著者

佐藤 修司

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, pp.220-223, 2022 (Released:2024-03-14)

参考文献数

5

著者

青木 栄一

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, pp.216-219, 2022 (Released:2024-03-14)

参考文献数

8

著者

常本 照樹

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, pp.168-171, 2021 (Released:2023-05-13)

参考文献数

1

著者

山下 祐介

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, pp.140-143, 2019 (Released:2020-10-02)

参考文献数

3

著者

朴澤 泰男

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, pp.137-149, 2000-10-13 (Released:2018-01-09)

被引用文献数

1

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This paper aims at darwing an inference about a function of administration on chartering private universities, from an analysis of quantitative data on capacity of private universities. Can the administrative organization (i.e.the Ministry of Education) in charge of chartering control the behaivior of private universities for expansion, by the application of the laws and regulations? This is the main problem that we try to approach in this paper. After the late 1970s, the chartering was made the means of the policy restricting the enrollment expansion of higher education. The restricting policy was stated in the Higher Education Plan, and it was tried to realize by the application of the laws and regulations on chartering. In practice, the third Higher Education Plan is the subject of this analysis to clarify the preceding problem. Sets of the regulations within the period of the third Plan are classified, and the difference of increases of the number of capacity in each types are analyzed. Findings of this analysis are as follws : About the 'ordinary' capacity (kojo-teiin), the establishment-plans that needs to be judged two years weren't restricted but that needs to be judged a year could be restricted. Establishment-plans about'ad hoc' capacity (rinji-teiin) could, too. The behaivior of private universities for expansion could be controlled to a certain degree as for increase of the number of capacity.

著者

園山 大祐

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, pp.191-194, 2018 (Released:2019-09-20)

参考文献数

5

著者

小川 正人

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, pp.2-20, 2010-10-01 (Released:2018-01-09)

被引用文献数

1

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The purpose of this paper is to consider the subjects of education expenses policies (in this paper, elementary and secondary education) of the Democratic Party Administration, reconfirming that the Governmental fiscal policies and state have a great influence on the contents of educational budgets, educational policies, and the actors' political activities in the situation before and after a change of Government. Under the former Liberal Democratic Party Administration, the range of choice of the education policies was narrowed remarkably, with educational policies pointing to efficiency against the background of a severe restriction on educational budgets and the retreat of the power of the bunkyouzoku (politicians associated with the governing party and education). The inauguration of the Democratic Party Administration became an opportunity to overcome the severe restrictions of the educational budget and the stale situation of educational policies under the administration of the Liberal Democratic Party. Enactment of a tuition-free bill for high school was a symbol of the dynamism of the education policies to be determined by the Cabinet initiative with the change of the Government. However, while national bond dependence of the country has exceeded the cautionary zone, many educational expenses policies, following the plan for free high school tuition, are faced with the problem of whether sources of revenue are securable with the subjects of a tax increase and fiscal reconstruction looming large in the public. It is thus opaque how far the Administration will continue to be able to secure educational expenses under this initiative from now on. Moreover, another concern is the educational expenses policies technique of the Democratic Party Administration. The feature of the educational expenses policies of the Administration is a conversion to a demand side (family and child) from a supply side. In order to convert the conventional supply side into a demand side, it is necessary to change the conventional rule and structure of resource allocation based on the educational condition maintenance to a new rule and structure of resource allocation suitable for the principle of "equality based on each child." However, an awareness of the issues of making the new rule and structure of resource allocation suitable for the "equality based on each child" is weak in terms of the policies of making high school tuition free and introducing child allowances which were realized first by the new Administration. Since there is no prospect of a fiscal reconstruction which includes a tax increase and revenue-and-expenditure reform or the vision of social economy reform in the policies of the Democratic Party and the new Administration, the Democratic Party and the new Administration cannot actually carry out a new view which builds new rules and a structure of resource allocation corresponding to the above-mentioned "equality based on each child." It is clear that the maintenance of educational conditions and educational fiscal administration with the feature of "the equality of a field" focused on a supply side, were based on centralization and lacked a deeper consideration of "equality based on each child.". At this point, the policy shift became focused on the demand side to be challenged by the Democratic Party Administration. It is an important subject for Japanese education. However, the choice to improve the problems of the current system by maintaining the strong points of the present educational administrative and financial system with the feature of "the equality of a field" should not be denied.

