著者

白木沢 旭児

出版者

日本農業史学会

雑誌

農業史研究 (ISSN:13475614)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, pp.10-20, 2002 (Released:2017-03-24)

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The purpose of this article is to explain the reason of the fixation of the food import in postwar Japan. Japanese government examined to import rice from Korea under the food shortage after the war. But it was not realized. Instead, wheat, barley and foreign rice were imported from America, Canada, Australia, South East Asia and many other countries. It was difficult to import the rice from the same country every year. The world price of rice was higher than domestic price, so that government bore the cost for selling cheap price. Japan had to trade under the shortage of foreign money, especially dollar. The pattern of the food consumption in postwar Japan was in succession to trend of the increase of animal protein and side dish in prewar Japan. But wheat and barley made up rice shortage and animal protein and fat made up the staple food in postwar. Japanese government dicided the change from foreign rice import to wheat import, because it meant to save on foreign money, to go into the black of the food control account, to improve Japanese people's nutrition. When many wheats turned out to be surplus, America attempted to deal with them by Article 550 of Mutual Saving Act and PL480. The negotiation for the surplus agricultural products between Japan and America determined to increase wheat import instead of foreign rice import. But Japanese government and people thought that food, even the stock-breeding products and feeds, had to support themselves at that time. Japan substituted wheat, barley and foreign rice for Korean rice after the war. After that, Japan substituted wheat for foreign rice in the 1950's. That is why Japanese extent of dependence of food supply didn't change from preawar era to postwar era.

著者

白木沢 旭児

出版者

日本農業史学会

雑誌

農業史研究 (ISSN:13475614)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, pp.10-20, 2002

---

The purpose of this article is to explain the reason of the fixation of the food import in postwar Japan. Japanese government examined to import rice from Korea under the food shortage after the war. But it was not realized. Instead, wheat, barley and foreign rice were imported from America, Canada, Australia, South East Asia and many other countries. It was difficult to import the rice from the same country every year. The world price of rice was higher than domestic price, so that government bore the cost for selling cheap price. Japan had to trade under the shortage of foreign money, especially dollar. The pattern of the food consumption in postwar Japan was in succession to trend of the increase of animal protein and side dish in prewar Japan. But wheat and barley made up rice shortage and animal protein and fat made up the staple food in postwar. Japanese government dicided the change from foreign rice import to wheat import, because it meant to save on foreign money, to go into the black of the food control account, to improve Japanese people's nutrition. When many wheats turned out to be surplus, America attempted to deal with them by Article 550 of Mutual Saving Act and PL480. The negotiation for the surplus agricultural products between Japan and America determined to increase wheat import instead of foreign rice import. But Japanese government and people thought that food, even the stock-breeding products and feeds, had to support themselves at that time. Japan substituted wheat, barley and foreign rice for Korean rice after the war. After that, Japan substituted wheat for foreign rice in the 1950's. That is why Japanese extent of dependence of food supply didn't change from preawar era to postwar era.

著者

大鎌 邦雄

出版者

日本農業史学会

雑誌

農業史研究 (ISSN:13475614)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, pp.3-13, 2006 (Released:2017-03-23)

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The aims of this paper examine the historical character of rural community, and the changes of the communal relations of members by the rural policy in pre-war time. The prototype of rural community is "administrative village" which was formed by the shogunate state in 17 century. The village consisted of independent and modernized farmer's families, but village members had communal and medival relation with each other. This dual character of village were corresponded to the same character of the shogunate state. There were "bilateral relations" between village and state, and depended on each other. It is important that the village strongly regulated its members by self-restricted regulation of members. The home living improvement policy in 1930's aimed to rationalize farmer's traditional life style in rural community. At the same time, this policy made the traditional regulation abilities of community tight because this policy was carried out depended on it's relations in community. The economic control policy in war-time changed the class order of farmers in community and made the traditional relations loose. But this policy also carried out depended on the traditional regulation abilities in community and made it tight. Thus, the rural policy in pre-war time had dual and contrastive characters, and the regulation abilities of community were maintained and supported by rural policy.

