著者

大瀧 真俊

出版者

日本農業史学会

雑誌

農業史研究 (ISSN:13475614)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, pp.23-33, 2015 (Released:2017-03-23)

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This paper focuses on the horse as the stockbreeding directly connected with military demand in modern Japan, and describes how the requisition and replenishment of horses were carried out in wartime. Through the analysis, this study makes clear following four points: 1) Military horses mobilized by the Japanese Army during World War II amounted to 500-600 thousands. It was not practiced suddenly, but had been prepared elaborately by improving Japanese horse's blood for thirty years over, with abundant investment of state capital and economical patience of farmers breeding or keeping horses. 2) When the Sino-Japanese war began in 1937, the Army requisitioned about 220 thousands of horses. It caused many problems especially in horse-using area such as Kanto region, the steep rise in price of buying and borrowing horses, hard work of left ones, and substitution of cattle, and so on. 3) The government carried out the horse-replenishing project immediately, which encouraged to import colts of isolated islands to horse-requisitioned areas with brokerage and subsidy for transportation. Its scale was insufficient to cover the shortage of farming horses, but it had an effect to modernize and rationalize the conventional distribution of horses on the other hand. 4) According to a horse-breeding research at that time, the farmers replenishing either colt or cattle for requisitioned horses were forced to work harder than before, but they couldn't avoid their cash flow became worse in the next year. It showed that horse requisition was impossible without bad influence for farming managements.

著者

佐藤 正志

出版者

日本農業史学会

雑誌

農業史研究 (ISSN:13475614)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, pp.17-27, 2007 (Released:2017-03-23)

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Indigo production grew in Tokushima Prefecture which was the biggest indigo producing district in the first half of the Meiji period through the development of the fiber industry. However, due to the inflow of Indian indigo and the rise in the price of manure, indigo work farmers became indigence and the number of people who tried to migrate to Hokkaido began increasing. As a result, from 50,000 to 60,000 people migrated from Tokushima Prefecture during Meiji period. Kousansha was established by ABE Okindo and TAKIMOTO Goro brothers in 1881. Kousansha was the company where farmers from Tokushima, who were skillful in indigo cultivation and processing, settled in the form of a group and manufactured blue indigo. In the latter half of Meiji era, ABE Okindo, who is the foundation person of Kousansha became a typical entrepreneur in Hokkaido. The purpose of this research is to explain the role of which indigo industry has made in the process of the emigration to Hokkaido, which was done in the turning point of the history when modernization and industrialization started. The object of the research is the management history of Kousansha. In the research, "the diary", written for field investigations for the reclaimed land selection which ABE went for in 1881, is analyzed to prove the indication of Mr. YUI Tsunehiko that "many-sided cooperation between the entrepreneurs" relations were seen in the industrialization process of Japan. By this analysis, it became obvious that the ABE's success was caused by forming strong connections between Hachisuka Mochiaki, the former lord and entrepreneurs, from the same prefecture as KONDO Renpei, the manager of Mitsubishi Company. He made use of these relationships well.

著者

下山 晃

出版者

日本農業史学会

雑誌

農業史研究 (ISSN:13475614)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, pp.28-41, 2007 (Released:2017-03-23)

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Indigo is the major dye that made the world history and culture. It was called "Devil's Dye" by the rival woad dyers of the Middle Ages. In the modern world, the indigo cultivation was related to slavery in the European colonies of the West Indies and North & South America, and to the forced-labour cultivation system in Asia. Therefore, it is possible to say that it actually became "Devil's Dye" in history. In this thesis, we glance at the history, with the cultural and social meaning, of the manufacturing process of purple (Phoenician Blue) and woad dye. And the relations between indigo and slavery in the modern ages are analyzed. In addition, we prove the compulsion- cultivation system of indigo in India under the British rule, and we point out the fact that the shift of the policy of British Empire, from Americas to East India, was caused by American Revolution, and that the system played the main role with opium trade in the structure of industrializing British Empire. The huge exportation of the indigo dye from India reached Japan after 1880's. German synthetic dye brought serious damage upon the traditional indigo industry of the world and Japan, but it seems that enormous distribution of natural Indian indigo played a major role for a while in Japanese market even after the beginning of importation of the artificial blue dye.

