exist. Guarantees of formally equal conditions often lead to unequal results. Therefore, in order to guarantee substantial equality of education, it is necessary to“make the difference stand out”in advance.In Japan, the substantial guarantee of educational conditions has been achieved fairly well since the Second World War. However, in recent years, there has been an increasing tendency to directly compare the educational achievements of individual schools. Each school is, however, located in a diverse social environment. The backgrounds of students' parents are diverse and disparate, too. Including these points, there is an increasing need for educational administration to provide support on an individual school basis. In other words, there is a growing necessity to discuss the justice of education for individual schools or school districts.In Germany, many people have been discussing“educational justice” since the PISA survey. In Germany, the word“Chancengleichheit” (equal opportunity) is rejected as a formal concept. Instead, the word “Bildungsgerechtigkeit” (educational justice) is preferred to express these concepts. Educational justice is defined as“the condition in which a decision to go to secondary school is determined independently of the student's social background.”Regarding this definition, there are criticisms that the principle of sufficiency should be considered more strongly, and that the recognition of individual moral autonomy should be emphasized.Hamburg, as a federal state, is advancing school reform with the aim of realizing“educational justice.”There, school system reforms (two-pillar model) were introduced to reduce restrictions on educational career paths at the time of progressing to secondary education, and administrative support has been provided based on the“social index”of individual schools. In addition, the moral autonomy of individuals is approved by guaranteeing the parent's right of school choice. These measures are intended to improve the level of“educational justice”.It is concluded by this half theoretical and half case-based discussion that when discussing justice from the perspective of educational administration, it is better to analyze a concrete educational policy based on the particular notion of justice appropriate to it, rather than to theoretically and comprehensively discuss the concept of justice.

著者

吉尾 啓介

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

no.24, pp.217-220, 1998-10-17

著者

後藤 道夫

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, pp.224-227, 2010-10-01 (Released:2018-01-09)

著者

山田 知代

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, pp.58-76, 2019 (Released:2020-10-02)

参考文献数

15

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Against a backdrop of the diversification of values in Japanese society, this paper aims to evaluate the increasing popularity of public schools' attempts to guarantee publicness by implementing new procedures and justifying their outcomes. The paper makes the following two arguments:Firstly, revision of the processes and procedures of school education, especially in student guidance, has the potential to promote publicness. For example, based on the relationship between publicness and the establishment of the Act for the Promotion of Measures to Prevent Bullying, this paper reveals:1. increased official participation as a result of legal involvement in resolving issues related to bullying,2. increased commonality as a result of recognizing the need for lawor guideline-based responses, and3. increased openness as a result of bullying response procedures becoming transparent to the public.It is argued that implementing such procedures is linked to increased publicness at a micro level in student guidance. In other words, it can be said that “procedure” occupies an important position as a condition in ensuring publicness.Secondly, although there has been a noted rise in procedural justice theories in the field, some aspects of the procedures and operations regarding disciplining high school students lack transparency. Thus the guarantee of publicness remains questionable. More specifically, while official involvement is guaranteed, it is difficult to claim that commonality and openness are also sufficiently guaranteed. Today, procedural justice is viewed as important in educational settings; yet, the appropriateness of disciplinary results cannot be judged collectively. Therefore, establishing transparent disciplinary procedures that can be traced later is an important perspective in the guidance of students, and may well be useful in increasing trust in educational administration.

著者

牛渡 淳

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, pp.151-155, 2015 (Released:2019-03-20)

著者

三羽 光彦

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, pp.222-225, 2015 (Released:2019-03-20)

著者

川上 泰彦

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, pp.186-189, 2019 (Released:2020-10-02)

参考文献数

4

著者

髙橋 哲

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, pp.37-55, 2015 (Released:2019-03-20)