著者

大豆生田 稔

出版者

日本農業史学会

雑誌

農業史研究 (ISSN:13475614)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, pp.1-9, 2002 (Released:2017-03-24)

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The theme of this article is to clarify the fact that Japan depended on the foreign countries for food by researching the grain trades between various areas in and around the East Asia. Researching areas are Japan, Korea, Taiwan, Manchuria (Northeast China), China (North, Central, and South China), and North America (USA and Canada) and Australia. North America and Australia were the main exporting areas of wheat and wheat flour to the East Asia. The colonies supplied rice for Japan, and the rice trade between Japan and its colonies was a part of the grain trades in the East Asia. Besides, the East Asia such as Japan and China depended on North America and Australia for wheat and wheat flour since 1920's. In 1937 the outbreak of Japan-China War cut off the import of wheat and wheat flour from North America and Australia, and disturbed the grain trades in the East Asia. The fact that Japan depended for rice on the foreign countries changed fundamentally at the wartime, and its food situation fell into a crisis.

著者

野部 公一

出版者

日本農業史学会

雑誌

農業史研究 (ISSN:13475614)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, pp.3-13, 2020 (Released:2021-03-25)

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For a long time, the Soviet agricultural system of the 1930s- early 1950s, described as "Stalin's Kolkhozy" in the article, had been regarded as the orthodox system of Socialist agriculture. The purpose of the article is to clarify the features of "Stalin's Kolkhozy" and its transformations in the post-Stalin period. The main feature of "Stalin's Kolkhozy" is the heavy "exploitation" of Kolkhozy. Based on the "Biological harvest", the state estimates the level of the compulsory delivery from Kolkhozy to the state. The state paid pay a fixed procurement price, which was normally very low (much lower even than the production costs). Kolkhozy were also obligated to pay the MTS (Machine Tractor Stations) in kind for work done on Kolkhozy. As the level of mechanization was raising, the proportion of the harvest paid to the MTS increased. Agriculture thus made a decisive contribution to the financing of so-called "forced industrialization" at the expense of Kolkhozniki (Kolkhozy peasants). They were little paid and were able to survive just because of their private plots and animals. After the death of Stalin in 1953, the Soviet agricultural system had been gradually but significantly changed. The procurement prices became cost-cover-prices in the 1960s, then profit-guaranteed prices in the mid-1980s. Above all, the position of agricultural sector in national economy was radically changed. By the 1980s agriculture had begun to consume large part of the state budget.

著者

有本 寛

出版者

日本農業史学会

雑誌

農業史研究 (ISSN:13475614)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, pp.89-96, 2006 (Released:2017-03-23)

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One of the important roles of a village in a developing economy is to discipline the behavior of economic agents and to provide governance for economic trade. Comparing with the developing countries today, villages in developing Japan had been successful in governing economic transactions and the village itselves. The autonomous village theory indicates the characteristics of the Japanese villages and suggests some points to consider the difference between Asian and Japanese villages from a historical perspective. This note interprets the autonomous village with the framework of microeconomics and reviews the theory from the perspectives of development economics. From the microeconomics point of view, autonomous village can be understood as an organization that provides institutions of economic governance under social connectedness. I then try to complement the theory by reconsidering the historical significance of the autonomous village with respect to the induction of informal institutions through the Murauke system in Tokugawa period, and the transition of community governance regimes. I argue that the Murauke system was an important starting point for the formation and development of the autonomous village since it demands the village to preserve its agricultural production and to accommodate tax payments, which in turn, induces institutions that support these demands.

