著者
尾﨑 公子
出版者
日本教育行政学会
雑誌
日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.46, pp.38-54, 2020 (Released:2021-10-12)
参考文献数
2

This paper focuses on Akashi City's children's measures as a case where“justice”of the administration is embodied in the direction of realizing an inclusive society.Mr. Fusaho Izumi took office as the mayor of Akashi in 2011 and formulated the Fifth Long-Term Comprehensive Plan (2011-2020). It has made children the pillars of the city's government in order to realize an inclusive society in which no one is left behind.There is a wide range of measures for children being implemented. They can be classified into three categories: 1) reducing the economic burden of child-rearing, 2) enhancing social upbringing, and 3) improving the educational environment. How is the justice of“no one left behind” carried out in these measures to help children?The purpose of this paper is to grasp how to carry out the justice of “no one left behind”in these measures to help children through analyzing 1) the principle, 2) the actual situation regarding the organization, budget, and human arrangement to implement children's measures, 3) Mayor Izumi's background, and 4) the opinion of the citizens.The findings of this paper are as follows. The first revealed that Akashi City's children's measures are based on the principles of universal and seamlessness. The universal principle for all children is applied so that no one is left behind. No income cap is set for child-rearing support. Also, the way of establishing a safety net to ensure that no one is left behind is comprehensive and seamless. Akashi city has implemented comprehensive support measures for children to enhance their social upbringing such as the establishment of a child welfare center.Second, the budget for implementing measures to help children doubled and the number of personnel tripled between 2011 and 2019, and the budget and the allocation of personnel showed how to do justice.Third, Mayor Izumi's basic perspective, which puts inclusion as a policy principle, was obtained from on-site recognition backed by the experience when he was a child and a lawyer.Finally, Izumi City government is supported by citizens who wish to create a city that is friendly to children and people with disabilities, and their support is obtained only because it is a city government that responded to their wish.Akashi City's children's measures for all children have had ripple effects such as overcoming population decline and improving the local economy, and have achieved inclusive growth. This case is very suggestive in considering the“justice”of the administration, while pursuing justice that no one is left behind based on universal and seamless principles.
著者
荒井 英治郎
出版者
日本教育行政学会
雑誌
日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.32, pp.76-93, 2006-10-13 (Released:2018-01-09)

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the political process surrounding the enactment of the Private School Promotion Subsidy Law ofl975. The Private School Promotion Subsidy Law aims to expand the financial aid program targeted at the current expenditure of private educational institutions including private upper and lower secondary schools, elementary schools and kindergartens as well as private universities. The legislation was initiated by a Diet member belonging to the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). This paper examines the behavior of the LDP "Bunkyo-zoku" during the legislative process. The term "Bunkyo-zoku" refers to an unofficial clique composed of Diet members sharing an interest in educational matters. Despite the epoch-making nature of this enactment, which set out stipulations concerned with governmental financial aid aimed at alleviating the burden of current expenditure incurred by private educational institutions, most previous research has focused on an analysis, by means of legal interpretation or normative analysis. It has not identified how this law was enacted, what kinds of actors were involved, and what sort of influence they brought to bear on the legislative process. But there can be no doubt that a very important task in research in educational administration is to explain what factors determine the policy-making process in respect of specific policies. It is against this background that this paper has focused on the political process, including in its perspective consideration of the various arguments concerned with giving financial aid to private schools to ease their current expenditure, as well as the political climate at the time concerned. As a result of this analysis, the paper offers the following clarification of the political dynamics and mechanism of the legislative process. The first point is that members of the LDP Bunkyo-zoku gave consideration of the enactment of a bill concerned with financial aid to private schools over a period of many years. The second point concerns the reluctance of the Ministry of Education, Science and Culture to enact provisions regarding governmental financial aid to private educational institutions in respect of their current expenditure at the period of time concerned, and associated with this, the strenuous opposition to enactment by the Ministry of Finance because of their wish to prevent a growing fiscal burden. As a result of the attitude of these government agencies, submission to the Diet was delayed. Thirdly, the factor in the political climate that impacted on enactment was the "balanced strength of conservative and progressive factions". Fourthly, although the legislative bill represented a considerable retreat from the original concept, the law cleared the Diet because of the strong leadership shown by the LDP Bunkyo-zoku, strenuous negotiation with government agencies, political horse-trading with Opposition parties and cooperation with private school-affiliated pressure groups. The aim of this paper was to examine the political factors contributing to enactment of financial aid to private educational institutions. The hypothesis put forward in this paper is the following. The LDP has come to play a leading role in educational policy in general as the predominant political party of Japan. In particular, Bunkyo-zoku, a unique actor, has a major effect on policy-making in respect of private schools. Future tasks comprise an examination of other educational policies concerned with private schools so as to verify the validity of this hypothesis.
著者
田中 真秀
出版者
日本教育行政学会
雑誌
日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.36, pp.141-157, 2010-10-01 (Released:2018-01-09)