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, pp.App1, 2012-10-26 (Released:2018-01-09)

著者

大藏 雄之助

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, pp.211-213, 2005-10-14 (Released:2018-01-09)

著者

坂野 慎二

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, pp.19-36, 2013-10-11 (Released:2018-01-09)

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This paper analyzes the changes in the plans, policies, and budgets of higher education. The main knowledge is the following: 1. Higher education policies were often discussed after the proposals of the Council of Extraordinary Education in the mid-1980s. In those days, the population of high school graduates was increasing, but by the 1990s the population of graduates was decreasing. The Ministry of Education had made several plans to restrict the number of new university students and restrict the founding of universities in the big cities, but from the late 1990s the cabinet began to abolish many of these restrictions and to enable easier founding of new universities. In 2002 the Ministry of Education gave up its plan of higher education capacities. A 2005 Council of Education recommendation was that universities should be distinguished by their functions, focusing on research, professional education, liberal education, lifelong learning, and/or contributions to their regions. 2. On the contrary, the Ministry of Education requires some guarantees for the qualities of higher education. Recommendations in 2005 and 2008 by the Council of Education suggest that the universities clarify their admission, curriculum, and graduation policies. This meant that the universities were authorized to decide subjects, curricula, and so on by themselves, but it also meant that there would be stricter competition among universities. The main control retained by the government is to evaluate the universities every six years. 3. For fair competition, the universities need rules. The government decided to change the management system of the state universities. The state universities were allocated public resources but the usage was very restricted. From 2004 the state universities were reconstructed as granted universities and were permitted to decide the usage of public resources. But the amounts of the grants were reduced every year from 2006 to 2010. The management system of the state universities was thereby changed and now each university president has more authority. 4. The Ministry of Education is trying to change the roles of faculties and graduate schools. Graduate schools should be quantitatively expanded and graduates should get positions not only as researchers but also professional positions in private companies. The government believes that the expansion of post-graduate education is necessary to compete in worldwide research. In fact, the number of graduates has been increasing from ca. 90,000 in 1990 to ca. 270,000 in 2010. But many graduates can't find adequate positions. 5. The government has tried to reduce its expenditures these past 15 years. The budget for compulsory education policies has been decreasing year by year. The budget for state universities grants has been decreasing, too, while the subsidies to private universities was increasing a little in the first half of the 2000s. The data show that after the change of administration in 2009 the government provided fewer grants and subsidies for the running costs of universities, but provides more competitive subsidies to the universities that are improving the quality of research and education.

著者

井深 雄二

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, pp.104-120, 2017 (Released:2019-03-20)

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The purpose of this paper is to reexamine the “School Standard Bill” and “School Finance Bill” which were planned in the educational reform period after World War II in Japan.The main results of this research are as follows: 1. The research on the school standard bill was initiated by Taro Nakajima & Mitsui Ito. However, the origin and the date of the “Bill concerning the Standard of Curricula of Schools” that was a subject of research in their paper were unknown. In this research, I confirmed that it existed as the bill which is dated December 19th, 1949 in the “Tomejiro Atsuzawa collection”.2. Previously, the “Bill concerning the Standard of Curricula and Organization of Schools (first tentative plan)” (November 1st, 1950) was reviewed as having been created by the Ministry of Education. However, I pointed out that it was the bill which was translated as “BILL CONCERNING THE STANDARD OF CURRICULA AND ORGANIZATION OF SCHOOLS” which originated with Osborne's proposal by CIE Education Division.3. The principle of educational finance came into existence in accordance with the “Bill concerning the Local Educational Administration”. However, it was deleted in the “School Board Law”. Therefore, the problem of educational finance reform remained even after this was concluded. Regarding this case, I showed that there was an “offer” from the CIE to “specify a nationwide education standard by the law.” It then became clear that, the idea of a “School Standard bill” depended on this point.4. The Ministry of Education’s “School Finance Bill” which was planned together with the “School Standard Bill” included the theory of equal contributions from state funds and local expenditure. However, I pointed out that this was different from the principle of “Equalization Formula for the distribution of state funds” which was sought by the CIE as a way of determining the role of the state in educational finance.5. Regarding the tax and fiscal reforms, which were based on the “Report by the Shoup Mission”, the expenses for the compulsory education treasury charge were absorbed by the local finance equalization grant. Therefore, the Ministry of Education tried to make the local governments pay for the standard schooling in the “Bill concerning the Securing of Standard Expenses for Compulsory Education”. I pointed out that this fact was related to the “School Standard Bill” which was divided into “School Facilities Standard Bill” and “Bill concerning the Standards of Curricula and Organization of Schools”.6. The School Standard Bill was ultimately not submitted to the Diet. I pointed out the reasons for this : being that the “School Finance Bill” and “Bill concerning the Securing of Standard Expenses for Compulsory Education” were not put into effect.