著者

玉 真之介

出版者

日本農業史学会

雑誌

農業史研究 (ISSN:13475614)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, pp.22-34, 2013 (Released:2017-03-23)

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The aim of this paper is to examine how natural disasters affected policies for farming villages in prewar Japan by looking at the reconstruction of community storehouses by the government after poor rice harvest due to cold weather in Iwate Prefecture in 1934. In contrast to economic development and tenancy disputes, natural disasters in modern Japanese history have not attracted historians' attention in Japan. From a historical perspective, however, natural disasters always highlighted the mutual help in farming communities, which was based on traditional "mura" or hamlet relationship in Japanese rural areas. The "mura" relationship was used by the government for mobilizing rural communities to its total war system, which is characteristic of Japanese rural policies in 1930's. This paper analyzed the reasons why and the process in which the government reconstructed community storehouses in affected areas after the 1934 disaster. It has been found that the function of community storehouses that the government had hoped for most was not only stockpiling of rice for a future lean year but also rice loan from the storehouse to poor farmers who run short of food before harvest of each year. This also suggests that the government, especially the Naimusyo or the Interior Ministry, recognized the function of "mura" as a traditional mutual help, changing its long-time negative attitude toward the "mura" relationship into a positive one, realizing its availability.

著者

野部 公一

出版者

日本農業史学会

雑誌

農業史研究 (ISSN:13475614)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, pp.3-13, 2020

---

For a long time, the Soviet agricultural system of the 1930s- early 1950s, described as "Stalin's Kolkhozy" in the article, had been regarded as the orthodox system of Socialist agriculture. The purpose of the article is to clarify the features of "Stalin's Kolkhozy" and its transformations in the post-Stalin period. The main feature of "Stalin's Kolkhozy" is the heavy "exploitation" of Kolkhozy. Based on the "Biological harvest", the state estimates the level of the compulsory delivery from Kolkhozy to the state. The state paid pay a fixed procurement price, which was normally very low (much lower even than the production costs). Kolkhozy were also obligated to pay the MTS (Machine Tractor Stations) in kind for work done on Kolkhozy. As the level of mechanization was raising, the proportion of the harvest paid to the MTS increased. Agriculture thus made a decisive contribution to the financing of so-called "forced industrialization" at the expense of Kolkhozniki (Kolkhozy peasants). They were little paid and were able to survive just because of their private plots and animals. After the death of Stalin in 1953, the Soviet agricultural system had been gradually but significantly changed. The procurement prices became cost-cover-prices in the 1960s, then profit-guaranteed prices in the mid-1980s. Above all, the position of agricultural sector in national economy was radically changed. By the 1980s agriculture had begun to consume large part of the state budget.

著者

来間 泰男

出版者

日本農業史学会

雑誌

農業史研究 (ISSN:13475614)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, pp.51-61, 2007 (Released:2017-03-23)

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This paper compares the taxation system of the Ryukyus with that of Japan proper in their respective early-modern era. The taxation system called kokudaka-system, which has its levy basis on productivity of cultivated land, was common in the early modern Japan proper. Meanwhile, the taxation system in the Ryukyu Islands that former the Ryukyuan Kingdom, was different from kokudaka-system. Satsuma-han, one of Japanese political powers, conquered the Ryukyus in 1609 and conducted a thorough survey of the islands. Satsuma-han decided kokudaka of the Ryukyus, and tried to force the local people to pay tax based on kokudaka. Despite the invader's vision, the kingdom did not apply kokudaka as its levy system; the kingdom ordered its people to pay tax by products such as rice and beans. Upon the order of the kingdom administration, leaders of the local areas (magiri and mura) commanded their farmers to produce rice and beans, or substitutive products such as brown sugar and textile goods. Focusing on these "substitutes", the paper argues that what farmers in the early-modern Ryukyus paid as tax was rather "labor" than "product".