This paper aims to examine the differences of teacher salaries in public compulsory education schools among prefectures. Two research questions were exmined : 1) What is and entry level teacher's salary prescribed by prefectures for 2007 to 2009? and 2) Can the answer to the first question hold true for the years from 2001? With these questions in mind, the paper discusses the meaning of the differences of teacher salaries among prefectures through a comparison of entry level salaries of teachers with those of general administrative officers among 47 prefectures from 2001 to 2009. The following results were obtained : First, teacher salaries are linked to general administrative officer's salaries. The general administrative officer's salary is determined by ordinance on the basis of city personal authority's advice and city councils ratification based on the price index and the pay level of private companies in each prefecture. Second, this relationship did not change, even when the rate of national grants to compulsory education was reduced from 1/2 to 1/3. Therefore, it seems reasonable to conclude that the main cause of the difference of teacher salaries among prefectures is the public finance circumstance in each prefecture and that the difference does not expand if the rate of national grants to compulsory education was reduced.
著者
清水 一彦
出版者
日本教育行政学会
雑誌
日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.20, pp.25-37, 1994

This paper aims to clarify the present situation and problems of university reform and to predict the transfiguration of universities in Japan. The Standards for the Establishment of Universities in Japan was broadened and simplified in July 1991. At the same time, a system of self-monitoring and self-evaluation was introduced. In response to the revision, each university is currently carrying out its own curriculum improvement and preparation of a self-evaluation system. In this paper the author discusses the most characteristic aspects of this university reform. These are as follows: 1. Improvement of the content and methods of education 2. Flexibility of the credit system 3. Reorganization of colleges of general education 4. Introduction of self-monitoring and self-evaluation 5. Priority policy regarding graduate schools Considering the actual situations of these reforms in Japanese universities, the author points out the diversification of universities as a future direction and the essential need to change faculty recognition as well as to promote so-called FD (Faculty Development) activities in conducting university reform successfully.
著者
内山 絵美子
出版者
日本教育行政学会
雑誌
日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.44, pp.62-81, 2018 (Released:2019-09-20)
参考文献数
19
被引用文献数
2

In recent years, the concept of “classroom standards” has been in widespread use in school education. However, there has been criticism that the standards are likely to undermine the professional autonomy and to impede the professional development of teachers. The purpose of this article is to clarify the actual conditions of the process of making these standards and the way of using them, and to consider the meaning and future issues related to standardization.In this article, first, I describe the characteristics of implementing standards and review some arguments about the standards. Second, I take up two cases. One is the case in which a prefectural board of education collaborated with a university in teacher training in addition to creating and unfurling the standards. The other is a teacher organization which set the standards at both the city level and the school level. Finally, I discuss the meaning and future issues related to the standards from the perspective of the theory of street-level bureaucrats and the concept of local knowledge.Findings from the two cases reveal that the classroom standards can be utilized effectively instead of merely applying the standard to a class without consideration of the educational problems specific to each school, children’s different needs and learning conditions. In the former case, the teacher training in which a team composed of young teachers and senior teachers “think through” a lesson design contributed to enhancing the ability to plan and develop lessons autonomously and to carry out organizational lesson improvement. In the latter case, representative teachers from each public primary and secondary school in the city engaged in the process of setting the standards at city level, and each schools made supplementary standards based on the city level standards. This shows that they can use the standards in the context of the actual situation at their schools under the teaching profession.The adoption of the standards presents issues concerning discretion and control over professionalism. On a relevant note, I discuss the meaning and issues related to the standards from the perspective of street-level bureaucrats and local knowledge. First, the standards can reduce an environmental factors trigger “client domination” by street-level bureaucrats. Secondly, in applying the standard, teachers as street-level bureaucrats can have a function in policy making. At that time, thirdly, in the context of expecting “evidence-based policy and practice in education”, it is important that teachers’ local knowledge is verbalized and translated into explicit knowledge, and furthermore is accumulated as academic knowledge.
著者
青木 栄一 荻原 克男
出版者
日本教育行政学会
雑誌
日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.30, pp.80-92, 2004-10-08 (Released:2018-01-09)

