著者

中村 士

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.234, pp.102-105, 2005 (Released:2021-08-12)

著者

財部 香枝

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.276, pp.287, 2016 (Released:2021-01-05)

著者

海野 一隆

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.177, pp.1-14, 1991 (Released:2021-08-30)

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This article introduces cartographical studies of each region of Asia since ancient times, dividing broadly into West Asia, India, Southeast Asia, East Asia, and Inner Asia. However, the studies of Japanese cartography are so numerous that they will not be listed here, in order to keep the quantity of material at a manageable level. The discovery of a great variety of maps from archaeological excavations of ancient tombsin China was a major occurrence in the field of the history of Asian cartography after the Second World War. It caused the revision of several former theories on the history of ancient しhinese cartography. One receives the impression, however, that much Chinese research seems to be at the level of introducing their source material. Future research must aim to be a true historical study which clarifies the chronological order and the genealogical relationship of each work. Generally speaking, in the countries in Asia even the existing status of sources for cartological history has not been made clear, so we regret to have to say that their research of the history of cartography is also in an early stage

著者

中村 士

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.274, pp.53, 2015 (Released:2020-12-14)

著者

和泉 ちえ

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.178, pp.97-106, 1991 (Released:2021-08-27)

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The Mechanica reveals to us some of Aristotle's basic attitudes towards mathematica and physica. In Aristotle's division of knowledge, there seems to be a clear distinction between mathematica and physica, but in fact, these two kinds of knowledge have the common basis on Plato's five mathemata described in the Republic. Mechanical problems have something in common with both mathematica and physica, for the method is demonstrated by mathematica and its objects belong to physica Furthermore, mechanica relates closely to stereometria which Plato himself introduced in addition to the Pythagorean four mathemata, intending the reconstruction of those traditional tquadrivium, in his Republic. In the system of Aristotle's demonstrative science, mechanica connected with stereometria treats its object as a 'stereon' in motion. But in his ontology, the tstereon, means 'mathematical solid' which must be capable of perception. 'Moving stereon' means 'moving mathematical solid' and if this is restricted to the natural world, the objects of mechanica are metamorphosed into those of physica. Considering mechanica in this division of Aristotle's system, we can see the gradual transition from mathematica to physica. We recognize mechanica as the soil from which physica comes into existence.

著者

菅原 国香 板倉 聖宣

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.175, pp.136-149, 1990 (Released:2021-08-30)

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This paper deals with the historical process of the standardization of the Japanese element names by the Tokyo Kagakukai (the Chemical Society of Tokyo) in the 1880-1900. A committee for establishment of the Japanese equivalents of Western chemical terms was formed in 1881 under Tokyo Kagakukai (the predecessor of the present Chemical Society of Japan). Up to 1888 the committee members were re-elected several times. The first proposal of the Japanese nomenclature of elements by the committee was published in the journal of Tokyo Kagakukai-shi in 1886. The second proposal was published in the book of Kagaku Yakugoshu in 1891. The third proposal was published in the book of Kagaku Goi in 1900 under the newly organized committee. Placing all of the element names contained in the 1886 and 1891 proposals into four categories, we found ;(1)katakana transliterations from English; (2) katakana transliterations from German ; (3) katakana transliterations of words common to English, German and Latin ; and (4) translations of Chinese characters. If we take notice of the katakana element names, we see that the number of transliterations from English is nearly to that from German. This is the result of the circumstances involving Japanese chemists at that time, when there were both an Anglo-American school and a German school, so that both English and German element names were considered in the course of the determination of element names. On the other hand, looking at the katakana element names in the 1900 proposal, German is prior to English in the group of words where the English element names differ from the German element names. In the case of katakana transliterated element names, the use of German element names was adopted as a standard. The field of science in Japan became under the strong German influence at that time.

著者

菅原 国香 板倉 聖宣

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.173, pp.13-20, 1990 (Released:2021-09-01)

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This paper deals with the historical process of various Japanese nomenclature of elements in the 1820s-1880s in Japan. The first introduction of Lavoisier's terms of elements in Japan was seen in the Ensei Iho Meibutsuko(1822-25) which Genshin Udagawa and Yoan Udagawa compiled from Dutch pharmaceutical books. In this book the Dutch term hoofdstof or grondstof is translated into Japanese as the term genso(元素).In the book, Yoan Udagawa coined the terms sanso(酸素)suiso(水素)and tanso(炭素)for Dutch terms zuurstof, waterstof and koolstof respectively. Then, he coined the terms chisso(窒素)and enso(塩素). The present Japanese nomenclature of elements of the suffix-so(素)is based on Yoan's nomenclature. Lavoisier's new concept of elements was described in more detail in the Ensei Iho Meibutsuko-Hoi (published in 1835). Morisaburo Ichikawa proposed in the Rika Nikki (published in 1872) that the Japanese terms of all non-metals should have a common ending in-so(素).His idea of the nomencelature of all non-metals was not generally accepted, although it was favoured by a few chemists. In the late Edo era (1820s-1860s) the names of many other elements appeared as the transliterations of Chinese characters for the terms used in Western Europe. The use of the transliteration of the Japanese alphabet kana for the elements appeared in the early 1870s. The Chinese character-transliteration became generally less prevalent. The use of the new transliteration nomenclature of the kana was generally accepted by the early 1880s in the field of chemistry. The Chineses single word nomenclature of elements adopted in the Hua Xue Chu Jie ("化学初階 " published in 1870) and Hua Xue Jian Yuan ("化学鑑原 " published in 1872) was introduced into Japan in the early 1870s. But it has had little influence on the Japanese nomenclature of elements