著者

小濱 武

出版者

日本農業史学会

雑誌

農業史研究 (ISSN:13475614)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, pp.58-69, 2013 (Released:2017-03-23)

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This paper examines the agricultural administration of the government of the Ryukyu Islands (GRI) during the United States' rule period, by focusing on the conflicting needs for rice importation and domestic rice production in the early 1960s. Rice was the staple food of the people in Okinawa, and Okinawa imported rice from other countries as the land and climate of Okinawa was not necessarily suited for rice production. Yet, the domestic production of rice was deemed crucially important for Okinawa because the price and amount of imported rice were unstable and unreliable. GRI set the Law Concerning Provisional Rice Demand and Supply Adjustment to support the price of domestic rice. The results of the study are as follows. First, as the amount of imported tasty rice increased, the consumer price of domestic rice and the producer price of that decreased. The system of the price support of domestic rice did not work well. The Account of Provisional Rice Demand and Supply Adjustment did not have enough financial resources because it was a self-supporting accounting system. Second, the United States Civil Administration of the Ryukyu Islands (USCAR) did not permit GRI to have a strong protection for domestic rice like Food Control System in Japan. USCAR agreed with the Law Concerning Provisional Rice Demand and Supply Adjustment on condition that it was affective for three years and its account was separated from general account. GRI's aim to protect domestic rice from imported rice was hindered by the USCAR which pushed on the liberalization policy.

著者

平野 哲也

出版者

日本農業史学会

雑誌

農業史研究 (ISSN:13475614)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, pp.15-26, 2019 (Released:2020-03-23)

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This paper investigates the food and livelihood of farmers in the Shimotsuke Province during the Edo Period, particularly with regard to rice cultivation, and giving consideration to the market economy, it serves as an inquiry into the transformation of the consciousness and behavior of farmers towards food. From the late seventeenth century, farmers in the rice-producing regions of Shimotsuke Province labored to grow rice crops not just for paying taxes to land owners or for personal consumption, but also as a commodity intended for commerce. This rice was sold across a wide-ranging area that included large markets in Edo, neighboring castle towns, villages, river ports, and mountain villages, and even far off port cities in Hitachi Provence. There was also a demand for rice from surrounding areas for use in alcohol and confectionary production. Eventually, a demand also grew for inexpensive rice for consumption among the farming class. Landowners put effort into collection and distribution, working to meet private sector demands and bearing the responsibility of distributing the rice product over a wide area. With the advent of rice being produced as a commodity came a significant change to the food and rice-cropping agricultural practices of farmers. They became sensitive and flexible toward market variations resulting from low or abundant increased crop yields brought about by periods of cold and warm weather, respectively, and responded to them proactively. In the early nineteenth century, when warmer climate conditions led to abundance in rice crops and subsequently, a recession from the decreased price of rice, farmers adjusted by reducing or even giving up their farming work, transitioning to doing various other occupations, thus being able to buy and eat rice and other extravagant foods. However, as this way of living progressed, farmers were seemingly forgetful of the Tenmei no Kikin famine in the 1780s; they did not take the necessary precautions against famine, creating a state of vulnerability for heavy damage in the case of an eventual food shortage. A short time later, there came another a period of famine from the 1830s (called Tenpou no Kikin) during the final period of the Tokugawa Shogunate. During this famine, the price of rice suddenly increased, leading farmers in rice-producing areas to return to the fields and resulting in their return to their former lifestyle with ample food.

著者

熱田 順

出版者

日本農業史学会

雑誌

農業史研究 (ISSN:13475614)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, pp.7-17, 2018 (Released:2019-03-27)

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In the 1980’, It became interested in elucidation of autonomy of the late medieval village, influenced by the research of ShizuoKatumata and HisashiHujiki. This analytical method is still regarded as important and has shown enormous results to date. On the other hand, criticism that it is overvaluation of village autonomy is also given. Furthermore, in recent years, research to reevaluate the regularity given by Lord of Shouen and a Territorial power to village management has been conducted. However, The essence of the problem seems to be in a point of view to opposedly capture the village and the Territorial power. The autonomy of the village does not deny the Territorial power, but rather thinks it will gradually mature from the interrelationship between the Territorial power and the village. Based on this viewpoint, this paper focuses on economic activities and trends of powerful people in rural areas, targeting Yamaguni-no-shou in the province of Tanba, and shows the process that they transform from the late Middle Ages to The early modern period from the relationship with Uzu clan. Through this work, the purpose of this paper is to visualize the process of medieval autonomy matured and the outlook until Modern village is formed.

