著者

菊池 重郎

出版者

日本英学史学会

雑誌

日本英学史研究会研究報告

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1966, no.45, pp.a1-a8, 1966

著者

庭野 吉弘

出版者

日本英学史学会

雑誌

英学史研究 (ISSN:03869490)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1993, no.25, pp.25-37, 1992 (Released:2009-10-07)

参考文献数

12

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Lafcadio Hearn translated a number of 19th century French literary works into English while he was a journalist in New Orleans in North America. His translations include the works of Guy de Maupassant, Emile Zola, Theophile Gautier and Anatole France among others. He is said to have translated over three hundred works. A large number indeed, and we can begin to understand how enthusiastically he put his energies into translations of French literature while at the same time still working as a journalist. In a sense, Hearn was the pioneer introducer of contemporary French literature, as it was he that first translated and introduced the works of Théophile Gautier, Piere Roti and Anatole France to the American literary scene. Yet when we read today of American literary history, we will rarely come across the name of Lafcadio Hearn as an author, or as having played any important role in the translation and introducing of.19th century French literature. The achievement of Hearn's work in this field should be studied further and properly evaluated within the scope of American literary history. In this paper, I have focussed on this aspect of Hearn's theory and practice of translation of French literature.Hearn wrote several articles on translation, and one of them, “For the Sum of 25” which appeared in “Times-Democrat” (1882/9/24), helps us most in understanding his ideas on translation. He know how difficult it was to translate a literary work from one language to another, however, he went about it anyway relying on his own sense of words and style and taste for literature. The article, “For the Sum of 25” shows us in detail how literary translation should be carried out according to him, and points out the short-comings of the then current translations of French literature by offering practical examples by other translators.In order to understand his thoughts and test his methods, I arbitrarily picked up his translation of Guy de Maupassant's work “La Mere Sauvage” and made a study of it from the viewpoint of translation technique and language sense as well as comparing it with the original French text. I also used the contemporary translation (Penguin Books version) done by Roger Colet to compare with that of Lafcadio Hearn. Through this verification process, I could begin to discover his practical techniques of translation and I presume that these techniques might have something to do with his method of creative adaptation of diverse local stories from particular parts of the world including Japan, China, India, Egypt and so on.For Hearn, the translation of French literature was not just a whimsical pastime or a diversion from his work as a journalist. It was more than a sort of self-disciplined training to improve his own writing and in so doing, create a more sophisticated writing style.

著者

小山 騰

出版者

日本英学史学会

雑誌

英学史研究 (ISSN:03869490)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1995, no.27, pp.75-87, 1994 (Released:2010-01-27)

参考文献数

41

---

Arthur Morrison (1863-1945) is known as an English novelist who described the lives of the poor in the East End of London realistically around the turn of the century. His major works are “Tales of Mean Streets”, “A Child of the Jago”, “The Hole in the Wall”, etc. Although Morrison never went to Japan, he was also a keen collector and scholar of Japanese art (Japanese woodcut prints and paintings). Morrison wrote “The Painters of Japan” in 1911 which was regarded as indispensable contribution to Japanese art studies for around fifty years. His collections of Japanese prints and paintings which his studies of Japanese art were based upon have become parts of Japanese art collections at the British Museum. This essay examines how Arthur Morrison developed his interests and studies on Japanese prints and paintings through the contacts with Japanese people in London, such as Kumagusu Minakata, Kanzan Shimomura, Tokuboku Hirata and his friendship with W. E. Henley, Harold Parlett, Laurence Binyon. This essay also focuses on what Morrison gained personally from his studies of Japanese art, particularly Japanese prints (Ukiyoe) and his contacts and friendship with Japanese people in London. Through my study of Morrison's analogy between the Ukiyoe painters in the history of Japanese art and himself as regards their subjects, methods, etc., it can be concluded that Morrison might have received stronger influence from Japanese art than what is usually thought.

著者

高梨 健吉

出版者

日本英学史学会

雑誌

英学史研究 (ISSN:03869490)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1989, no.21, pp.113-127, 1988

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The legend of Urashima is told in English by several writers. The legend itself has been handed down in several versions. The earliest attempt at introducing this Japanese folk tale to English readers was made by B. H. Chamberlain, when he translated a poem on Urashima from the <i>Manyoshu</i>, the earliest Japanese anthology.<br>His translation was not a prose, but a poem after the manner of an English ballad, which is a favorite style with the English people in reciting the medieval legends. English and Japanese are quite different languages with almost antipodal characters. He believed that the Japanese poetry could be better understood by English readers when rendered in English poetic style. His early translations, including &ldquo;Urashima&rdquo;, was literary, but later his taste changed. He was no longer satisfied with the liberal translation. He wanted to be strictly faithful to the original text.<br>He wrote for English boys and girls four Japanese fairy tales, one of which is &ldquo;Urashima.&rdquo; It is adapted from a popular version of the fisher boy Urashima.