著者

北村 暁夫

出版者

日本農業史学会

雑誌

農業史研究 (ISSN:13475614)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, pp.3-13, 2009 (Released:2017-03-23)

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This article focuses on the following two issues: first, to illuminate the emigration practices in the Italian plain areas from the late nineteenth century to the Fascist Era: second, to analyze the political and economic life of 'the emigrant-exiles', that is, the peasants and artisans who moved from Italy to France during the Fascist Era, both for the economic reason and for the political one. This article makes the case study for these issues, taking an example from Calcinaia, a Tuscan village in the Pisa plains, which sent many 'emigrant-exiles' to Southern France, particularly to the Arles region. Calcinaia is a village along the Arno River, which had the population of about 4,000 in the late nineteenth century. The majority of the inhabitants were agricultural laborers and their families. They very often moved from one village to another, and chose their spouse from another village. Thus their migration and marriage practices were very different from those in the mountainous areas, where people chose their spouse in the same village. Also, the emigration practices were very different. As soon as the emigration to Southern France began in the 1880s, the number of emigrants increased rapidly and they often emigrated with all the family members. The profile of the emigrant-exiles of Calcinaia can be found in 'Casellario Politico Centrale', archives of the Italian Ministry of the Interior. Among ninety-eight persons of Calcinaia recorded in these archives, sixty-nine moved to France during the Fascist Era. They were all men, relatively young and the majority of whom were agricultural laborers. Their livelihood in France depended on immigrant communities composed by their countrymen. During their stay in France, some continued to lead local antifascist movements, but others ceased to be involved in any political activities, and came back to Calcinaia to pass the 'tranquil life' in their home town. The Fascist government permitted them to return to Italy in order to obtain the cooperation to the regime from them. This article may conclude that it was a clear antifascist manifestation for 'the emigrant-exiles' to continue to stay in France and to refuse to return to Italy, since their home-coming only meant cooperation to the Fascist regime.

著者

湯澤 規子

出版者

日本農業史学会

雑誌

農業史研究 (ISSN:13475614)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, pp.23-38, 2017 (Released:2018-04-01)

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This paper examines fertilizer material circulation through the analysis of fertilization technology in everyday life and presents some insights into its usage in different parts of society. With the advent of the modern era, rapid modernization, and population explosion, night soil usage and human waste treatment facilities exist side by side. The circulation of fertilizer from farm villages to urban areas and back to farm villages was accomplished in four phases. In the first phase, in 1900, the government began to participate in the treatment of human waste. As a result of this, farmers could no longer get free night soil. However, farmers continued to restore night soil to agricultural land. In the second phase, the city of Nagoya began to process human waste into ammonium sulfate because of the city’s expansion and innovations in chemical fertilizer processing plants. But, as this business did not produce a profit, the plant was closed because of the noxious odors it produced. However, there was an increasing demand for night soil in order to recover its nutrients to produce fertilizer for year-round vegetable cultivation. Also, advances in technology, storage, and human waste fertilization were made possible by vast scientific improvements. In 1921, with the third phase, Nagoya again started to treat human waste. No longer did the human waste market lose value because of the increase in population and the resultant surplus of human waste. On the other hand, in farm villages, utilization of night soil reduced the amount of money expended for agricultural fertilizer expenses. It stabilized the farmers’ economy. Nagoya, in the 1930s, again tried to build a sewage treatment plant. However, because of the financial panic, the demand for a self-supplied fertilizer increased again, and the sewage treatment plant ran into difficulties. So, the use of night soil in farming areas was reestablished and the process came full circle.