著者

栗原 岳史

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.227, pp.140-148, 2003 (Released:2021-08-12)

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The National Science Foundation (NSF) was established in 1950 after a long debate between Harley M. Kilgore and Vannevar Bush. There is no military research division at the present NSF, but at the time both Bush and Kilgore intended to include it into the NSF. The author maintains that scientists' movement by the Federation of American Scientists (FAS) was the most important factor that the military research division was deleted from the NSF. The FAS insisted that the military should not control the Atomic Energy Commission. The FAS also thought that the military should not control scientific research activities in general. The FAS emphasized that scientific knowledge should be used for peace purposes, and considered the NSF as an alternative of military patronage. The military tried to build scientific research systems in close cooperation with Bush. The FAS criticized strongly both the military and Bush. This idea of the FAS was supported by many scientists. The NSF Bill that met requirements of the military and Bush passed the Congress, but President Truman vetoed it. In the process of amendment of the Bill, the military and Bush reluctantly accepted FAS's requirement to delete military research division from the NSF.

著者

松原 洋子

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.265, pp.21-23, 2013 (Released:2021-07-14)

著者

松野 誠也

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.282, pp.5, 2017 (Released:2021-01-10)

著者

佐藤 利夫

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.265, pp.24-28, 2013 (Released:2021-07-14)

著者

横山 雅彦

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.234, pp.65-74, 2005 (Released:2021-08-12)

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In the latter half of the twentieth century the development of Copernican studies has been highly remarkable. The author surveys from his personal point of view this development, which is divided into two periods. The first period is the time from the end of the Second World War to 1970, and the second period is the time from 1970 to the end of the last century. The year 1970 was really significant in the advance of Copernican studies, for in this very year two new learned journals relating to Copernicus began to be published at once: Journal for the History of Astronomy and Studia Copernicana. After he has pointed out some characteristic aspects of Copernican studies in these two periods respectively, the author proposes a few problems on Copernicus and his intellectual environment. Among others he emphasizes the importance of the concept of symmetria in Copernicus's new cosmology. If the role of this concept in the growth of his astronomical thought is properly recognized, the history of the Copernican Revolution will be viewed in quite a different perspective than before.

著者

藤本 大士

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.292, pp.318-333, 2020 (Released:2020-04-22)

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In 1859, some American Protestant denominations started medical missions in Japan. The medical missionaries tried to eliminate the Japanese people’s prejudice against Christianity by offering medical care and education to the local communities. In the 1870s, several young medical students and ambitious medical practitioners asked the American medical missionaries for instruction about Western medicine. The current scholarship has overlooked the work of these American medical missionaries and has narrowed its focus to the German physicians who worked at the University of Tokyo and influenced the Japanese physicians with German medicine. This paper aims to demonstrate how the American medical missionaries were appreciated in early Meiji Osaka. First, I outline the background of the American Protestant missions, which dispatched many medical missionaries in the 1870s. Second, I describe the activities of the American medical missionaries in Osaka from the 1870s until the mid- 1880s, focusing on Arthur H. Adams and Wallace Taylor from the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions and on Henry Laning from the Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States of America. Finally, I examine how these medical missionaries were engaged in the medical education of both medical students and physicians.

著者

鈴木 普慈夫

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.224, pp.221-230, 2002 (Released:2021-08-13)

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At the outbreak of the Pacific War, the Japanese army was way behind in the development of radio weapons. Therefore, when they knew American and British forces had used radio weapons, the Japanese army held a research examination of radio weapons in the department of the army ordnance. This material introduced the report in the research. The report was mainly connected with radio weapons related to airplanes and showed detailed explanations about American, British, and German conditions with regard to radars, guardradars, and induce implements, and then it emphasized the importance of radio weapons in modern wars. And let me add that the Japanese army, based on this report. summoned scholars and students, for example, Dr.Okabe in Osaka University, and succeeded in completing radars and guardradars around the autumn in 1943.