著者

徳山 倫子

出版者

日本農業史学会

雑誌

農業史研究 (ISSN:13475614)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, pp.72-84, 2015 (Released:2017-03-23)

被引用文献数

1

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The purpose of this paper is to discuss the roles of rural post-elementary education for girls during the Japanese modern period. At the time, post-elementary educational institutions were diversified and ranked hierarchically. We compared two schools-Ibaraki and Katano- to show the differences in the processes of raising the hierarchal status of the schools. They were established in 1898 as the courses of sewing for girls called "saihousensyuuka," and attached by higher elementary schools in the suburban villages of Osaka. Ibaraki's status, which had been attached by Youzei higher elementary school in Ibaraki Village, changed in stages and eventually raised to become a girls' high school status, while Katano's status, which had been attached by Kounan higher elementary school in Katano Village, was not raised and eventually became a normal youth school named Katano Girls' Sewing School. The conclusions about rural girls' education are as follows: First, changes in the student hierarchy occurred. At Ibaraki, most of the students were rich farmer's daughters in Mishima District, and there was an increase in new middle class students from large cities during the Showa era. At Katano, almost all the students were farmer's daughters around Katano Village, and they were not rich. Second, the importance of sewing education changed. At Ibaraki, the number of sewing hours decreased, and the number of hours spent on other subjects increased. Katano, however, still placed a high value on sewing after World War II. Third, the social norms for women changed. At Ibaraki, the students were allowed to express more modern and varying behaviors. At Katano, the students were expected to be simple farmer's wives. The introduction of post-elementary education for girls in rural society demonstrated the hierarchical structure of the society during the Japanese modern period.

著者

阿部 希望

出版者

日本農業史学会

雑誌

農業史研究 (ISSN:13475614)

巻号頁・発行日

no.44, pp.90-101, 2010-03

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The purpose of this article is to investigate the role played by seed dealers in the development of the modern vegetable production systems in Japan through an analysis of the management system of a seed market located in Kitatoshima-gun, Tokyo, Japan. In Kitatoshima-gun, since the early days of the modern period, vegetable seed production systems have been developed and half-agricultural, half-commercial seed shops established. From the mid to the late Meiji era, wholesale seed dealers' markets developed with Nakasendo as an industrial center, which led to the production of open-pollinated seeds, the development of original seeds, and the commercial production of seeds based on commissions with farmers. The commission-based seed farmers were located in the neighborhood of the seed dealers' markets until the mid Taisho era. However, by the late Taisho era, the farmers had moved to more remote areas and the trade of seeds was undertaken by administrators. Seeds were also traded by mail-order businesses. In addition, the seed dealers increased the amount of products they offered through the commission-based seed production systems. Thus, in the process of development in the modern vegetable production systems in Japan, the seed dealers have played a role in both producing and distributing the vegetable seeds, supporting a stable supply of high-quality seeds.

著者

林 薫平

出版者

日本農業史学会

雑誌

農業史研究 (ISSN:13475614)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, pp.27-37, 2022 (Released:2023-03-15)

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This paper reports a case of transference of historical material. In particular, between Nobunkyo (the Rural Culture Association of Japan) Agricultural Library, which was founded in 1982 and closed in 2015, and the Faculty of Food and Agriculture of Fukushima University, which has just started in 2019, a special project of transferring all the books and historical material, totally amounting almost one hundred thousand, from the former to the latter, was launched in 2020, and is still ongoing. In this paper, I summarize the above process. My special focus is on Emeritus Professor Yasuo Kondo (at the University of Tokyo), who was the president of Nobunkyo Agricultural Library at the time of its foundation and provided for himself a lot of invaluable historical materials including his personal note, unpublished manuscripts, and even prewar Japanese Governmental documents, totally amounting 13 thousand units, to the Library. Also, he has long been the president, the librarian and the best user of the Library since its foundation. My conclusion is twofold: 1) Nobunkyo and Fukushima University are responsible for the completion of this big transference project and archiving of the important materials in the modern style for researchers' and the public utilization; 2) the Faculty of Food and Agriculture of Fukushima University must be the successor of not only Professor Kondo's documents but also his critical spirit and perspectives on agricultural economics and policies, that was built through his life, and we, researchers in Fukushima, will absolutely be able to learn a lot from this library and his perspectives in the face of many challenges of Fukushima's agricultural recovery from the disaster in 2011.

