著者

広瀬 裕子

出版者

日本教育政策学会

雑誌

日本教育政策学会年報

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, pp.50-63, 2001

著者

橋本 紀子 篠原 久枝 田代 美江子 鈴木 幸子 広瀬 裕子 池谷壽夫 艮 香織 小宮 明彦 渡部 真奈美 茂木 輝順 森岡 真梨

出版者

女子栄養大学

雑誌

教育学研究室紀要 : 「教育とジェンダー」研究

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, pp.3-20, 2011-12

著者

広瀬 裕子

出版者

日本教育政策学会

雑誌

日本教育政策学会年報

巻号頁・発行日

no.8, pp.50-63, 2001-06-23

著者

広瀬 裕子

出版者

専修大学社会科学研究所

雑誌

社会科学年報 (ISSN:03899519)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, pp.193-211, 2014-03-10 (Released:2014-06-26)

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本稿は、2000 年代に日本で繰り広げられた学校の性教育に対する批判キャンペーンに対する政府対応の経緯を考察し、文部科学省の官僚的なルーティーンに徹した対応が、高揚していた性教育批判の言説を限定化する緩衝剤として機能した様子を浮き彫りにする。2002 年の国会審議から始まった学校の性教育に対する組織的な批判は、中央および地方レベルの動きが呼応する大掛かりなものであった。東京都では性教育実践に関わって行われた教員処分が訴訟にまで発展するというケースも発生した。こうした性教育に対する組織的批判は、性教育の授業実践に萎縮ムードを生んだ一方で、学校の性教育に関する初めての全国調査の企画を具体化させ、それまで明らかにされていなかった性教育実践の実態が明らかにされることにもなった。得られたデータが示すのは、学校の性教育に対する批判は必ずしも社会に広い支持を得ていたわけではないということであった。性教育の処遇の再検討を始めた文部科学省は、性教育批判を精力的に進めていた自民党を与党の動きと呼応しながらも、中教審に検討をゆだねるなど通常のルーティンに則った対応に徹し、結果的に批判を沈静化させる緩衝材として機能した。

著者

広瀬 裕子

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, pp.208-211, 2021 (Released:2023-05-13)

参考文献数

8

著者

広瀬 裕子

出版者

日本教育政策学会

雑誌

日本教育政策学会年報 (ISSN:24241474)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, pp.25-46, 2014-07-15 (Released:2017-06-23)

被引用文献数

1

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This paper inquires into the education reform case carried out using the method of New Public Management (NPM) in the London Borough of Hackney in the UK. During both the Conservative and the Labour Governments in the 1990s, education reforms with the NPM method were adopted widely. The Hackney case was an extreme case of them. The Hackney Council became the first local authority to be judged as failing in running local education, as a consequence, its power to deliver education services was removed from the Council by the central government to be transferred to a private company. Eventually, in 2002, and independent non-profit organization, the Hackney Learning Trust, took over all the power from the Council to run education, under a ten-year contract. Although the Learning Trust undoubtedly had improved the whole range of education in Hackney, the Trust was closed without extending the contract when the contract ended in 2012. The education services in Hackney were returned to the Council. In this NPM education reform case, it should be noted that the private company was not considered to be the permanent agent to deliver education in the local area, but a temporary effective operator to work intensively to recover the malfunctioning local authority. The closure of the successful Trust suggests that the Hackney case was not a simple case of NPM privatisation in educational administration, but this should be interpreted as a case of an education governance reform by the private sector in an emergency, in which the local government had lost their ability to improve their malfunctioning public services.

著者

広瀬 裕子

出版者

日本教育政策学会

雑誌

日本教育政策学会年報

巻号頁・発行日

no.21, pp.25-46, 2014-07-15

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This paper inquires into the education reform case carried out using the method of New Public Management (NPM) in the London Borough of Hackney in the UK. During both the Conservative and the Labour Governments in the 1990s, education reforms with the NPM method were adopted widely. The Hackney case was an extreme case of them. The Hackney Council became the first local authority to be judged as failing in running local education, as a consequence, its power to deliver education services was removed from the Council by the central government to be transferred to a private company. Eventually, in 2002, and independent non-profit organization, the Hackney Learning Trust, took over all the power from the Council to run education, under a ten-year contract. Although the Learning Trust undoubtedly had improved the whole range of education in Hackney, the Trust was closed without extending the contract when the contract ended in 2012. The education services in Hackney were returned to the Council. In this NPM education reform case, it should be noted that the private company was not considered to be the permanent agent to deliver education in the local area, but a temporary effective operator to work intensively to recover the malfunctioning local authority. The closure of the successful Trust suggests that the Hackney case was not a simple case of NPM privatisation in educational administration, but this should be interpreted as a case of an education governance reform by the private sector in an emergency, in which the local government had lost their ability to improve their malfunctioning public services.