著者

齋藤 邦明

出版者

日本農業史学会

雑誌

農業史研究 (ISSN:13475614)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, pp.60-74, 2012

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The subject of this paper is to analyze the Creation and Maintenance of Landed Farmers Policy and clarify the motives behind the purchase of land by farmers during the Wartime period (1937-1945). In order to do this, the paper focuses on the land use and habitual land practices in the Kanbara area of Niigata from the perspective of "farmers' land investment". The paper emphasizes the Creation and Maintenance of Landed Farmers Policy as a loan project. To begin with, this paper analyzes the features and history of the land use and habitual land practices in the Kanbara area called "Kenmae", "Kenmae" has existed since the Edo period with characteristics such as the farmland price being cheaper than that of the general land market. This was due to the proximity of the Kanbara area to the lower Shinano river and Agano river causing regular floods. On the basis of the land use and habitual land practices, the motives behind the purchase of farmland was property formation and land improvement during the "second stage" of the Creation and Maintenance of Landed Farmers Policy from 1937 to 1942. They bought land by the use of loans and paid lower prices for land included in "Kenmae". However, the use of loans were limited by the finances of the government. In the "third stage" of the policy from 1943 to 1945, the use of loans by two or more financial institutions or the use of self-finance was permitted. In this phase, farmers wanted to improve their land to increase their yield and diversify their farm products.

著者

仲地 宗俊

出版者

日本農業史学会

雑誌

農業史研究 (ISSN:13475614)

巻号頁・発行日

no.33, pp.9-19, 1999-04

著者

金谷 千亜紀

出版者

日本農業史学会

雑誌

農業史研究 (ISSN:13475614)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, pp.3-15, 2010 (Released:2017-03-23)

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This essay aims at making clear the forest types of Oyama and its forms of utilization at Gonohe-dori in the Morioka clan, using "Gonohe Odaikanjo Oyama-chou", that had been in the possession of The former Aomori forestry commission, as material. Oyama was a kind of mountain forest among all the forests in that terrain, on which the Morioka clan that governed with strictly feudal system placed the greatest stress. And "Oyama-chou" is a register that was created on the basis of detailed research of Oyama. "Oyama-chou", in the forms of sticky notes and touching in, contains the description of utilization of mountain forest. The register says that the forests in this region were utilized in large part as a tool for building houses or artificial ditches. As for the rest, we find from this register that there were various a village that takes diverse forms of regular vocation that harnesses mountain forest resources in accordance with each geographical conditions, for example, a village which picks firewoods offered for sale, or a village which hews down mountain forests as a resource offered for farming. The mountain forest in that region (Oyama) is, for the native subordinates and people(farmers, subjects), a tool for a living, which supplies them resources connected with their life, and is, for the whole of the clan, so to speak, a reserve mountain, which compensates when the rest of the mountain forest resources get low. I could also confirm such character of public=private interest utlilizing Oyama as Osukui-yama, that is, a form of Oyama which is a means for helping starving people in famine. In sum, I showed the importance of Oyama for both sides of the clan and people.

著者

野間 万里子

出版者

日本農業史学会

雑誌

農業史研究 (ISSN:13475614)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, pp.13-22, 2015 (Released:2017-03-23)

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify the change in beef supply in Japan after the Russo-Japanese war. Both civilian and military demand for beef rose sharply during the period, and domestic cattle farming could no longer support Japan's growing demand for beef. Japan had expanded its empire by colonizing Korea in 1910 and occupying Shandong in 1924 as a result of the battle of Qingdao. These events made it possible to import cattle and beef from Korea and Qingdao to satisfy Japan's growing demand for beef. The results of this study reveal the following two important points. The first point concerns the actions taken to counter rinderpest. Import of cattle was associated with the risk of animal infection, especially rinderpest. Japan suffered repeated accumulation of rinderpest that accompanied to cattle import. These rinderpest epidemics became the key factor for declining imports of cattle from Quingdao, which were then replaced by imports of carcasses instead. However, imports from Korea did not decline despite the influx of the disease. This may be attributed to the high reputation enjoyed by cattle imports from Korea, not just as asource of beef but also as a farming cattle: cattle from Korea were also used as field labor. The second point is that there were distinct differences between the cattle reared in Japan itself and the beef imports, which led to differentiation in meat quality. During the period under study, Japan developed techniques for fattening cattle, which were mainly targeted at producing marbled meat for gyunabe. The imported beef and cattle were thus evaluated as being inferior to the fattened indigenous cattle. However, the supply of inferior and low-priced imported beef contributed towerd popularizing the custom of eating beef in Japan.