著者

吉田 ゆき

出版者

日本英学史学会

雑誌

英学史研究 (ISSN:03869490)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1983, no.15, pp.77-92, 1982 (Released:2009-09-16)

参考文献数

73

---

Before the Educational System was put in force in 1872, a few public or private educational institutions for English studies had made their starts in various districts. In this state of affairs, National Schools for Foreign Languages were founded in March 1874. These schools, which were renamed “National English Schools” in December that year, were under the direct control of the Ministry of Education. Each school was set up at the seat of the administrative office of each Major School Area. They followed the same intention and school regulations, and were kept with the Government expenditure, not with the prefectural expenses, while in certain cases they took their own separate ways because of different circumstances in their respective prefectures.National Niigata English School was established at Niigata Town (an administrative division in the early years of the Meiji Era); there its port had already been opened in 1868. The opening naturally led to the founding of such an English school in 1869. Though unfortunately Niigata proved to be an unprosperous international trade port after 1871, the prefectural authorities gave protection to such schools of this kind. In 1874 there coexisted National Niigata English School and Niigata School established by the prefecture in 1873. As most of school subjects were taught in English in the latter as well as in the former, these two schools were similar in their character. This similarity may have made it easier for the latter, after the reform of curriculum in 1876, to unify the former when it was closed.The history of education has generally regarded a national English school as the predecessor of the preparatory course for a national university and the foundation of higher education in the province. This paper is going to describe how the Government teaching institution for English studies lived a short life in the provincial environments and exerted some significant influences on its followers.

著者

福鎌 達夫

出版者

日本英学史学会

雑誌

日本英学史研究会研究報告

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1966, no.64, pp.1-8, 1966

著者

中川 良和

出版者

日本英学史学会

雑誌

英学史研究 (ISSN:03869490)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1983, no.15, pp.113-123, 1982

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Upon his arrival in Japan in early 1895, Dr. B. C. Northrop (1817-1898) received an unforeseen warm welcome. The Japanese had not forgotten the old man who had never stopped working for newly-opened Japan as an introducer of Dr. David Murray and Dr. William Clark, a proposer for the return of the Shimonoseki indemnity fund and a friend of Japanese youths in the U. S.<BR>Thanks to the late Mr. Shunichi Kuga's pursuits made with worldwide collaborators, we can now look on Northrop as a man with another title of the founder of School Arbor Day here. Believing that about Northrop, like other'unemployed' foreigners, there are still more stories to tell, I tried to reassess him through newly-found materials, chiefly local papers and magazines in both languages, and was lucky enough to pick up some data, which, I hope, will cast a little more light on Northrop studies.<BR>This paper chiefly concerns : <BR>1. The content and background of his lectures both in Tokyo and in Kyoto<BR>2. His concerns over our new educational system<BR>3. His life on both sides of the Pacific and especially his friends (American and Japanese) who helped him introduce the true pictures of School Arbor Day Movement.

著者

皆川 三郎

出版者

日本英学史学会

雑誌

英学史研究 (ISSN:03869490)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1980, no.12, pp.87-110, 1979-09-01 (Released:2009-09-16)

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Those captains and admirals like Haw kins, Drake, Raleigh, Lancaster, Frobisher, Michaelborne, brothers Middleton who did much for their country are recorded in the annals of history with words of high praises for their courage and daring exploits, but the common sailors of low rank are ignored even by historians. The latter were, in a sense, human resources, or rather the articles of consumption on which the British empire was built up. No matter what were their motives of going to sea, they were doomed to oblivion soon after their death. Such consideration of them awakened my interest in and sympathy with them.Thanks chiefly to the good offices of Mr. A. J. Farrington of the India Office Library and Records, who is a British member of our Society, I was able to get as many as forty-seven wills of the sailors including two officers, one of whom being Sir James Lancaster. As I follow these wills according to the chronological order, I feel like being brought into direct and living contact with them, and I learn at first hand how they looked at life, what were their religious ideas and human relations, what hardships they suffered, what were the things in which they were most interested, what were their physical and economic conditions.I have translatd into Japanese these wills that I have in hand, and put some comments on them for information of readers who may care to know about the sailors who, ninety out of one hundred, were “sicke of bodie” on the very eve of going “down to the seas again, to the lonely sea and the sky.”