著者

中嶋 哲彦

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, pp.53-67, 2013-10-11 (Released:2018-01-09)

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Though Japanese statesmen were apt to refrain from using the word "national strategy," it has been used frequently in political documents since about 2000. The Japanese government recognized the importance of "state reform," and determined to decide on a national strategy for the overall reform of the sate and to set up the council that would take charge of this mission. It is not accidental that these occurred almost simultaneously. The necessity of the neo-liberal reform of the state had been recognized by some of statesmen and bureaucrats in the late 1990s. Under the welfare-state regime, the economic freedoms of the monopoly capitals and the wealthy had been restricted in order to secure the minimum conditions under which the every people enjoy the healthy and cultured life. And the equal opportunity for free education is available to all people. On one hand, the securing of this equal opportunity had been requested as a human rights, while it was also the necessary condition for developing industrial capitalism, to supply the large quantities of high-quality labor forces. But, under the current conditions of globalization and international competition, many countries have been confronted with difficulties in maintaining their welfare-state regimes including the equal opportunity of education, and reforming their school systems based on the "choice and concentration" doctrine. The newly established council was named the Council on Economics and Fiscal Policy, and the Prime Minister is designated the chairperson. It functioned as the headquarters to formulate the national strategy, based on the neo-liberal ideas such as marketization, privatization, deregulation and decentralization. The educational policies formulated by the council are as follows. 1) The deregulation of various school standards, such as curriculum standard, school establishment standards, and teacher's licensing, etc.. 2) The application of the "choice and concentration" doctrine to educational funding. 3) The competition, management by object, evaluation. 4) The marketization of education, such as school management by for-profit private companies, school voucher systems, and charter schools, etc.. The Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology was assigned the task of accomplishing all these polices. But the Ministry has opposed the marketization of education since the 1990s, when the Deregulation Committee suggested the school choice policy, so the marketization of education was not carried out as planned by the Council. The reasons why the Ministry objects to the marketization of education must be examined later. Decentralization is another element of the national strategy. The more the decentralization reforms proceed, the more the governors and mayors will try to intervene in the school management and the administration of the board of education. This is another question.

著者

神林 寿幸 橋野 晶寛

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, pp.213-214, 2020 (Released:2021-10-12)

著者

末冨 芳

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, pp.133-150, 2005-10-14 (Released:2018-01-09)