著者

中村 泰崇

出版者

日本農業史学会

雑誌

農業史研究 (ISSN:13475614)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.24, pp.14-32, 1991 (Released:2017-03-25)

著者

野間 万里子

出版者

日本農業史学会

雑誌

農業史研究 (ISSN:13475614)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, pp.77-88, 2006

被引用文献数

2

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In civilization and enlightenment period, gyunabe became popular, and for common people meat practically meant for gyunabe. Gyunabe inherited the way of cooking and the style of eating of kusurigui, most typical form of eating meat before the Restoration. But it became a symbol of civilization and enlightenment. The new government was encouraging eating meat, at that time. The Emperor Meiji first ate meat in 1872. He ate meat as Western food, not gyunabe, and the government regarded meat as beef and mutton. That is to say, the government considered that eating meat was a variety of Western civilization. I must add that besides gyunabe and Western food, there was another style of eating meat, a stewed meat stand. That was regarded as the food for the poor. Some reasons made it possible that eating meat was accepted as gyunabe. In the first place, people associated eating meat with civilization. The civilization included both Westernization and rationalities. The former couldn't have effect on people had ill feeling for Western. But the later was accepted more generally. In early modern times, to eat meat was thought disgusting conduct. Rational explanations were worked out to deny such a thought as superstition. Nutritional thinking also supported gyunabe boom. And, appetite was suppressed before Meiji, but after the Restoration, people could enjoy eating delicious things. This is also an important change. At that time, ranking formed among meat. The meat of wild animals seemed the lowest. Among the meat of livestock, beef was thought more refined than pork. Because pig was resemble to wild boar, eaten as kusurigui, and pork was associated with Ryukyu or Asia in spite of beef was associated with Western. As stated above, gyunabe was ranked higher than stewed meat stands. One of the reasons was rationalities, that was made valid by Western civilization. So Western food came higher rank.

著者

湯川 真樹江

出版者

日本農業史学会

雑誌

農業史研究 (ISSN:13475614)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, pp.75-82, 2020

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This paper examines the learning of Michurin theory and its changes promoted at the Northeast AgriculturalScience Research Institute in the early days of the People's Republic of China. Before 1945, the NortheastAgricultural Science Research Institute was a Manchuria National Agricultural Experiment Station.After the war, the People's Republic of China managed the test site, and in the early 1950s it was encouragedto learn Soviet agricultural techniques. For this reason, Mendel-Morgan theory (the theory of materialism)was thoroughly denied, and the Michurin theory (materialism), has been promoted. Chinese engineershave criticized their research mistakes and made efforts to incorporate the perception of biology as a "new view of the universe." In addition, the Northeast Agricultural Science Research Institute actively purchased Soviet books and increased exchanges with engineers in socialist countries.As a result, the knowledge of Japanese technicians became unnecessary, and many of them returnedto Japan in 1953. The whole society was becoming compliant with the central government's policies. However,among them, Chinese technicians continued breeding test, and in the late 1950s, new varieties were born.The behavior of Chinese engineers will be criticized by the later anti-rights struggle. This paper is regardedas an analysis of the situation at the earlier stage.

著者

松村 史穂

出版者

日本農業史学会

雑誌

農業史研究 (ISSN:13475614)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, pp.15-28, 2020

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The People's Republic of China started food control policy in 1953. In the first few years, rural areas werein crisis because of aggressive purchases by rural cadres. However, despite such hard controls, the amount ofcollected food was stagnated. This caused by the inability of rural cadres to accurately assess food production. Inorder to overcome the difficulty, the PRC adopted a new policy of fixing the amount of food purchase. The timingof the new policy and agricultural collectivization movement overlapped led peasants to joining agriculturalcooperatives even for those who were originally reluctant to agricultural collectivization. Thus, the agriculturalcollectivization movement progressed at a speed faster than the central leader's expectation.