著者

山口 由等

出版者

日本農業史学会

雑誌

農業史研究 (ISSN:13475614)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, pp.34-42, 2005 (Released:2017-03-24)

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The reorganization from the private food distribution to the control system under controlled economy accompanied amalgamation of rice stores, and Food Authoritative Corporations (Shokuryo-Eidan) established in 1942. Rice dealers who had forced to give up his management had to move to other jobs or become employed workers of Shokuryo-Eidan. But most of them also invested some money to Shokuryo-Eidan. This article tries to invest how the management and the rationing business of Shokuryo-Eidan developed in the era of the Japanese-Chinese War and the Asian-Pacific War, relying on historical management documents of Hyogo Prefecture Shokuryo-Eidan, being concerned with it's corporate governance. Larger six cities (including Kobe City) started rice ration book systems in April of 1941, and made rationing organization for it. However, in Hyogo Prefecture amalgamation of rice stores delayed, so the prefecture administration had to make leadership for organization of rice stores to prepare for the ration system. After that, the Staple Food Control Act made all prefectures to establish Shokuryo-Eidan in 1942. It promoted to accomplish a food rationing organization even in Hyogo. After establishment, by the leadership of the chairman of the board of directors, Hyogo Prefecture Shokuryo-Eidan executed not only simplification of ration business, but also expanding businesses to related fields and provided welfare facilities for workers. By contrast, profits and dividends for investors were paid little attendance. Although some executive officers stood against such a policy, the chairman carried out his plan getting back up from the prefecture administration. On the other hand, the ordinary workers rapidly got the mentality as employed people. That is to say; Shokuryo-Eidan, which was originated with amalgamation of rice stores, put on a firm footing as the organization based on a separation of ownership and management after a short period. It's center oriented management made it possible to arrange rationing system for the food situation which was getting worse.

著者

野間 万里子

出版者

日本農業史学会

雑誌

農業史研究 (ISSN:13475614)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, pp.77-88, 2006 (Released:2017-03-23)

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In civilization and enlightenment period, gyunabe became popular, and for common people meat practically meant for gyunabe. Gyunabe inherited the way of cooking and the style of eating of kusurigui, most typical form of eating meat before the Restoration. But it became a symbol of civilization and enlightenment. The new government was encouraging eating meat, at that time. The Emperor Meiji first ate meat in 1872. He ate meat as Western food, not gyunabe, and the government regarded meat as beef and mutton. That is to say, the government considered that eating meat was a variety of Western civilization. I must add that besides gyunabe and Western food, there was another style of eating meat, a stewed meat stand. That was regarded as the food for the poor. Some reasons made it possible that eating meat was accepted as gyunabe. In the first place, people associated eating meat with civilization. The civilization included both Westernization and rationalities. The former couldn't have effect on people had ill feeling for Western. But the later was accepted more generally. In early modern times, to eat meat was thought disgusting conduct. Rational explanations were worked out to deny such a thought as superstition. Nutritional thinking also supported gyunabe boom. And, appetite was suppressed before Meiji, but after the Restoration, people could enjoy eating delicious things. This is also an important change. At that time, ranking formed among meat. The meat of wild animals seemed the lowest. Among the meat of livestock, beef was thought more refined than pork. Because pig was resemble to wild boar, eaten as kusurigui, and pork was associated with Ryukyu or Asia in spite of beef was associated with Western. As stated above, gyunabe was ranked higher than stewed meat stands. One of the reasons was rationalities, that was made valid by Western civilization. So Western food came higher rank.