被引用文献数

2

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Delegation of power from the central government to local governments or each public compulsory school is now proceeding. The Ministry of Education, therewith, has emphasized "participation" of residents and parents in community. In this article, such a situation is called educational reform with decentralization. Educational reform is interesting because an austere fiscal policy is included in this decentralization and residents participation included in education reform makes an especially powerful impact on the school. From the financial perspective, this reform may benefit from allocating a limited educational budget efficiently thorough participation of residents and parents in public schools. On the other hand, residents and parents may be used as a cheap manpower to compensate for the lack of educational resources. From a political perspective, this reform may be a good opportunity to regenerate a social network in the community and empower residents, parents and children. On the other hand, this reform may stir up conflicts between residents. In this article, methods of residents and parent's cooperative management of a public school and children's education which ensure the diversity of residential and parental membership in "participation" are examined. First, in education reform with decentralization, which emphasizes the character of parents and inhabitants as "cooperative managers," the features of recent public schools which improve the adaptability to "club goods" as set up by James Buchanan is established. Therewith, it is pointed out that the limit of the "club goods" concept is in the assumption of "homogeneous membership." In theories of social science, discussion of the assumption of "homogeneous membership" is maturing. Putnam, who insists that "participation of parents and community to school improvement" is important for education in public schools and children, emphasizes the importance of "active membership." On the other hand Selle and Stromsnes criticize Putnam because a "passive member" is important to keep political pluralism as a basis of democracy. Such discussion about "membership" is important to enable us to consider how to treat various members in collective decision-making about the cooperative management of public schools and children's education. Second, quantitative feature of "active members" and "passive members" of public elementary school parents, differences of expectation level in schools between these two membership groups and factors that influence membership are grasped. As a result of this analysis, it is clear that 19.2% of parents are "active members" (205 parents) and that 25.4% are "passive members" (270 parents). Moreover, it turns out that the "passive members" have a high concern with public schools and children's education, almost at the same level as "active members." Thirdly, the method of cooperative management of public schools and in education in terms of various memberships is considered, including treatment of "passive members."

著者

岩田 康之

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, pp.153-156, 2017 (Released:2019-03-20)

参考文献数

5

著者

大野 裕己

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, pp.190-193, 2017 (Released:2019-03-20)

参考文献数

5

著者

加地 健

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, pp.260-264, 2004-10-08 (Released:2018-01-09)

著者

佐藤 智子

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, pp.176-192, 2010-10-01 (Released:2018-01-09)

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The question is whether we should promote and practice adult education at public expense. This problem about the necessity of public adult education has been accounted for by the promotion of decentralization. We can assume two choices for putting the autonomy of citizens into practice. One is a view that we can reduce the responsibility for informal adult education because it is enough for them to learn on a voluntary basis. The other is an idea that it should be necessary for adults to have the opportunity for continuous or complementary education for the sake of democratic governance. Wide differences exist among individuals in educational achievements ; therefore, it is important for them to have enough chances to learn at any one given point in time. This paper examines empirically whether and how adult education has any possible effects for people's psychological involvement in politics as active citizenship, and then considers some policy proposals. A logistic regression analysis to confirm any effects of formal and informal education and non-formal lifelong learning on people's political engagements was made which especially focused on the degree of psychological involvement, which can be strongly affected by education. Dependent variables dealt with as cognitive variables of political engagement include the sense of political efficacy and political obligation. Independent variables are schooling, informal adult education and non-formal lifelong learning, with certain variables added about individual attribution and other social factors for control. The analysis is based on the integrated data of JGSS-2000 and JGSS-2001. The findings of this analysis are as follows : 1) The higher the level of schooling achievement, controlling for other demographic variables, the more they feel political efficacy and political obligation. 2) In addition, their experience of informal adult education courses and reading books have positive effects on psychological involvement in politics. 3) Political obligation is affected by people's participation in hobby groups and hobby-oriented educational courses besides belonging to voluntary groups. These findings demonstrate the relationship between psychological involvement in politics and participation in lifelong learning besides schooling. While the sense of political efficacy is enhanced with pragmatic and technical knowledge, the sense of political obligation is improved with academic knowledge and social networks based on various group activities. Therefore, policy proposals might be as follows : First, courses, including lectures on pragmatic and technical contents, should be instituted to lend intensive support to people who have not experienced higher education. Second, governments and public agencies should not only allow the market to provide multiple programs and courses of adult education but also to promote and support people's participation in informal educational courses and non-formal learning networks.