著者

広瀬 裕子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本教育学会

雑誌

教育学研究 (ISSN:03873161)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.89, no.4, pp.526-538, 2022 (Released:2023-04-25)

参考文献数

36

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少数派の親の意思をどのように位置づけるかという公私二元論問題抜きに性教育論争を理解することはできない。宗教が扱ってきた「性」、また近代社会が私的なことがらとした「性」を、公教育で積極的に扱うのが性教育だからだ。教育内容のみならず性教育の実施そのものに同意できない宗教関係者などからの批判が登場して性教育論争となる。本稿では、イギリス、アメリカおよび日本の性教育論争の特徴とこの論点への対処方法を整理した。

著者

広瀬 裕子

出版者

専修大学社会科学研究所

雑誌

専修大学社会科学研究所月報 (ISSN:0286312X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.617, pp.1-36, 2014-11-20

著者

広瀬 裕子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本教育学会

雑誌

教育学研究 (ISSN:03873161)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.72, no.1, pp.15-26, 2005

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This paper analyses the compulsory school sex education introduced in 1994 in England. This system was instituted at the point when the public-private dualism was losing its effectiveness. Factors this paper examines are the role of the Family Planning Association, the nature of the Parliamentary Debates, and the Moral Right's criticism against 'permissiveness'. The findings are as follows. This system was established as a part of education reforms conducted by the Thatcher and Major governments in the 1980s and 1990s. As effective and practical sex education was required for the new system, the governments appreciated so called progressive sex education methods and contents, which had been supported by the FPA and had been severely criticized by the conservatives, especially by the Moral Right, fundamentalist Christians, for its 'permissiveness'. In spite of the criticism by the Moral Right, polls and researches showed that most parents wished school sex education. Media was also in favor of it. Since 1960s, the liberalization in society had varied people's life styles including their sexual attitudes and behaviors. This generated not only positive but also negative aspects in society including increasing numbers of single parent families, and unwanted teenage pregnancies. The request for Government's initiative to deal with these problems gradually became visible. The fear of spreading HIV/AIDS backed up this trend. The provision of sex education to all pupils was then thought to be the most effective solution to tackle these problems. As sex education is strongly valued, teaching compulsory sex education at schools is actually governmental intervention into people's values. The fundamental rule that the government should not intervene into people's values was losing its effectiveness facing the urgent problems. The reason why this thesis did not function is because its underpinning public-private dualism was losing its powers as this did not, in fact, represent the nature of modern society. The excellent analysis of Foucault's clarified that sex in modern society was not a mere personal factor located in the private world but a key factor for the comprehensive political function. According to Foucault, sex was at the pivot of the discipline of the body and the regulation of the population that constituted the two poles around which the organization of power over life was deployed. The public sphere therefore could never be indifferent to sexuality and sexuality could never function apart from society. The previous rule then should be understood as a means employed to control members of society in the assumption that individuals would voluntarily keep common values, which, of course, has proved to be an illusion. The compulsory sex education introduced in England is a good example to see the nature of sexuality and states. States will intervene into the private sphere when this does not function properly to supply disciplined members.

著者

広瀬 裕子

出版者

専修大学社会科学研究所

雑誌

社会科学年報 = The Annual bulletin of social science (ISSN:03899519)

巻号頁・発行日

no.48, pp.193-211, 2014

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本稿は、2000 年代に日本で繰り広げられた学校の性教育に対する批判キャンペーンに対する政府対応の経緯を考察し、文部科学省の官僚的なルーティーンに徹した対応が、高揚していた性教育批判の言説を限定化する緩衝剤として機能した様子を浮き彫りにする。2002 年の国会審議から始まった学校の性教育に対する組織的な批判は、中央および地方レベルの動きが呼応する大掛かりなものであった。東京都では性教育実践に関わって行われた教員処分が訴訟にまで発展するというケースも発生した。こうした性教育に対する組織的批判は、性教育の授業実践に萎縮ムードを生んだ一方で、学校の性教育に関する初めての全国調査の企画を具体化させ、それまで明らかにされていなかった性教育実践の実態が明らかにされることにもなった。得られたデータが示すのは、学校の性教育に対する批判は必ずしも社会に広い支持を得ていたわけではないということであった。性教育の処遇の再検討を始めた文部科学省は、性教育批判を精力的に進めていた自民党を与党の動きと呼応しながらも、中教審に検討をゆだねるなど通常のルーティンに則った対応に徹し、結果的に批判を沈静化させる緩衝材として機能した。