著者

隠岐 さや香

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.251, pp.129-141, 2009 (Released:2021-08-03)

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Le processus d'expertise preparatoire a l'amenagement de rivieres etait comparativement plus lent et plus decentralise dans la France du XVIII^e siecle que daps d'autres parties de l'Europe telle l'Angleterre ou l'Italie. Au milieu du siecle, ce manque de structure decisive au sein de l'administration permet a l'Academie royale des sciences de Paris de s'imposer progressivement sur ces questions, en jouant un role consultatif aupres du gouvernement sur differents projets de canaux. Cet article examinera deux de ces projets-celui du canal de Picardie et celui du canal de l'Yvette, jamais etudie pour lui-meme en histoire sociales des sciences. Tout d'abord, ces projets permettent d'observer une dynamique de concurrence entre les academiciens pour determiner la personne qui dirigera l'expertise. Ensuite, cette rivalite, qui s'explique par des milieux socio-professionnels d'origines differentes, bat son plein dans les annees 1770 notamment entre, d'une part, des personnes dotees d'un savoir-faire technique avere par leur arriere-plan institutionnel tel J.-R. Perronet du corps des Ponts et Chaussees et, d'autre part, des savants theoriciens tels D'Alembert et Condorcet. Chacun adopte une approche differente du probleme: une tentative mathematiquement plus elementaire mais plus pratique et qui permettra la decouverte de la formule de Chezy pour les techniciens, ou bien une combinaison entre analyse et experimentation hydraulique pour les mathematiciens. Mais au-dela d'une simple opposition binaire, on montrera comment le cas du projet du canal de l'Yvette correspond plutot a l'apparition d'une nouvelle division du travail entre les savants theoriciens et techniciens dans les annees 1780.

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.271, pp.329, 2014 (Released:2020-12-09)

著者

金 凡性

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.225, pp.11-19, 2003 (Released:2021-08-13)

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This paper investigates a feature of early modern Japanese seismology from the viewpoint of what I call "meteorological seismology." Fusakichi Omori (1868-1923) is one of the founders of Japanese modern seismology. The seismological research of his period has been described by scholars such as Yoichiro Fujii(1967) and Takahiro Hagiwara (1982) as "statistical seismology." In this paper, I would like to focus on the meteorological studies of earthquakes from the late 19^ <th> century to the interwar period, which are not well known. Hoping to contribute to the question of "when do the earthquakes break out," Omori, with some knowledge in meteorology, analyzed the relationship between earthquakes and meteorological phenomena, using atmospheric pressure in particular. His "meteorological approach" had its origin in his instructors' era since they regarded meteorology as their model in both disciplinary aim and methodology. Some of Omori's colleagues followed his tactics seriously even after the Great Kanto Earthquake of 1923, although it is said that after this earthquake there was a methodological turn to basic (geo) physics. I argue that the desire to predict when the earthquakes occur manifested itself in "meteorological seismology" and would like to shed some light on the environment in which this research program subsequently evolved.

著者

和田 正法

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.287, pp.186-200, 2018 (Released:2021-01-24)

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The Imperial College of Engineering (ICE, or Kōbu-Daigakkō) in Tokyo, founded in 1873 under the auspices of the Ministry of Public Works, was one of the most prominent modern institutions of engineering education in early Meiji Japan. The college offered seven (later eight) courses in engineering. A total of 211 students graduated from ICE in seven times commencements during 13 years of operation until its merger with the contemporary University of Tokyo in 1886. Historians have recognized that ICE offered better engineering education than other colleges, such as the University of Tokyo and the succeeding Imperial University, because ICE offered higher-level practical training under governmental enterprises. Focusing on the closure of ICE, this paper reappraises its educational role in Meiji Japan. It shows that the government established ICE not because of the demand from industry, but to train engineers and professors to substitute for foreign employees, a process that was largely complete by around 1882. At the same time, there were two major failings in the educational system: (i) Higher educational institutions were completely separated from lower schools. The level of the original curriculum of ICE was too high to recruit capable candidates. (ii) Meiji Japan lacked a comprehensive plan for technical education. The government totally ignored the training of foremen and technicians. Given these two shortcomings of the Meiji educational system, ICEʼs superiority was insignificant. Facing financial difficulties, the government had no choice but to close it.

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.299, pp.199, 2021 (Released:2022-08-01)

著者

相馬 尚之

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.296, pp.311-326, 2020 (Released:2021-10-06)

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This paper discusses the significance of the novels included in the German author Hanns Heinz Ewersʼ (1871–1943) popular science book Ameisen (The Ants, 1925). After World War I, the destruction of the existing social norms led scientists and novelists to engage in the research of social insects. Ewers, a best-selling author during the period from the end of the nineteenth century to the interwar period, wrote a book about ants to criticize modern science, which had become so professionalized and jargon-laden that laypeople did not understand it. The peculiarity of Ewersʼ work lies in three &quotmyrmecomorphic" novels that transplanted the behaviors of ants into human society. This paper focuses on two of those three novels, Jungfernzeugung? (Parthenogenesis) and Armer Freddy (Poor Freddy), and clarifies how these fantasy novels function as satire on scientists. In Jungfernzeugung?, for example, Ewers mixed a traditional motif and the newest scientific accomplishment: succubus and parthenogenesis in sea urchins. Through this mixture of literary and scientific imaginations, he attached a (pseudo-)scientific explanation to the old myth and strong suspicion to the exactness of science. Ewersʼ myrmecomorphism not only satisfied the curiosity of the masses but also exposed how the latest study of biology was full of analogical thoughts and social ideologies. Through its excessive obscenity and curious resonances, which aligned with the trend in biologism-especially with the scientific worldview expressed by monists like Ernst Haeckel (1834–1919)-Ewersʼ myrmecomorphism revealed the hidden cultural aspects, such as misogyny and homophobia, in exact natural science.