著者

池田 哲郎

出版者

日本英学史学会

雑誌

英学史研究 (ISSN:03869490)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1976, no.8, pp.159-173, 1975-09-30 (Released:2009-09-16)

参考文献数

15

著者

川村 ハツエ

出版者

日本英学史学会

雑誌

英学史研究 (ISSN:03869490)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1994, no.26, pp.1-16, 1993

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It was in 1888 that<I>THE OLD BAMBOO-HEWER'S STORY</I> (Taketorimonogatari) was translated into English for the first time and published in London by F. V. Dickins. Eight years later, in 1906, he revised it completely and included it in his<I>PRIMITIVE & MEDIAEVAL JAPANESE TEXTS</I>. In the preface he wrote, &ldquo;I desire here to acknowledge my great indebtedness to the writings of Dr. Aston, Prof. B. H. Chamberlain, Dr. Karl Florenz and Sir Ernest Satow : to my friend, Mr. Minakata Kumagusu.&rdquo; <BR>Kumagusu stayed in London from 1892 to 1900. During his stay, he met F. V. Dickins, then registrar of University of London. According to Kumagusu's diary, Dickins showed him his translation of<I>TAKETORIMONOGATARI</I>and asked for his opinion. On reading it, Kumagusu criticised it severely from his point of view as a Japanese. The diary says Dickins got very angry, because he was proud of his rendering. However, Dickins accepted Kumagusu's helpful advice. It took him eight years to revise it thoroughly. This shows that Dickins was fascinated by the story of Kaguyahime, simple, graceful and genuinely Japanese.

著者

西岡 淑雄

出版者

日本英学史学会

雑誌

英学史研究 (ISSN:03869490)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1992, no.24, pp.43-54, 1991

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When G. F. Verbeck came over to Nagasaki in 1859, Junjiro Hosokawa had returned home after four years' study at Nagasaki from 1854 through 1857.<BR>But Hosokawa is sometimes reported to have been taught by Verbeck. I don't think that Hosokawa was a regular student of Verbeck at Nagasaki, but according to my investigation they may have got acquainted with each other introduced by Junsetsu Kasado in 1865, when Hosokawa visited Nagasaki for a short time.<BR>Junsetsu Kasado was a herb doctor with whom Hosokawa had been boarding during his study period, and he was in good terms with Verbeck and other missionaries through books written in Chinese and was supposed to have taught Japanese to them.<BR>In 1869 Verbeck went up to Tokyo and was employed by the government. He taught at Kaiseigakko, predecessor of the present Tokyo University, and also worked at various Government offices translating foreign documents and giving advice to Japanese officers.<BR>Hosokawa and Verbeck were often in the same office. They translated and published books such as &ldquo;Kaiin Hitsudoku&rdquo; (Procedures of meetings), &ldquo;The Parliament of Germany&rdquo;, and &ldquo;Legal Maxims&rdquo;.<BR>When Hosokawa was a member of the committee for compiling the manuscript of constitution at Genro-in, Verbeck was also an advisor for the committee. They were co-workers in various important jobs of the government at the early Meiji period. But further investigation is to be expected as they did not make their diary or memoirs public.

著者

吉武 好孝

出版者

日本英学史学会

雑誌

英学史研究 (ISSN:03869490)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1973, no.5, pp.1-22, 1972-04-30 (Released:2009-09-16)

著者

玉井 美枝子

出版者

日本英学史学会

雑誌

英学史研究 (ISSN:03869490)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1986, no.18, pp.115-127, 1985-11-01 (Released:2010-02-22)

被引用文献数

1

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Chaucer's Canterbury Tales was already imported to Japan in the 3rd year of Genwa (1617) as noted by Richard Cocks in his diary during his stay in Japan. So, it is said that The Canterbury Tales is the first flower of English literature in Japan.In 1917, 300 years later, The Canterbury Tales was translated into Japanese completely by Kenji Kaneko.In this thesis, I gave careful consideration to the value of Kaneko's Japanese translation of The Canterbury Tales through his attitude towards it, the process of accomplishing his work, some book reviews in those days and the differences in the styles of each of the four versions.