Although several attempts were made to change educational policy in the 1970s and 1980s in Japan, substantial changes were not realized until the second half of the 1990s. Why did the change occur only in the late 1990s? One explanation has been that the Ministry of Education was forced to change its former policy because of external pressures brought by ad hoc committees and councils set up in the cabinet during the 1990s. This argument appears to exaggerate the strong tendency of the Ministry as a whole to preserve the status quo and often ignores internal processes that enable changes in attitudes within the Ministry. This paper attempts to explore such internal factors in terms of the power relationship between various bureaus in the Ministry. The paper focuses on the relation between the Minister's Secretariat ('kanbou') and other bureaus ('genkyoku') such as the Elementary and Secondary Education Bureau. These two types of bureaus entail a difference in responding to the demands for change. In contrast to the other bureaus that are responsible for the implementation of specific policy, the main role of the Minister's Secretariat (MS) is to exercise a comprehensive coordinating function over all bureaus ('kanboukinou') ; and thus, the MS is more flexible when it comes to policy change than are other bureaus. We hypothesized that the MS's coordinating function was strengthened during the 1990s and that this allowed the Ministry to change its overall behavior. To examine this hypothesis, we analyzed the status of the MS within the Ministry concerning three points: (1) changes in the organizational structure of the MS; (2) the career pattern of the Director-General, or the chief, of the MS; and (3) the frequency of contacts between the Director-General of the MS and the Prime Minister. Results of our research found that, first, the sections responsible for investigation, statistics, and policy planning within the Ministry were integrated into the MS by the 1970s; in the 1980s, a Senior Deputy Director-General was newly established in the MS; and the Deputy Director-Generals of the other bureaus were transferred to the MS. These reorganizations reinforced the structure of the MS. Second, through analyzing the career pattern of the people who were appointed as Director-Generals of the MS, the paper demonstrates that, though being equal in rank to other bureau chiefs, the position grew important during the late 1990s in terms of the status which it has related to its influence on the ministry's behavior. Third, whereas there was hardly any contact between the Director-General of the MS and the Prime Minister in the 1980s, such contact sharply increased in the late 1990s. These analyses revealed that whereas the structure of the MS was empowered during the 1980s, the position of the MS's Director-General remained unimportant within the Ministry. It was in the late 1990s that the MS properly performed its coordinating function attaining its high status among the bureaus as well as relying on its reinforced structure. This empowerment of the MS's function then enabled the Ministry to change its policy during the same period.
著者
宮口 誠矢
出版者
日本教育行政学会
雑誌
日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.45, pp.103-119, 2019 (Released:2020-10-02)
参考文献数
22

This study aimed to reveal a) how homeschooling is regulated and publicly supported in Iowa and b) the significance and problems of its homeschooling system, by reviewing homeschooling provisions of the state law and administrative law.Iowa, which has one of the most complicated homeschooling systems in the United States, offers multiple options for conducting homeschooling with different regulations and public support. Those who choose a less/ more restrictive option, get fewer/more opportunities to receive support from the state or registered district. Thus, Iowa's homeschooling system is based on “the principle of proportionality” between regulations and support. It incentivizes parents to choose options that make it easier for the state to assure adequate education for children through regulations and support, while giving parents the freedom to choose any option.However, this system has the serious problem that parents can choose an option with virtually no regulation. Children who are homeschooled under this option can obtain virtually no public support for their education, and the state has almost no knowledge of which students attend under that option.The comprehensive analysis of Iowa's homeschooling system, both in terms of regulations and public support system, shows that state involvement in children's education is not necessarily incompatible with the parents' freedom if the homeschooling system provides an incentive based on “the principle of proportionality,” as in Iowa, and imposes adequate regulations. This can help researchers and policy makers examine possible homeschooling systems where the state can both ensure the parents' freedom and guarantee opportunities for homeschooled children to receive adequate education.
著者
島 一則
出版者
日本教育行政学会
雑誌
日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.44, pp.27-61, 2018 (Released:2019-09-20)
参考文献数
14
被引用文献数
1

