著者

喜多 千草

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.247, pp.161-164, 2008-09-25

著者

肱岡 義人

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.226, pp.88-100, 2003-06-25

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Going against chemical tradition, Becher using a cosmological-geological approach focussed his attention on mineral bodies and fixed peculiar Principles that were water and three Earths. It is not certain that his new Principles had any important historical values. But his hierarchical structure of matter that consisted of Principles, composite and decomposita, and his chemical mixture theory that mixture of bodies of lower order formed new bodies of higher order were his original ideas and not realized by other iatro-chemists of those days. These two ideas were to some extent imaginary and not clearly demonstrated. Nevertheless, it is important that he found two levels of composita and decomposita among matters that were actually handled by human's hands. Of course chemists had often made plural matter interact mutually to obtain new bodies. But until then it was generally believed that real existing bodies were produced by a mixture of imagined Principles and were reduced again into original Principles. The above mentioned assumptions of Becher managed to combine the chemical activities of handling actual bodies with the consideration of chemists about how matter changed and by doing so, prepared the basic conditions for understanding real matter phenomena without imaginary suppositions. Up to now. historians of chemistry have only Daid attention to Becher's 'terra pinguis' in relation to the phlogiston theory of Stahl. However, Becher's idea of the hierarchical structure of matter and his mixture theory may have contributed to the modernizing of chemistry. Therefore, they would contribute to the development of chemistry in the following age. We will discuss this point when the chemistry of Stahl is examined.

著者

長岡 一夫

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.203, pp.169-175, 1997-09-29

著者

溝畑 典宏

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.237, pp.70-72, 2006-03-28

著者

中川 保雄

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 第(0xF9C2)期 (ISSN:00227692)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.157, pp.20-33, 1986-05

被引用文献数

1

---

It has been asserted that the investigations of atomic bomb radiation effects in Hiroshima and Nagasaki were conducted in the high traditions of scientific inquiry. These scientific data has been used for the assessments of the radiation effects from nuclear wars and for the risk estimation of low level radiation. However, the investigator for acute radiation effects was the U. S. Armed Forces Joint Commission, and then the Atomic Bomb Casualty Commission was founded by the request of the Surgeons General of U. S. Army and U. S. Navy. The Japanese scientists who worked under the control of U. S. officers had been engaged in the survey after the dropping of the atomic bombs in Hiroshima and Nagasaki, which had formed a link in the chain of the survey by the scientists who had worked for development of Japanese atomic bomb. The conclusions from the investigations by the U. S. Armed Forces Joint Commission and ABCC were derived from the following underestimations: 1) Among a variety of acute radiation syndrome, only epilation and purpura were designated specific symptoms of the acute radiation injuries. Other injuries such as fatigue, fever, anorexia and vomiting and so on were excluded from acute radiation ones. 2) Data of acute deaths in relation to the distance from the ground zero were also understimated on a basis of underrating of radiation injuries. The threshold dose of 100R for acute radiation death was a result of these underestimations. 3) The threshold dose of 25R for radiation injuries was derived quantitatively from the animal experiment during the Manhattan Project and adapted to the survivors in Hiroshima and Nagasaki to deny the radiation injuries among the people who were exposed out of 2 km from the ground zero where the atomic radiation dose was estimated about 20R. But that animal experiment of the reduction of lymphocite from X-ray dose showed that there was no threshold at 25R, but the effect could be found far below the value. The important results of acute deaths and acute injuries from atomic radiation exposure in Hiroshima and Nagasaki have been based on a number of underestimations of radiation effects. These underestimations were in connection with the American nuclear strategy in those days for monopolizing nuclear weapons, preparing nuclear wars, and developing commercial uses of nuclear power. The assessments of the radiation effects from nuclear wars and the risk estimation from low level radiation, which were based on the investigations of acute radiation effect in Hiroshima and Nagasaki, should be reexamined.