著者

永江 雅和

出版者

日本農業史学会

雑誌

農業史研究 (ISSN:13475614)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, pp.41-48, 2020 (Released:2021-03-25)

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This paper introduces two policies that have a strong connection with socialist agriculture in Japanese agriculture since the 1940s: food supply systems and agricultural communalization (cooperation). The food supply system is a controlled collection system for agricultural products that was introduced to cope with food shortages during the war and occupation of Japan. The system caused the abandonment of farming due to the reversibility of its burden and the deterrent nature of production in inferior arable land, but the farmland reform implemented at the same time played a complementary role in the policy and the crisis was avoided. Also, when the price of collected rice exceeded the market price during the period of high economic growth, it became agriculturally protective. Agricultural communalization became popular in post-war reclamation projects mainly by people returning from mainland China after the war. The Shintone Reclamation Agricultural Cooperative introduced in this article attracted attention due to the success of joint management by paddy dairy farming, but the obsession with self-feeding feed became the key to expansion of management, and the joint management was dismantled during the generational change. The conclusion of this paper is that socialist agriculture is not always seized, and it may be seized or protected depending on the economic situation at the time.

出版者

日本農業史学会

雑誌

農業史研究 (ISSN:13475614)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, pp.52-56, 2014 (Released:2017-03-23)

著者

御手洗 悠紀

出版者

日本農業史学会

雑誌

農業史研究 (ISSN:13475614)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, pp.67-79, 2018

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This research focuses on "Natural Agriculture" as organic farming in the early 20th century interwarperiod. "Natural Agriculture," a form of farming believed to have derived from the "Life Reform Movement," isone of the origins of German organic farming.Articles published between 1925 and 1943 in the monthly magazine Bebauet die Erde were reviewedto reveal the theory and practice of "Natural Agriculture" and its historical significance. This magazine was aplatform for communication for "Natural Agriculture" supporters and it published articles about the practiceand theory of "Natural Agriculture.""Natural Agriculture's" distinctive feature is that it attracted city people to settle in the countryside andengage in "Natural Agriculture." Practicing horticulture in the countryside appeared to assure a safe foodsupply and realize the ideals of the "Life Reform Movement." Although the "Life Reform Movement" wasconnected to criticism of the city, "Natural Agriculture" supported new science and technology in the beginningof the 20th century and introduced these for reference and consideration by researchers and engineers.This study describes the "Life Reform Movement's" outlook on nature, focusing on the theory andpractice of "Natural Agriculture." Those who supported "Natural Agriculture" pursued health of not onlyhumans but also that of livestock and soil. They believed that the mutual improvement of all health conditionswas intertwined. They also advocated introducing "small scale horticulture without livestock." As a result, theyaccepted that agricultural practice in eastern Asia, especially China and Japan, realized the ideals of the "LifeReform Movement."The activities of "Natural Agriculture", as a part of the "Life Reform Movement," were only a nicheactivity in Germany. However, it is remarkable that there was a distinct group that paid attention to the relationbetween diet and health, soil conservation, and pursuit of high-quality farm products.

著者

奥井 亜紗子

出版者

日本農業史学会

雑誌

農業史研究 (ISSN:13475614)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, pp.2-13, 2016 (Released:2017-02-17)

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From the post war era to the high economic growth period, there was a mass population movement from rural areas to the cities. These migrants were believed to be the second or third son of agricultural families who were seen as subordinate members to “Ie”. However, recently some empirical studies criticized the theory on the movement of second or third son of agricultural families was an extremely simplified image. Besides, they proved that practically a certain degree of eldest sons who are seen as the successors of “Ie” migrated to urban city before WW2. Furthermore, they also found that the areas with higher education level faced more serious problem in lack of successors. This paper analyzed the process of higher educated eldest son migrated to urban city and formed Japanese modern family in urban city without being a succession of “Ie” based on the case studies in Taki Kyouyukai, a local associations of Sasayama city. According to this research, the formation of credential society in high economic growth period lowered the mental pressure of Elder sons to migrate. The reason was the shift of agricultural high school to industrial high school loosened the counterpart of Elder sons’ life course in their home town. This paper studied how all these changes in high economic growth period affect the relation between Eldest sons who had migrated to urban city and their “Ie” or the society of their hometown.