The purpose of this paper is to : ⑴ identify the “Standards” at the national level in the Basic Plan for Promoting Education ; ⑵ clarifying changes of the “Standards” at the national level from the 1st term to 3rd terms of the Basic Plan for Promoting Education ; and ⑶ comparing the standards between elementary / secondary education levels and post-secondary education level, to identify the advantages and disadvantages of the “Standards” at the national level in the Basic Plan for Promoting Education.The Basic Plan for Promoting Education (2008-2012, 2013-2017, 2018-2022) are used as text data, applying the text mining approach. The research results are summarized as follows. ⑴ Section 3 clarifies that there are three types of the “Standards” at the national level in the Basic Plan for Promoting Education (“Law” type, “Guide line” type, and “Index type”) Next identified are the “Index” type of “Standards” at the national level, which represents the national goals of education in a numerical manner, as research objects for section 5 & 6. ⑵ There were huge changes in “Index” type of “Standards” at the national level in both quantitative and qualitative ways from 2008-2012 to 2013-2017, and also 2013-2017 to 2018-2022. ⑶ The “Index” type of “Standards” at the national level were introduced to the Basic Plan for Promoting Education a bit further into elementary / secondary education levels than the post-secondary education level.The “Index” type of “Standards” at the national level may have advantages for promoting some national goals of education, for example the student test scores. At the same time, they have numerous problems : ⑴ inadequate definition of the index problem, ⑵ unstable index problem, ⑶ vague responsible actor problem for index, ⑷ legal compatibility of index, ⑸ integrity among indices, ⑹ validity and reliability of the index, and ⑺ data and statistics for the index.Even though there are many problems in terms of “Standards” at the national level, educational administration research must face and overcome these problems in order to improve the quality of education.
著者
仲田 康一
出版者
日本教育行政学会
雑誌
日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.44, pp.9-26, 2018 (Released:2019-09-20)
参考文献数
29

The concept of ‘Standards’ has been featuring more and more in recent education policy in Japan. Many kinds of ‘standards’ are being set to control educational processes and reframe teachers’ professional expertise.‘Standards’ in Japan usually comprise lists, matrixes, and rubrics as official documents that are prescribed by governments and/or schools. They, for instance, tell teachers how to structure every lesson, dictate how to discipline students’ behaviour, or define the teachers’ standard competences required for each age group. As they tend to cover the relationships between teachers, students, and parents, it seems to be the case that they even regulate accordingly how students and families should be.This trend has to do with the growing effect of a PDCA cycle that has prevailed throughout the country. Under the New Public Management regime, the central government is supposed to be legitimated to set national objectives for education, to delegate their implementation to local governments, schools and teachers, and to hold them accountable for producing appropriate outcomes. The celebrated technology in this regime is the PDCA cycle. It requires each local government and school to create their ‘Plans’ reflecting on the higher-level government / institution, and to make their educational processes more effective. Because the ‘Plan’ is unquestionable in this regime, PDCA allows local governments and schools only to ask students and teachers to perform in a ‘Planned’ i.e. a predicted and predetermined way. We can understand the rapid rise of ‘standards’ as a representation of the desire for more predictability, shaped by the threat of PDCA.Meanwhile, standardisation has also had a considerable effect on the Anglo American education systems. This trend covers a range of education reforms such as the following -- i) more emphasis on the learning outcomes assessed by testing ; ii) endogenous privatisation that is forcing schools to act more like businesses with discrete dichotomy of failing or successful schools and/or teachers ; iii) exogenous privatisation from outsourcing teaching materials, selling/buying school improvement strategies, through to inviting private bodies to operate schools ; and iv) de-professionalisation that remakes the teaching expertise as a production process of appropriate data.As we can see, there are divergences and parallels between Japan and Anglo-American countries. I characterised the Japanese version of standardisation as ‘governing by templates’, compared with the Anglo-American version of standardisation as ‘governing by data’ with more emphasis on evidence and corporatisation. At the same time, mutual undermining of professionalism and democracy has been replicated, placing far more importance on external standards. I also added a caveat that ‘governing by templates’ and ‘governing by data’ are not mutually exclusive. With more emphasis being put upon ‘evidence-based policy making’ in Japan, I asserted that we need rather to focus on the complicated nature of the interactive effect of them.
著者
眞弓(田中) 真秀
出版者
日本教育行政学会
雑誌
日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.43, pp.81-97, 2017 (Released:2019-03-20)