著者

中川 保雄

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.157, pp.20-33, 1986-05-15

被引用文献数

1

---

It has been asserted that the investigations of atomic bomb radiation effects in Hiroshima and Nagasaki were conducted in the high traditions of scientific inquiry. These scientific data has been used for the assessments of the radiation effects from nuclear wars and for the risk estimation of low level radiation. However, the investigator for acute radiation effects was the U. S. Armed Forces Joint Commission, and then the Atomic Bomb Casualty Commission was founded by the request of the Surgeons General of U. S. Army and U. S. Navy. The Japanese scientists who worked under the control of U. S. officers had been engaged in the survey after the dropping of the atomic bombs in Hiroshima and Nagasaki, which had formed a link in the chain of the survey by the scientists who had worked for development of Japanese atomic bomb. The conclusions from the investigations by the U. S. Armed Forces Joint Commission and ABCC were derived from the following underestimations: 1) Among a variety of acute radiation syndrome, only epilation and purpura were designated specific symptoms of the acute radiation injuries. Other injuries such as fatigue, fever, anorexia and vomiting and so on were excluded from acute radiation ones. 2) Data of acute deaths in relation to the distance from the ground zero were also understimated on a basis of underrating of radiation injuries. The threshold dose of 100R for acute radiation death was a result of these underestimations. 3) The threshold dose of 25R for radiation injuries was derived quantitatively from the animal experiment during the Manhattan Project and adapted to the survivors in Hiroshima and Nagasaki to deny the radiation injuries among the people who were exposed out of 2 km from the ground zero where the atomic radiation dose was estimated about 20R. But that animal experiment of the reduction of lymphocite from X-ray dose showed that there was no threshold at 25R, but the effect could be found far below the value. The important results of acute deaths and acute injuries from atomic radiation exposure in Hiroshima and Nagasaki have been based on a number of underestimations of radiation effects. These underestimations were in connection with the American nuclear strategy in those days for monopolizing nuclear weapons, preparing nuclear wars, and developing commercial uses of nuclear power. The assessments of the radiation effects from nuclear wars and the risk estimation from low level radiation, which were based on the investigations of acute radiation effect in Hiroshima and Nagasaki, should be reexamined.

著者

高橋 憲一

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.246, pp.121-124, 2008-06-25

著者

SHEYNIN Oscar

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

Historia scientiarum. Second series : international journal of the History of Science Society of Japan (ISSN:02854821)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, no.2, pp.168-175, 2001-11-25

参考文献数

36

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I am dwelling on Bessel's indirect conflict with Gauss over the adjustment of triangulation, a subject overlooked by Biermann and other commentators, e.g., May. I begin by touching on Biermann's paper who discussed the relations between the two scholars and provide my own relevant material in §§3 and 4. I also have to explain the two main patterns of adjusting geodetic measurements (§2), and to formulate some conclusions and offer additional related considerations (§5). Finally, §6 is devoted to several new unexpected dramatis personae.

著者

KONAGAYA Daisuke

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

Historia scientiarum. Second series : international journal of the History of Science Society of Japan (ISSN:02854821)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, no.1, pp.43-58, 2002-07-30

参考文献数

29

---

Max Planck(1858-1947) introduced energy quanta into his radiation theory in December 1900. Energy quanta, together with Albert Einstein's theory of relativity, heralded the beginning of today's physics. Although Planck differed from Einstein in being a completely classical physicist, he successfully introduced this non-classical conception into his theory. Why was it that Planck had worked out it in his heat radiation theory? In order to approach this question, we will focus on the formulation of the "electromagnetic entropy" of a resonator in the theory and argue Planck's method of radiation theory had both inductive and deductive aspects. His method was inductive because he always defined the formula of entropy so that the experimentally confirmed spectral distribution law of radiation energy could be derived from it, and also deductive because he derived some important mathematical formulas from classical electromagnetic and thermodynamic theories. The method was different from those of other researchers on heat radiation at the time, those of not only theoretical but also experimental physicists. Planck did take the original theoretical induction of the entropy concept from experimental results and derive his radiation law. The present article first outlines the paper Planck presented on May 18, 1899, focusing on how he treated the entropy formula. It then reconsiders the origin of the formula for entropy as postulated in previous studies, concluding with a discussion of Planck's radiation research method and its historical significance.

著者

瀬戸口 明久

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.235, pp.163-164, 2005-09-27

著者

猪野 修治

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.233, pp.52-54, 2005-03-25

著者

石橋 悠人

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.246, pp.85-94, 2008-06-25

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This paper aims to demonstrate institutional characters of the Board of Longitude for the purpose of examining the relationship between science and polity in the 18th century Britain. In 1714, British parliament established the Longitude Act and appointed Commissioners of the Board who were experts familiar with navigation, astronomy, and geography. Their main role was improving navigational science, especially achieving the practical solution for finding the longitude at sea. The Board as a scientific institution had close relations to two public bodies: the Parliament and Royal Navy. The Parliament financed the Board and rarely intervened into or controlled their activities. Nevertheless, the determinations which parliament made were obviously priority to the Board's, accordingly only through the parliamentary act, its reorganization could be carried out. Several scientific activities of the Board were operated for the service of the Royal Navy : introducing newly invented methods for finding the longitude and navigational instruments, transferring geographical knowledge, and cooperating actively for the voyages of discovery to the Pacific ocean and Arctic. It is well known that until second half of the 19th century, British government seldom patronized scientific activities and organizations. The example of the Board presents that from second half of the 18th century on, however, the state had put huge public money into scientific projects related to navigation, commerce, and exploration.