被引用文献数

1

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The Purpose of this paper is to clarify the characteristics of national policy on teacher evaluation in Japan, from the view point of the comparative study on those policies in the United States.To make the comparative view point, this paper analyzed on the following law reforms and policies surrounding the teacher evaluation in the U.S: 1)the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001 (NCLB), 2)the Race to the Top Program (RTTT), 3)the NCLB waiver policy, and 4)the state education policy centralizing the teacher evaluation system. Through the analysis of those matters, the author found that, under the federal education initiatives, most states were urged to amend teacher tenure laws and collective bargaining laws so that students' test scores could be significant evidence to dismiss the “ineffective” teachers. Under the competitive based federal grant and its selection criteria of the RTTT, as well as the conditions to waive the duty of the NCLB, the federal government strengthened its political influence on the teacher policy which had been within the authority of each state and local government.In order to examine the teacher evaluation system in Japan, the author focused on the political background and the purpose of the new Local Public Employee Act (LPA) of 2014, which mandated all public employers to implement the new personnel assessment system for local public employees including public school teachers. The author clarified that the purpose of the law was to decrease the personnel expenses, and that the law provided the public employers with comprehensive discretion to conduct the assessment, while the law strictly ordered them to use the assessment for personnel decisions and to take actions against the ineffective public employees. In addition to the analysis of the LPA, the author inquired into the personnel assessment for national public employees, which had already been implemented from 2008 and was supposed to be the model for local public employees. The author found that the assessment system was strictly systematized on usage of the assessment for personnel decisions including promotions, pay raises, and dismissals.Through those findings, this paper examined the similarities and the differences of the teacher evaluation policies between the U.S. and Japan. The similarities could be found in the centralization of the teacher policy, and in the consequences of which those policies transformed not only the teacher evaluation system but whole traditional teacher law system in both countries. The differences of the policies also could be found; while the U.S. federal government intervened into the teacher evaluation system at the expense of federal grants, the national government in Japan introduced the new assessment system with the aim of decreasing the personnel expenses. Whereas the federal government placed the teacher evaluation at the core of the “education policy,” Japanese government introduced it without “educational” policy, but with a policy of structural reform to decrease the national public expenses.

著者

末冨 芳

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, pp.160-178, 2008-10-10 (Released:2018-01-09)

被引用文献数

1

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This article aims to clarify the importance of the devolution of power and authority to schools in the Japanese educational finance system. With this goal in mind, the systems of educational finance in Japan, the United Kingdom, and Sweden are analyzed from the perspective of authority distribution between the central government, local government, and schools. "School" here is defined as public compulsory primary and secondary schools. In the United Kingdom's educational finance system, the central government has great power, while in Sweden local government is the main authority in the educational finance system, yet both countries promote reform decentralization at the school level. There is, however, the reality that in the Japanese educational finance system the school is not actually given much authority or power. Japanese elementary and secondary schools thus have many difficulties facing them in terms of acquiring adequate school budgets for school administration and effective budget allocation. In recent years, contract research by the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology (MEXT) has shown that approximately 70-80% of Japanese head teachers feel a deficiency of budget and a lack of authority. On the other hand, MEXT has been emphasizing a policy of building up "attractive schools." Not surprisingly, this policy has not made much progress because of this lack of ultimate authority. In the international context countries such as the U.S.A., Australia, New Zealand, and various EU nations have seen decentralization at the school level in terms of teacher salaries, the right of employment, and allocation of the school budget. The actual situation of school decentralization, especially the political context in the U.K. and Sweden, are clarified here with the aim of promoting Japanese decentralization to schools. Nowadays, the Japanese government promotes not so much decentralization to schools but to local governments to build up effective and attractive schools. The importance of school-based management and budgets must therefore be recognized. Comparative analysis of the U.K, Sweden and Japan points to the importance of schools in the system of educational finance and administration. This paper first outlines the educational finance system of Japan, the U.K. and Sweden. Then the relevancy between the level of decentralization at the school level and the features of educational finance systems in general are examined. One finding is that there is little direct relevance, in terms of the level of decentralization for schools, concerning the political context of each country. The political background and context of decentralization to school are then investigated, followed by a discussion of the theoretical importance of decentralization to the school level, referring to the theory of School Based Management (SBM) and School Based Budget (SBF). Finally, the importance of the promotion of decentralization to schools, and the conditions needed to achieve this, are examined.