In recent years, there have been various reforms of the working conditions and treatment of teachers. For example, a teacher evaluation system has been introduced in both urban and rural prefectures, and there has been a transfer of authority over matters related to teachers’ salaries in compulsory education to ordinance-designated cities.Regarding this matter, my first point is to consider the connection between the personal evaluation system and teachers’ salaries. My second point considers the issue of costs and authority related to the transfer of control of the salary when the financial burden and authority regarding a teacher’s salary are handed over to an ordinance-designated city in urban and rural prefectures due to decentralization. I also discuss whether urban and rural prefectures, which pay the teachers’ salaries guarantee equal working conditions. For my third point, I consider whether the aims of teachers’ unions are reflected in teacher salary systems.
著者
羽田 貴史 金井 徹
出版者
日本教育行政学会
雑誌
日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.36, pp.158-175, 2010-10-01 (Released:2018-01-09)

The purpose of this paper is to consider the big picture of the presidential appointment system of national universities after World War II and to explore what kinds of presidents were selected under the system. The system of president appointment prevailed in all imperial universities since the system was established in the wake of the Tomizu and Sawayanagi incidents, although legislation to this effect was not fulfilled. This system restricted the constituency of candidates to professors with methods of election : 1) Candidates narrowed down by preliminary committee in advance and 2) A president elected through several elections without a prior selection of candidates. The election system remained with an expansion in the constituency even after the postwar national university system was inaugurated in 1953 which included provision for electing a president independently. In the presidential selection at that time there were only four presidents who were elected at their old universities. The internal promotion system of a president was not a common pattern given the circumstances of antagonism among faculties and the shortage of candidates eligible for president. In addition, "the principal as the professional" that was the personnel transfer route of the Ministry of Education was dismantled because of the system entitling national universities to hold an independent election for presidents. Recommendations of the Central Council for Education (1963) and University Council (1995) pointed out that nearly all presidents actually had little in the way of management skills and that elections tended to become sensational and be favorable for large-scale faculties. The election system, however, has remained in national universities even after these recommendations. The presidents of national universities selected under the postwar election system have had the following characteristics : 1) Almost all national university presidents were selected in their early 60s as they came up to forced retirement as professors of a national university, 2) The number of presidents who graduated from imperial universities or former imperial universities has decreased, and the number of inbred candidates for national universities for presidents has increased, 3) Presidents being given internal promotion have become the majority, and 4) Almost all of these presidents in the postwar period were from the faculties of medicine, technology, science, education, agriculture, or economics. The presidents of national universities have been transformed from being seen as the "president as a symbol of the university" who was a graduate of other imperial universities, which was found at the beginning of the postwar period, to the "president as a symbol of collegiality" selected from his university and well-informed about that particular university. This tendency has remained after national universities were incorporated.
著者
村上 祐介
出版者
日本教育行政学会
雑誌
日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.41, pp.70-86, 2015 (Released:2019-03-20)
参考文献数
23

This article examines issues regarding the reform of Japan's board of education system, and the new system in terms of the expertise of the educational administration. This paper focuses on the expertise of the educational administration as it relates to general administrative jobs.The findings of this paper are as follows. First, the distrust surrounding the expertise of Japan's educational administration has caused the reform of the board of education system. The discussion regarding the reform included arguments about the reinforcement of political control for the educational administration; however, I did not discuss how we could improve the expertise of the educational administration and restore the trust of the educational administration. In the new board of education system, the problems faced by the bureau of the board of education and issues concerning the expertise of the educational administration still remain unresolved.Second, it is important to examine the expertise required for general administrative jobs. In the field of education reform, there are many professional members of staff in the office. When we discuss the expertise of educational administration, we often focus on the expertise of the professional personnel, for example, superintendents or school education supervisors, etc. There are a large number of general administrative staff members in the bureaus of the board of education; however, nobody has analyzed their expertise in educational administration.Political and market control are often used to govern educational administration and schools, as well as bureaucracy. These controls sometimes influence education policies and practices; however, they often create confusion for schools, teachers, parents, and pupils. Educational bureaus require self-directing governance, and the role of general administrative jobs in the board of education is important to prevent professional personnel from being self-serving and self-enclosed.Third, this study examines how local governments in Japan hire and transfer general administrative personnel in the bureaus of the board of education. The results revealed that about a sixth of the prefectures hire general administrative staff personnel in the bureaus of the board of education separately from the governor's offices. Many of the local governments hire general administrative staff personnel in the bureaus of the board of education and the governor's office together.In the latter case, a few prefectures or big cities make some general administrative staff members put the bureaus of the board of education for many years and make them experts on educational administration. However, almost all local governments keep transferring general administrative staff members in the short term.We have little knowledge about how general administrative staff members improve their expertise in a specific area. Especially in the field of policies, which includes several professions, the expertise of the general administrative staff members tends to be underestimated. We have to conduct research on the expertise of general administrative jobs.
著者
村上 祐介
出版者
日本教育行政学会
雑誌
日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.29, pp.142-153, 2003-10-17 (Released:2018-01-09)