著者

我孫子 誠也

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, no.216, pp.211-216, 2000-12-25

被引用文献数

1

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There are two versions of the Japanese text of Einstein's "Kyoto Address." One is the original text by Jun Ishiwara, the physicist-colleague and translator of Einstein's, and the other is its revised version by one of Ishiwara's sons. It is pointed out that the existing English versions of the "Kyoto Address" are made by the translation from the revised version, which is somewhat different from the original. The other point made is related with the argument by Ryoichi Itagaki that the description in Kyoto Address on Einstein's knowledge of Michelson's experiment should be regarded as written in the subjunctive mood and does not correspond to the reality. But, this interpretation is against Ishiwara's own text and also to Einstein's own love letter to Maric in 1899.

著者

古川 安

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.231, pp.188-189, 2004-09-28

著者

河村 豊 田中 浩明 山口 直樹 矢島 道子 常石 敬一 加藤 茂生 山崎 正勝

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.229, pp.45-56, 2004-03-25

被引用文献数

1

著者

本間 栄男

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.229, pp.31-34, 2004-03-25

被引用文献数

1

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During the collaboration of Beeckman and Descartes, the young Frenchman wrote a short treatise on the "paradox of hydrostatics" which comes from Simon Stevin's work. It is certain that Beeckman brought forward the paradox before him. In this note I show its origin in Beeckman's Journal. I follow the sequence of references in his text to Stevin's and find the very theorem of "hydrostatical paradox". I also refer to the importance of hydrostatics for Beeckman, because he thought a hydrostatical pressure model of the gravitation or attraction which is the central problem in his natural philosophy. At the end of their collaboration they thought falling body problem. This problem must give them another problem about the cause of gravitation. I think that in the course of explaining it they came upon the paradox.

著者

杉本 舞

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.243, pp.145-154, 2007-09-26

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C. E. Shannon formalized the concept of "the amount of information" and presented its formula H=-&Sigma;^n_<i=1> p_i log p_i in 1940s, mainly in his paper "A Mathematical Theory of Communication". His way of study had two progressive characteristics. Firstly, Shannon applied probability theory into his measure of information, which is more mathematically abstract and fruitful than those formalized by his precedent engineers, H.Nyquist and R.V.L.Hartley. By Shannon's expression it has been possible to measure "redundancy" and even "equivocation" which is the amount of lost information on the channel by using Bayesian probability. Secondly, Shannon regarded the discrete channel as the fundamental case and the continuous channel as its application, in spite of the fact that a continuous type was usually dealt as a basis at that time. In this point, his study of the cryptography affected his communication theory. In 1940s Shannon conducted researches on the communication theory as well as the cryptography simultaneously. Indeed "A Mathematical Theory of Communication" (1948) and his unpublished paper "The Mathematical Theory of Cryptography" (1945) have a lot of similar descriptions about the amount of information. Namely, Shannon's concept of information was influenced by both the preceding results on the communication theory and his own research on the cryptography. Boltzman's H formula seems to bear a close resemblance to Shannon's one, but any descriptions showing some direct relations between them have not been found.

著者

猪野 修治

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.235, pp.161-163, 2005-09-27

著者

平岡 隆二

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.246, pp.95-111, 2008-06-25

被引用文献数

1

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In 1593-94, a Spanish Jesuit Pedro Gomez (1533-1600) completed his tripartite textbook for use by students preparing for the priesthood at Jesuit colleges in Japan. Its first part, De sphaera (On the Sphere), is well known as the first full-scale presentation of Western cosmology in Japan. However, it has been rarely noted that its third part, Compendium catholicae veritatis (Compendium of Catholic Belief), which treats theology, also contains such technical astronomical data as the dimension of the heavens. Comparison of Compendium's data with those seen in astronomy books in contemporary Europe has shown that some of the numerical values in fact correspond to those of a famous Jesuit mathematician Christoph Clavius (1537-1612), whose influence on De sphaera has already been indicated. This paper, while providing a modern Japanese translation of the related chapter in Compendium, first investigates the derivation of the data and, second, examines whether it influenced similar data seen in Kenkon Bensetsu (A Discussion on the Heavens and the Earth with Critical Commentaries) and its variant copy Tenmon Biyo (Compendium for Astronomy), both composed in the mid 17th century and attributed to the apostate Portuguese Chuan Sawano (Christovao Ferreira, ca.1580-1650).

著者

山口 直樹

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.230, pp.120-123, 2004-06-25