著者

宮腰 英一 稲川 英嗣 粟野 正紀

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, pp.245-257, 1994-10-01 (Released:2018-01-09)

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify the development of an international curriculum and its extention to national education systems. Here we will focus mainly on the International Baccalaureate (IB). As the mobility across national borders for business grows year after year, families are obliged to stay for only a limited time in one country or another. For this reason, the problem of how to meet the conditions of schooling for the children of these families has become a pressing one. This phenomenon has brought about the rapid development and numerical increase of international schools. But international schools as 'a kind of educational department offer several different juxtaposed national streams which are less integrated and original. Such a situation is not only inconvenient for students who are trying to prepare for an examination, but also unhelpful in fostering international understanding through a common curriculum. For this reason, people feel the need for a common or standardised curriculum in the primary and secondary stages of education, along with a comprehensive examination programme. The International Schools Association (ISA) and other such International Organisations are trying to establish a common or standardised curriculum. The project of the IB in the 1960's was to develop for the first time a standardised curriculum and examination system to facilitate students admission to universities of various countries. The characteristics of the IB curriculum are as follows: (1) In order to meet the needs of every student and the requirement of each country, the IB curriculum consists of 'Six Subject Groups' (hexagon) in which each student can choose six subjects and 'Three Requirements' (Extended Essay, Theory of Knowledge, CAS). These 'Three Requirements' express the originality of an international curriculum in addition to fulfilling the compulsory subjects. (2) In the assesment of examinations and the development of a new curriculum, feedback from participating schools plays an important role in fostering the reciprocity or pertnership between international schools and the IB Organisation. (3) In proportion to the extention of the IB programme, due to its excellence and originality, it is being used by national systems of education in many countries as a supplement to their own systems. But its diffusion has not been uniform. It is rather easy to accept the IB diploma in nations where there is no existing national system of examination such as in the UK, USA or Canada. On the other hand, where there exists a rigid national-diploma system for education, such as in France or Germany, it is very difficult for the IB diploma to find acceptance. In spite of its philosophy and organisation, the IB is heavily biased towards the Anglo-Saxon systems of education. Therefore, the IB is confronted with a dilemma: how to balance the preference for particular nationalities with an truly "international" curriculum.

著者

奥平 博一

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, pp.160-163, 2019

著者

當山 清実

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, pp.182-198, 2009

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The purpose of this study is to clarify the effect of INSET (IN-Service Education and Training), which leads to the professional development of "excellent teachers" who have been annually recommended in all prefectural levels and commended by the Minister of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology since 2006. In this study, the data collected from questionnaires supposes excellent teachers to be successful models of professional development in the teaching profession. This paper particularly analyzes the effect of off-the-job training on professional development which is one of the main forms of INSET. How could these excellent teachers come to achieve a level of professional development which deserves commendation? Their life courses can be model case of the personnel management of successful teachers : their college of education, selection, placement and transfers, and INSET, etc. There are many factors in terms of professional development. Above all of these, INSET is especially important, because it is directly connected with educational practice. Moreover, off-the-job training requires a great deal of public funds. Therefore, this paper will also examine its cost-effectiveness. The results of the questionnaire show the responses of excellent teachers as follows. First of all, there is little effect of the training by the educational administration, especially compulsory training, compared with other training. However, excellent teachers tend to think positively about their training, and this positivity can be seen as the basic factor in the effectiveness of their professional development. Secondly, the effect of "long-term consignment training" is very high, especially having such training in graduate school. Excellent teachers think that it is the most fruitful and useful for them. They grapple with their training themes aggressively in order to get good personal results. Moreover, these teachers can also receive many indirect influences, such as mutual enlightenment from their peers and so on. Finally, the effect of "off-the-job training" varies according to the school level and specialized field in which the teacher instructs. Excellent teachers who specialize in "club activities" and those in "senior high schools" feel compulsory training to be particularly ineffective, and tend to develop themselves by their own means. Continuing this theme for a future subject, it is necessary to expand the scope of this study in terms of the effects of "on-the-job training" and "self development," and to add interview research in order to conduct a comprehensive analysis.