Personnel transfer from the central government to the local government considered to be a case of the central government controlling the local government. On the contrary, there is also the view that the local government has the initiative. However, there has been little research on this theme concerning the superintendent. This research thus aims to understand personnel transfer from the central government to the level of superintendents in all prefectures with a particular focus on showing clearly how it has changed during the period between 1956-2000. The results of the research are as follows. (1) The 1950s had many bureaucrats in the Department of the Interior. The bureaucrats of the Department of the Interior decreased in number to the 1960s, however, while the bureaucrat of the Ministry of Education increased. (2) The 1970s saw the bureaucrats of the Ministry of Home Affairs increase in number, while the bureaucrats of the Ministry of Education decreased in number. (3) The central government's bureaucrats decreased in number and the local government's bureaucrats increased in number from the end of the 1970s. This tendency continues until the present. We note the following from these results: (1) When talented people in local government increase in number, especially during the after the end of the 1970s, we often see local government's bureaucrats inaugurated as superintendents. The view that the central government controls local government cannot explain this phenomenon. Concerning the superintendent of education, in the case of personnel transfer from the central government to the local government we can see that local government has an initiative rather than it simply being a matter of the control to the central government over local government. (2) Unlike other management of local governments, in the case of the superintendent of education, the Ministry of Education needs to approve position decisions. However, the influence of this recognition system was not seen from this research. Generally, it has been thought that the influence of educational administration of the central government is very strong, compared with other levels of administration. We can now see that more research is required concerning this question. This research has been from a macro view, though, and has some limits. More results may, however, be obtained by using micro approaches.
著者
水本 徳明
出版者
日本教育行政学会
雑誌
日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)
巻号頁・発行日
no.35, pp.60-76, 2009-10-16

The micro-political perspective of schools differentiates itself from non-political perspectives in that it focuses on a diversity of purposes in school organizations whereas social systems theory focuses on a consensus among members of school organizations. It also differentiates itself from macro-political perspectives in that it recognizes conflict in schools not as a reproduction of ideological and/or interest conflict in society but as an original process in each school. There are two factors in the development of the micro-politics perspective around 1990, the theoretical and the empirical. The former is a radical change of the view on power by Foucault, and on school organization by loose coupling theory and new institutional theory. The latter is education reform based on neo-liberalism that emphasizes the neutrality of markets and management techniques in business. From the micro-political perspective a pattern of power relations has emerged as a result of the interaction of the members of an organization. As places of micro-politics in schools I examined classrooms, staffrooms, and infirmaries in Japanese schools. In classrooms students anticipate teachers' educational intentions. Some students try to meet the anticipated intentions and others refuse or ignore it, while teachers at the same time try to control students' reactions to these educational intentions. There are also identity politics related to ethnicity, sex, handicap, and so on. Students struggle to adapt to the class, enhancing their own self-esteem. Teachers try to treat students equally and yet treat some students differently according to their specific characteristics at the same time. Staffrooms are places where teachers do their jobs, take a rest, see visitors, hold meetings and so on. They are political places because their functions are not restricted and various activities meet and mix there. There are both connecting and dividing forces in staffrooms. Teachers are connected in one respect, acting in likely ways in the face of others. They are divided in another respect according to their subject or grade. Infirmaries are place where priority is given not to performance but to health, and some deviations from rules in classrooms are permitted there. Conflicts may thus occur between classroom teachers and school nurses. Not suprisingly, school nurses recently have identity problems because their roles have been broadened. School organizationa are thus a crossroads of places of micro-politics, and school management is a self-referential activity of micro-politics to control the micro-politics that occur in schools. Although conflicts in school organizations cannot always be resolved, organizational order is formed through an emergence of consensus from interaction and formal decision-making. Moreover, recently the environment of school management is so complex that micro-politics can neither be oppressed nor concealed. It is important to empower teachers and motivate them to collaborate. From such a point of view, the recent reform of school management through school evaluation and teacher appraisal may have negative effects on teacher empowerment and organizational capacity building in schools. Finally, the connection of politics inside and outside of schools is discussed. Until recently it was recognized as the interaction of macro-politics and micro-politics. But it can also be recognized as the interaction of micro-politics inside and outside of schools. An analysis of this interaction may elucidate the new realities of educational administration.