著者

広瀬 裕子

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, pp.19-36, 2015

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<p>This paper consider the issue of educational professionalism and political intervention focusing on the registration of the "School Standards and Framework Act 1998" in the UK. The paper argues that the crucial issue in the present circumstances for this theme is the institutional fatigue, and its maintenance. The paper suggests that political intervention can be an effective method to recover the institutional fatigue of the system based on educational professionalism.</p><p>The School Standards and Framework Act 1998 enabled LEAs to intervene into schools and the Secretary of State to intervene into LEAs, when they find failures there. Although the question was raised wheather this act would further enforce the power of the government, no substantial oppositions was raised in the Parliament Debates. This was because this registration intended to deal with a specific case of failure, and this intention was shared among the House members as a reasonable ultimate solution. The case was that of the London Borough of Hackney. As the local authority itself was already assessed as failing in Hackney, arguments were focused on Article 8 of the act, which gives the Secretary of State the power to take over the failing local authorities.</p><p>Hackney Council had been struggling to improve its education since the previous Conservative government revealed the troubles Hackney had in the early 1990s, but there were no significant improvements. The new Labour government, in 1997, immediately launched a series of powerful actions to support Hackney including dispatching the Hackney Improvement Team, whose recommendations, however, the Council would not implement entirely. This was the background to the introduction of Article 8 of the act.</p><p>As soon as the act was enacted, Article 8 was adapted to Hackney, and its school improvement services and its ethnic minority achievement service were taken away from the Council and transferred to a private company Nord Anglia in 1999. Three years later, in 2002, all educational services were taken away and transferred to the Hackney Learning Trust, which was a non-profit private organisation established in Hackney specifically for this purpose, with a 10-year contract. Thus, time-related powerful political intervention was employed as a tool to repair the institutional fatigue. This project has turned out to be successful.</p><p>This paper interprets this registration of the radical article and its adaptation to Hackney as an emergency method for educational governance reform, which means a governance reform adjusting custommade tools with a non-regular governance logic, but effective to recover the damage. The reason why the Hackney case was successful is because two factors: first, radical but effective tools were successfully programmed for Hackney, second, the case where the radical tools would be applied was clearly targeted and shared. Without these factors, the tools would not be effective but could cause harm, because the logic of the time-related radical tools and the actual education situation are not necessarily compatible.</p>

著者

広瀬 裕子

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, pp.19-36, 2015 (Released:2019-03-20)

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This paper consider the issue of educational professionalism and political intervention focusing on the registration of the “School Standards and Framework Act 1998” in the UK. The paper argues that the crucial issue in the present circumstances for this theme is the institutional fatigue, and its maintenance. The paper suggests that political intervention can be an effective method to recover the institutional fatigue of the system based on educational professionalism.The School Standards and Framework Act 1998 enabled LEAs to intervene into schools and the Secretary of State to intervene into LEAs, when they find failures there. Although the question was raised wheather this act would further enforce the power of the government, no substantial oppositions was raised in the Parliament Debates. This was because this registration intended to deal with a specific case of failure, and this intention was shared among the House members as a reasonable ultimate solution. The case was that of the London Borough of Hackney. As the local authority itself was already assessed as failing in Hackney, arguments were focused on Article 8 of the act, which gives the Secretary of State the power to take over the failing local authorities.Hackney Council had been struggling to improve its education since the previous Conservative government revealed the troubles Hackney had in the early 1990s, but there were no significant improvements. The new Labour government, in 1997, immediately launched a series of powerful actions to support Hackney including dispatching the Hackney Improvement Team, whose recommendations, however, the Council would not implement entirely. This was the background to the introduction of Article 8 of the act.As soon as the act was enacted, Article 8 was adapted to Hackney, and its school improvement services and its ethnic minority achievement service were taken away from the Council and transferred to a private company Nord Anglia in 1999. Three years later, in 2002, all educational services were taken away and transferred to the Hackney Learning Trust, which was a non-profit private organisation established in Hackney specifically for this purpose, with a 10-year contract. Thus, time-related powerful political intervention was employed as a tool to repair the institutional fatigue. This project has turned out to be successful.This paper interprets this registration of the radical article and its adaptation to Hackney as an emergency method for educational governance reform, which means a governance reform adjusting custommade tools with a non-regular governance logic, but effective to recover the damage. The reason why the Hackney case was successful is because two factors: first, radical but effective tools were successfully programmed for Hackney, second, the case where the radical tools would be applied was clearly targeted and shared. Without these factors, the tools would not be effective but could cause harm, because the logic of the time-related radical tools and the actual education situation are not necessarily compatible.