著者

岩田 康之

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, pp.153-156, 2017

著者

大谷 奨

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, pp.135-151, 2007-10-12 (Released:2018-01-09)

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There were many cases where towns which ran girls' high schools or middle schools changed these schools into prefectural secondary schools in the early Showa era in Hokkaido. The purpose of this paper is to point out the characteristics of these processes, analyzing their description in official documents kept by the National Archives of Japan. The results of this research were as follows: 1 Firstly, the authorities of towns established practical courses in girls' high school because it was able to open these without their own schoolhouses. At the same time they made a financial effort to construct independent buildings for these schools. 2 After the completion the schoolhouse, they immediately applied for a change of their school to that of an ordinary girls' high school supported by the Hokkaido prefectural government (Do-Cho). 3 Finally, they tried to change the founder of the school from a town-run by the prefectural government and the Do-Cho accepted their application. This means that the acquisition of the prefectural secondary school in the town by essentially by donation. 4 This method to obtain a prefectural school was also used in the case of town-run middle schools. The local authorities tried again to get prefectural middle schools by such donations. Even into the postwar period, many municipalities opened high schools themselves and several years later gave the school buildings and facilities to the prefecture. This was important not only in terms of providing secondary education but also to attract prefectural organizations to support for education.

著者

林 寛平

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50thanniv., pp.174-179, 2016 (Released:2019-03-20)

参考文献数

18

著者

広瀬 裕子

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, pp.19-36, 2015

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<p>This paper consider the issue of educational professionalism and political intervention focusing on the registration of the "School Standards and Framework Act 1998" in the UK. The paper argues that the crucial issue in the present circumstances for this theme is the institutional fatigue, and its maintenance. The paper suggests that political intervention can be an effective method to recover the institutional fatigue of the system based on educational professionalism.</p><p>The School Standards and Framework Act 1998 enabled LEAs to intervene into schools and the Secretary of State to intervene into LEAs, when they find failures there. Although the question was raised wheather this act would further enforce the power of the government, no substantial oppositions was raised in the Parliament Debates. This was because this registration intended to deal with a specific case of failure, and this intention was shared among the House members as a reasonable ultimate solution. The case was that of the London Borough of Hackney. As the local authority itself was already assessed as failing in Hackney, arguments were focused on Article 8 of the act, which gives the Secretary of State the power to take over the failing local authorities.</p><p>Hackney Council had been struggling to improve its education since the previous Conservative government revealed the troubles Hackney had in the early 1990s, but there were no significant improvements. The new Labour government, in 1997, immediately launched a series of powerful actions to support Hackney including dispatching the Hackney Improvement Team, whose recommendations, however, the Council would not implement entirely. This was the background to the introduction of Article 8 of the act.</p><p>As soon as the act was enacted, Article 8 was adapted to Hackney, and its school improvement services and its ethnic minority achievement service were taken away from the Council and transferred to a private company Nord Anglia in 1999. Three years later, in 2002, all educational services were taken away and transferred to the Hackney Learning Trust, which was a non-profit private organisation established in Hackney specifically for this purpose, with a 10-year contract. Thus, time-related powerful political intervention was employed as a tool to repair the institutional fatigue. This project has turned out to be successful.</p><p>This paper interprets this registration of the radical article and its adaptation to Hackney as an emergency method for educational governance reform, which means a governance reform adjusting custommade tools with a non-regular governance logic, but effective to recover the damage. The reason why the Hackney case was successful is because two factors: first, radical but effective tools were successfully programmed for Hackney, second, the case where the radical tools would be applied was clearly targeted and shared. Without these factors, the tools would not be effective but could cause harm, because the logic of the time-related radical tools and the actual education situation are not necessarily compatible.</p>

著者

広瀬 裕子

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, pp.19-36, 2015 (Released:2019-03-20)