著者

飯島 真里子

出版者

日本農業史学会

雑誌

農業史研究 (ISSN:13475614)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, pp.15-24, 2021 (Released:2022-03-25)

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In the formative period when Taiwan was under Japanese rule (1895–1945), modernizing the sugar manufacturing industry was a pressing issue. To promote the economy and reduce reliance on imported sugar, as agricultural economist Nitobe Inazō insisted in his Tōgyō Kairyō Ikensho (Opinion Paper on Improving the Sugar Industry), Taiwan was expected to mass-produce sugarcane-based raw sugar. However, the Japanese Empire had little experience with this type of modernization; therefore, Hawai‘i, having established itself as the leading sugar-producing region in the late-19th-century Pacific, became a frequent and significant reference for Taiwan. This study focuses primarily on the implementation of what Bosma and Knights called a "global factory." Large-scale sugar-manufacturing machinery and factories became standards in the sugar-industry world by the early 20th century, including in Taiwan. The study purports that people who had connections with Hawai‘i, including immigrants, contributed to establishing the industry in Taiwan. These people were divided into two groups: those involved in the government-initiated migrant-labor project between Japan and the Hawaiian kingdom (1885–1894), and those who worked in the sugarcane fields at factories in Hawai‘i. The former group, including Robert W. Irwin and Takechi Tadamichi, was directly involved in the migration project and, later, the establishment of the Taiwan Sugar Company in 1901. The latter group was considered by Taiwan’s sugar company managers the experienced "engineers" who were able to operate machinery and run factories. This case study attempts to connect the history of Japanese migration to Hawai‘i and the Japanese colonial history of Taiwan by examining the sugar-related interactions between the two islands. Eventually, these interactions shaped the image of Taiwan as a protégé of Hawai‘i in the 1930s. Similar to the global history of other cash crops, skills and systems of sugar production were transplanted from the west to the rest of the world. In emphasizing the multiple trans-Pacific movements of people, machinery, and skills related to sugar, this study challenges the west-centered global history of sugar and reveals segments of power dynamics that appeared within sugar-producing islands in the pre-war Pacific.

著者

藤本 武

出版者

日本農業史学会

雑誌

農業史研究 (ISSN:13475614)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, pp.27-38, 2019 (Released:2020-03-23)

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Tef (Eragrostis tef) is one of the world’s minor small-grained cereals. It is domesticated in northeastearn Africa and still cultivated as a food crop almost exclusively in Ethiopia and Eritrea. However, it is the major crop in these countries, because, despite its low yield per area, which is less than half that of maize, it is cultivated over a larger area than any other crop. Moreover, its cultivation in Ethiopia has increased in area substantially in recent decades. The significance of this cereal is difficult to understand from the perspective of modern agronomy, which privileges high yield, and raises the question why tef is important in this area. This article addresses this question by examining the case of the Malo people, among whom the author has conducted anthropological research. About 80,000 Malo farmers inhabit a steep mountainous area in southwestern Ethiopia that ranges in elevation between ca 1,000–3,000 meters above sea level (asl). Tef, which is currently sown as a dominant cereal in the lowlands between 1,000 and 2,000 meters asl, is cultivated using several unique techniques, which suggests that it was not introduced recently. However, according to local memory, the current landscape of its widespread cultivation is relatively new and has been estimated as less than 50 years. Several factors such as the introduction of cassava and other new crops in the lowlands have contributed to the recent increase in its cultivation. However, the largest contributor to the increase may be the adoption of the spongy sour pancake made from the cereal as its main material, which is an Ethiopian national dish commonly known as injera, as a local diet, following the Ethiopian Revolution in the mid-1970s, and its popularity among the people. Thus, the case of the Malo exemplifies a dynamics of development whereby food and agriculture are closely connected.

著者

伴野 泰

出版者

日本農業史学会

雑誌

農業史研究 (ISSN:13475614)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, pp.1-13, 1990