著者

水野 義一

出版者

日本英学史学会

雑誌

英学史研究 (ISSN:03869490)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1972, no.4, pp.91-103, 1972

著者

西岡 淑雄

出版者

日本英学史学会

雑誌

英学史研究 (ISSN:03869490)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1992, no.24, pp.43-54, 1991-10-01 (Released:2010-02-22)

参考文献数

18

---

When G. F. Verbeck came over to Nagasaki in 1859, Junjiro Hosokawa had returned home after four years' study at Nagasaki from 1854 through 1857.But Hosokawa is sometimes reported to have been taught by Verbeck. I don't think that Hosokawa was a regular student of Verbeck at Nagasaki, but according to my investigation they may have got acquainted with each other introduced by Junsetsu Kasado in 1865, when Hosokawa visited Nagasaki for a short time.Junsetsu Kasado was a herb doctor with whom Hosokawa had been boarding during his study period, and he was in good terms with Verbeck and other missionaries through books written in Chinese and was supposed to have taught Japanese to them.In 1869 Verbeck went up to Tokyo and was employed by the government. He taught at Kaiseigakko, predecessor of the present Tokyo University, and also worked at various Government offices translating foreign documents and giving advice to Japanese officers.Hosokawa and Verbeck were often in the same office. They translated and published books such as “Kaiin Hitsudoku” (Procedures of meetings), “The Parliament of Germany”, and “Legal Maxims”.When Hosokawa was a member of the committee for compiling the manuscript of constitution at Genro-in, Verbeck was also an advisor for the committee. They were co-workers in various important jobs of the government at the early Meiji period. But further investigation is to be expected as they did not make their diary or memoirs public.

著者

本井 康博

出版者

日本英学史学会

雑誌

英学史研究 (ISSN:03869490)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1988, no.20, pp.123-135, 1987

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Though Yasujiro Shimizu paid indispensable roles in the history of English studies in modern Japan, he still remains unknown to us.<BR>This report intends to introduce him as clearly as possible, casting a light on his young days, especially when he was employed as a teacher at Doshisha and Naniwa-Joggako (now Osaka-Jogakuin).<BR>Firstly, he was an early member of Osaka Church, having an intimate acquaintance with Rev. Paul Sawayama.<BR>Secondly, he was an earnest teacher of English at so many Christian schools including Meiji-Gakuin, Shoan-Joggako (now Heian-Jogakuin), Doshisha and Naniwa-Joggako.<BR>And lastly, he was famous for his abundant scholarship in English literature, being the president of Japan Academy of English Literature in 1880s.

著者

本井 康博

出版者

日本英学史学会

雑誌

英学史研究 (ISSN:03869490)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1988, no.20, pp.123-135, 1987 (Released:2009-09-16)

参考文献数

24

---

Though Yasujiro Shimizu paid indispensable roles in the history of English studies in modern Japan, he still remains unknown to us.This report intends to introduce him as clearly as possible, casting a light on his young days, especially when he was employed as a teacher at Doshisha and Naniwa-Joggako (now Osaka-Jogakuin).Firstly, he was an early member of Osaka Church, having an intimate acquaintance with Rev. Paul Sawayama.Secondly, he was an earnest teacher of English at so many Christian schools including Meiji-Gakuin, Shoan-Joggako (now Heian-Jogakuin), Doshisha and Naniwa-Joggako.And lastly, he was famous for his abundant scholarship in English literature, being the president of Japan Academy of English Literature in 1880s.

著者

川並 秀雄

出版者

日本英学史学会

雑誌

日本英学史研究会研究報告

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1966, no.54, pp.a1-a7, 1966

著者

遠藤 智比古

出版者

日本英学史学会

雑誌

英学史研究 (ISSN:03869490)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1990, no.22, pp.119-136, 1989

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When I found that the equivalent to hippopotamus was Kawamuma (河馬) in <I>AN ENGLISH-JAPANESE DICTIONARY</I> ('薩摩辞書') in 1869, I wanted to know when and how Kawamuma changed into Kaba (河馬).<BR>In Dutch-Japanese dictionaries compiled in the Edo era, I couldn't find the entry word of 'nijlpaard' which is the Dutch equivalent to hippopotamus.<BR>A Chinese word河馬first appeared in <I>A POCKET DICTIONARY OF THE ENGLISH AND JAPANESE LANGUAGE</I> ('英和対訳袖珍辞書') in 1862. How was the translation of河馬made?<BR>After presenting a report at the regular monthly meeting in May, 1988, the writer found'地球説略'which was put guiding marks beside Chinese characters by Gempo Mitsukuri (箕作阮甫).In this book, hippopotamus appeared as海馬.And by comparing'海國圖志'which was put guiding marks by Gempo Mitsukuri, '海國圖志'in the original in 60 vols. and the enlarged edition of which in 100 vols., the writer deduces that Gempo Mitsukuri played an important role in the introduction of the Chinese word河馬.<BR>According to the writer's research, '改正増補英語箋'in 1872 was the oldest book in which hippopotamus appeared as河馬with small <I>kana</I> printed alongside the Chinese characters.

著者

田中 睦夫

出版者

日本英学史学会

雑誌

英学史研究 (ISSN:03869490)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1974, no.6, pp.27-34, 1973-09-30 (Released:2009-09-16)