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This paper consider the issue of educational professionalism and political intervention focusing on the registration of the “School Standards and Framework Act 1998” in the UK. The paper argues that the crucial issue in the present circumstances for this theme is the institutional fatigue, and its maintenance. The paper suggests that political intervention can be an effective method to recover the institutional fatigue of the system based on educational professionalism.The School Standards and Framework Act 1998 enabled LEAs to intervene into schools and the Secretary of State to intervene into LEAs, when they find failures there. Although the question was raised wheather this act would further enforce the power of the government, no substantial oppositions was raised in the Parliament Debates. This was because this registration intended to deal with a specific case of failure, and this intention was shared among the House members as a reasonable ultimate solution. The case was that of the London Borough of Hackney. As the local authority itself was already assessed as failing in Hackney, arguments were focused on Article 8 of the act, which gives the Secretary of State the power to take over the failing local authorities.Hackney Council had been struggling to improve its education since the previous Conservative government revealed the troubles Hackney had in the early 1990s, but there were no significant improvements. The new Labour government, in 1997, immediately launched a series of powerful actions to support Hackney including dispatching the Hackney Improvement Team, whose recommendations, however, the Council would not implement entirely. This was the background to the introduction of Article 8 of the act.As soon as the act was enacted, Article 8 was adapted to Hackney, and its school improvement services and its ethnic minority achievement service were taken away from the Council and transferred to a private company Nord Anglia in 1999. Three years later, in 2002, all educational services were taken away and transferred to the Hackney Learning Trust, which was a non-profit private organisation established in Hackney specifically for this purpose, with a 10-year contract. Thus, time-related powerful political intervention was employed as a tool to repair the institutional fatigue. This project has turned out to be successful.This paper interprets this registration of the radical article and its adaptation to Hackney as an emergency method for educational governance reform, which means a governance reform adjusting custommade tools with a non-regular governance logic, but effective to recover the damage. The reason why the Hackney case was successful is because two factors: first, radical but effective tools were successfully programmed for Hackney, second, the case where the radical tools would be applied was clearly targeted and shared. Without these factors, the tools would not be effective but could cause harm, because the logic of the time-related radical tools and the actual education situation are not necessarily compatible.

著者

広瀬 裕子

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, pp.33-47, 2004-10-08 (Released:2018-01-09)

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This paper clarifies the problems that the theory of the division of interna and externa is now facing. In the late 1950s, in order to criticize educational policies based on the Law Concerning the Organization and Function of Local Educational Administration, Munakata Seiya formed a theory that divided educational factors into interna (=curriculum) and externa (=conditions which are not influential to curriculum). This theory has been widely used to prohibit educational policies intervening with people's values. This theory should now be critically examined for two reasons. First is that those factors categorised in the externa realm obviously have a remarkable influence on curriculum. Recruiting teachers, planning school buildings, and arranging classrooms are clear examples. Secondly, since the late 1980s, when the report of the Ad Hoc Council on Education was introduced, practical research on educational policies has been strongly called for. This, of course, means that research cannot be carried out only with the belief that government should stay passive. In reality, the way in which public authorities treat the private sphere has been changing. The Law for the Prevention of Spousal Violence and the Protection of Victims in 2001 and some other incidents have overtly influenced this change. Troubles and suffering occurring in the private sphere are now considered to be the society's problems. If governments choose not to intervene in people's lives, certain reasons should be presented. It is also now theoretically clear that the private and public spheres are firmly linked. Marxist feminism has shown a strong linkage on the economic side, spotlighting unpaid work in the private sphere. As if compensating for feminism, research results in social history have spotlighted the linkage on the emotional side, employing the aspect of 'mentality'. Edward Shorter, highlighting 'coupling (=marriage) systems', clarifies the generation of 'modern mentality'. This mentality is found at the base of modern society and has become the core of individualism, which Laurence Stone calls 'affective individualism'. Michel Foucault elucidates the modern state as employing a panopticism that is a self-control based on an individual's will or emotion to keep themselves in social order. Other than forcing people what to do, the state wishes to discipline people to adapt themselves voluntarily to what the society requires. However, the fact is that it is not always easy for people to be emotionally stable enough to control themselves, especially in an era of freedom that allows individuals to be liberated from established values and which maintains that people should find their own values. In this context, it is plausible that the state show its concern to see to it that its members are properly 'functioning' as autonomous individuals. As for the education system, which is a key method for governments to realize their goals, the sex education program introduced in the UK in 1994 is a good example of how a government polices their concerns. Education policy should be criticized, if necessary, with regard to examining its effectiveness and not only because policy concerns values. The content of this paper is as follows. 1 The purpose of the paper 2 Questioning the treatment of the private sphere (1) Opposition to the division theory of interna and externa (2) Non-intervention as laziness (3) 'The personal is political' 3 Self-control of 'affective individuals' (1) Affective individualism (2) Self-control 4 Securing self-controlling individuals (1) Hardship of self-control (2) Educational policies concerning values 5 Conclusion

著者

岩下 新太郎

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, pp.266-273, 1979