著者

広瀬 裕子

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, pp.33-47, 2004-10-08 (Released:2018-01-09)

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This paper clarifies the problems that the theory of the division of interna and externa is now facing. In the late 1950s, in order to criticize educational policies based on the Law Concerning the Organization and Function of Local Educational Administration, Munakata Seiya formed a theory that divided educational factors into interna (=curriculum) and externa (=conditions which are not influential to curriculum). This theory has been widely used to prohibit educational policies intervening with people's values. This theory should now be critically examined for two reasons. First is that those factors categorised in the externa realm obviously have a remarkable influence on curriculum. Recruiting teachers, planning school buildings, and arranging classrooms are clear examples. Secondly, since the late 1980s, when the report of the Ad Hoc Council on Education was introduced, practical research on educational policies has been strongly called for. This, of course, means that research cannot be carried out only with the belief that government should stay passive. In reality, the way in which public authorities treat the private sphere has been changing. The Law for the Prevention of Spousal Violence and the Protection of Victims in 2001 and some other incidents have overtly influenced this change. Troubles and suffering occurring in the private sphere are now considered to be the society's problems. If governments choose not to intervene in people's lives, certain reasons should be presented. It is also now theoretically clear that the private and public spheres are firmly linked. Marxist feminism has shown a strong linkage on the economic side, spotlighting unpaid work in the private sphere. As if compensating for feminism, research results in social history have spotlighted the linkage on the emotional side, employing the aspect of 'mentality'. Edward Shorter, highlighting 'coupling (=marriage) systems', clarifies the generation of 'modern mentality'. This mentality is found at the base of modern society and has become the core of individualism, which Laurence Stone calls 'affective individualism'. Michel Foucault elucidates the modern state as employing a panopticism that is a self-control based on an individual's will or emotion to keep themselves in social order. Other than forcing people what to do, the state wishes to discipline people to adapt themselves voluntarily to what the society requires. However, the fact is that it is not always easy for people to be emotionally stable enough to control themselves, especially in an era of freedom that allows individuals to be liberated from established values and which maintains that people should find their own values. In this context, it is plausible that the state show its concern to see to it that its members are properly 'functioning' as autonomous individuals. As for the education system, which is a key method for governments to realize their goals, the sex education program introduced in the UK in 1994 is a good example of how a government polices their concerns. Education policy should be criticized, if necessary, with regard to examining its effectiveness and not only because policy concerns values. The content of this paper is as follows. 1 The purpose of the paper 2 Questioning the treatment of the private sphere (1) Opposition to the division theory of interna and externa (2) Non-intervention as laziness (3) 'The personal is political' 3 Self-control of 'affective individuals' (1) Affective individualism (2) Self-control 4 Securing self-controlling individuals (1) Hardship of self-control (2) Educational policies concerning values 5 Conclusion

著者

広瀬 裕子 荒井 英治郎

出版者

日本教育政策学会

雑誌

日本教育政策学会年報 (ISSN:24241474)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, pp.11-28, 2018 (Released:2019-05-31)

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This paper aims 1) to summarise what kind of research has been developed under what analytical viewpoints in the last 25 years of the Japan Academic Society for Educational Policy, 2) to try to present the basic framework of education policy analysis to contribute to our future researches. The subjects of consideration are the special issue manuscripts and the submitted manuscripts from the Bulletins No.1 through No.24. Eijiro Arai was engaged in task 1), and Hiroko Hirose in task 2). Generally, the research trend was to respond to the changing natures of policies and society. However, it has also been pointed out that the theoretical framework does not catch up with the changes. It is urgent to build a fundamental framework to grasp education policies comprehensively, replacing the outdating Theory of People’s Right to Education. One of the dominant directions may be the expansion of the vision that Isao Kurosaki raised; that is the assemblage of the Sociology of Educational Administration by Munakata Seiya and the Educational Administration Theory by Eiichi Mochida. Keywords: analysis of education policies, fundamental framework, Seiya Munakata, Eiichi Mochida, Isao Kurosaki