著者

尾崎 公子

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, pp.98-114, 2005-10-14 (Released:2018-01-09)

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The purpose of this study is to examine how the Meiji government created the code which aimed at teacher's control and developed a teacher policy in the term of preparing public education. An historical archetype in teacher control policy is extracted through historical analysis of the code formation. And its structure is made clear. Attention was paid to the "conduct" imposed on the teacher, and verified that "conduct" was the code which was inseparable from the government of the nation-atate. Then, the process whereby "conduct" became the law aimed at teacher's control and functioned was examined. The teacher's necessary condition of "conduct" was grasped as a code in order to watch his /her performance in the beginning. This point was confirmed using two cases, the senate conference and the teacher policy of Nagano Prefecture. However, "conduct" was in fact being formed as a code that prohibited a teacher's political activity, which reflected on the development of the civil rights movement. This study was meant to examine what role the Ministry of the Interior took in the creation of the teacher control code. It built up a system that watched people's behavior. That system covered not only immorality but also offenses against national affairs from the viewpoint of the maintenance of public order. As a result, the people who were concerned with the civil rights movement (jiyuminken movement) were judged not on the basis of an offense against national affairs but as "misconduct". In such a policy, consciousness was formed that the act of making a protest against the government was "misconduct". In other words, "conduct" was reconstructed and functioned as a code that was applied to not only immorality but also to political activity. Though it is a regulation code, "conduct" is being received as an everyday standard to confirm deviate behavior and to exclude it. Therefore, "conduct" made it possible to strengthen the teacher control system. To verify this point, articles of Shinano-Mainichi were taken up, and the related structure of the newspaper, police, and the educational administration were pointed out. As "conduct" imposed on the teacher was commonly stopped at the level of the society, it was never studied as a government idea. However, it is confirmed that "conduct" is inseparable from the government of the nation-state given the above considerations. The nation-state asked government officials, including teachers, to lead the conduct of people as a "standard" or "model". In other words, national agents were asked for both self-control and other-control, and its behavior was clearly directed. An individual style of control by this "conduct" code can thus be found.

著者

後藤 武俊

出版者

日本教育行政学会

雑誌

日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, pp.41-57, 2019 (Released:2020-10-02)

参考文献数

19

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This paper examines the issues concerning public support for private organizations providing opportunities for truant students, considers the limitations of previous studies, and suggests an alternative viewpoint. In this study, we focus on the characteristics of the concept of “public,” which means “common” and at the same time connotes “diversity” from the meaning of “openness.” We also focus on another aspect of “public,” which is used to justify giving or receiving public funds and support.In the first chapter, we analyzed the current conditions of truant students and private organizations giving educational services based on some national surveys in Japan. We estimated that the actual number of truant students was larger than indicated in national surveys. We also noted that those private organizations accepted many high school students and young people over 19 years old.In the second chapter, we analyzed previous studies about issues related to public support for private educational services and found two significant points. The first point was that they had tried to change the image of public education through focusing on the aspect of “diversity” in the meanings of “public,” and tried to justify public funds and support for many types of private educational services. They had also required a quality assurance system and funding system in order to nurture private organizations, not to suffocate them. The second was that they had confronted the challenges of standardization required in the process of quality assurance as publicly-funded activities. In many examples, quality assurance required many documents to be written and rules stipulated by governments to be obeyed. Then they brought about transformation of original ideas and activities in private organizations. This standardization also caused a division among private organizations in terms of whether they could receive public support or not. Considering these points, we found the limit of public support for private organizations based on the logic of “public” education, which inevitably requires having the minimum aspects of “common” education. If we recognized various types of education as public, we could not do it in case of activities that are not aiming for education directly.In the final chapter, in order to overcome the limit of “public” education, we focused on the viewpoint of “the right to exist” of students and young people who have many difficulties. They have received various kinds of support about the right to exist from private organizations, and this support sometimes includes educational activities. Focusing on this viewpoint, we could effectively encourage those organizations giving comprehensive support for students and young people who have difficulties, because we could derive public support from the two sides: one is the logic of public education and another is the logic of the right to exist. Justified by this logic, various types of organizations and activities could be recognized as public. But in order to make these organizations work as a safety net for all students and young people, we also needed to build one-stop services, which estimate the conditions of students and young people and refer them to the organization best suited to their needs and difficulties.