著者

野田 公夫

出版者

日本農業史学会

雑誌

農業史研究 (ISSN:13475614)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, pp.1-3, 2014 (Released:2017-03-23)

著者

足立 芳宏

出版者

日本農業史学会

雑誌

農業史研究 (ISSN:13475614)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, pp.40-51, 2014 (Released:2017-03-23)

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The purpose of this paper is to discuss the characteristics of the Nazi food autarky policy and agricultural resource development in the eastward expansion of the Third Reich. Beginning in 1936, an important plank of the Nazi food autarky policy was developing substitutes for imported crops and making them available within Germany's east imperial sphere. We present the case of the Nazi soybean project, based on research by Joachim Drews. While people endeavored to develop new soybean varieties, IG Farben founded a soybean company in Romania and forced the peasants to grow soybeans under contract, which allowed the short-term export of soybeans to Germany. Additionally, we briefly present research produced by Susane Heim on the "Kok-Saghyz" (rubber dandelion) project, which explains how the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute, along with the SS, developed its breeding and growing in German-occupied Soviet areas in order to produce a substitute for imported natural rubber. The Nazi food autarky policy, however, was not confined to the resource development of particular crops, but also extended to the agricultural structure reform policy. First, in the annexed Polish areas, such as Warthegau and Dazig-Westpreussen, ethnic Germans farmers from Eastern Europe resettled in the villages immediately after the native Polish peasants had been deported as a result of the Nazi-enforced migration policy at the beginning of WWII. In the allocation of land and housing, the SS distributed a number of small Polish farms to each German re-settler's family. This policy was intended to make the modern independent German family farm. Second, German-occupied Soviet areas such as Ukraine were not merely forced food requisition regions. The Nazi administration sent many German agricultural officials (Landwirtschaftsfuhrer) to these regions as well. They were responsible for controlling the native peasants, but they also became the agents for agricultural reform in 1942: this took the form of a transformation from the kolkhoz (collective farm) into a new mode of organization, the "cultivation cooperative" (Landbaugenossenschaft). Surprisingly, the Nazis additionally intended to mechanize the Russian agriculture through "Ostackerprogramm" (East agricultural program), a program in which many tractors were sent from the Reich into German-occupied Soviet areas. Both in the Polish and Soviet areas, the Nazis "found" a large surplus rural population; they "solved" this problem by sending these people to the Reich as forced agricultural labors. It should be emphasized that the Nazi food autarky policy was more systematic than is usually understood, and was strongly linked with the racial population ideology and agricultural reform planning.

著者

中村 塑

出版者

日本農業史学会

雑誌

農業史研究 (ISSN:13475614)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, pp.94-102, 2008 (Released:2017-03-23)

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify the characteristics of the forms of land transaction documents in the Edo Period. The landlord who is the focus of this article, Hirayamake, resided in Kaburaki village in the Chiba Prefecture. In the Edo Period, the village was under rule of administrator of Shogunate (Daikan) and retainers of the Shogun (Hatamoto), which changed over time. The first change in the land transaction documents is the transformation from Eitaiuri, a permanent sales of land, into Uriwatashi, "sales". At the background of this transformation is the incident of punishment against the ban of Eitaiuri by the Shogunate. However, a de facto Eitaiuri that was disguised by other form of contract continued. After the incident, land sales were dominated by pawning instead of Uriwatashi, which was permitted by the Shogunate. Sale by pawning however did not continue entirely during the Edo period until Meiji Restoration. In the middle of Edo Period, Uriwatashi reappeared. Sales contracts disguised by pawning also appeared at the same time. Uriwatashi contracts reappeared when Kaburaki village came out of the Shogunate's rule. De facto Uriwatashi contracts disguised by pawning were initially found in the transactions with the village where Hirayamake did not reside. After, the Shogunate came back to rule Kaburaki village, disguised sales became dominant. Almost all of the land transactions within the village under the rule of the Shogunate were by pawning, which was the form of contract permitted by the Shogunate. Thus, Hirayamake changed the form of land transaction documents following the rule and intention of the rulers.