著者

宮宅 潔

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, no.1, pp.1-32, 2016-06

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Based on the Liye 里耶 Qin strips, there existed three districts (鄕) in Qianling 遷陵, which are thought to have been located along the You 酉 river. The number of households registered in this prefecture was a mere 150-200, and three groups constituted the population : immigrants who came during the Qin occupation, colonists before unification, and natives. Among the native populace, some groups may have submitted to the Qin authority while maintaining their old social order. They were likely to have been divided from other commoners, and separately registered as "new citizens" (新黔首). Moreover, it seems reasonable to suppose that there were groups of men who were not under the administrative control of the Qin. Although the registered households were very few, the prescribed number of officials in Qianling was over 100. In addition, about 1, 000 convicts and over 600 soldiers were stationed there. This fact indicates the existence of members of the populace who had not submitted to the Qin in this area. Qianling prefecture played a role as a bulwark against hostile peoples who would invade the Xiang 湘 river system through the You river. In this sense, Qianling was a prefecture on the frontier. There were several types of soldiers stationed in Qianling : including gengshu 更戍 (short-term soldiers conscripted by rotation), rongshu 冗戍 (long-term military volunteers), and fashu 罰戍 (criminals forced into military service). Certain tendencies concerning their hometowns and times of conscription can be seen for each type of soldier. For example, soldiers tended to be conscripted from Nan 南 commandery just after the unification, and fashu from "the region within the passes" (關中), or the relatively old territory in "the east of the passes" (關東), were also dispatched to Qianling. Later, around the 33rd year of the reign of the First Emperor, the year when the expedition to Lingnan 嶺南 started, gengshu from the region occupied just before the unification appeared in this prefecture. It was the Xianwei 縣尉, or the Prefectural Commandant, who took charge of these soldiers. As an official in charge of prefectural military administration, the Xianwei was somewhat independent from the civil administrative organization led by the Xianling 縣令, or Prefectural Director. It was the Xiaozhang 校長, or the Guard Commander, who led the troops as a subordinate of the Xianwei. Soldiers were organized into units of five or ten, and these units were commanded by a Dunzhang 敦長. In addition to this organization of the prefectural army, commanders who belonged directly to the commandery were stationed in the Qianling prefecture with their troops. It is thought that they were likely to have been outside the control of the Xianwei, so we can assume that the total scale of the garrisons in Qianling was larger than that of the prefectural army, which was composed of about 600 soldiers.

著者

宮宅 潔

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, no.1, pp.1-32, 2016-06

著者

西村 元佑

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, no.5, pp.423-445, 1953-09-30

著者

松井 嘉徳

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, no.3, pp.457-489, 2005-12

著者

森安 孝夫

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, no.3, pp.538-506, 2007-12

著者

平松 明日香

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.72, no.2, pp.187-221, 2013-09

著者

平松 明日香

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.72, no.2, pp.187-221, 2013-09

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In this paper, the author surveys the organization, changes, and demise of the persistent regencies of empresses dowager throughout the Later Han era. In the first section, the author examines how the environment that allowed authority to be concentrated in the institution of the empress dowager was set up with a focus on the first half of the Later Han era. Once an empress dowager became regent, she maintained political power for most of her life, and had the authority to nominate a new emperor, and on certain occasions, even to dethrone an emperor. In addition, during the Later Han era, the number of clans that produced empresses became limited, an empress no longer needed to produce an heir herself, and the status of empresses stabilized. Furthermore, an empress dowager could assemble a coterie of close advisers, take advantage of the court council, and was thus also able to punish maternal relative of the emperor. Through the first half of the Later Han era, an environment was set up in such a way that once an empress dowager, who had come from the clan of a meritorious retainer, became regent, she could then stay at the center of political power for a lengthy period of time. Then, in the second section, the author investigates the process of change in the actual conditions of the regency of empresses dowager during the middle period of the Later Han era. The rise of the eunuch faction as a political force was caused mainly by the existence of multiple of centers of power at court after the enthronement of Emperor An, such as the Deng, Geng, and Yan clans, rather than by the female regency. In such circumstances, the political power of eunuchs and nurses was sought after. Moreover, Empress Dowager Yan gave the eunuchs more important positions than she did scholar bureaucrats. Later, during the regency of Empress Dowager Liang, who had been the empress of Emperor Shun, the maternal relatives of the emperor, i.e. her male relatives, also awarded eunuchs important positions. By permanently fixing the capital of Da Jiangjun, and with the cooperation of the eunuchs, maternal relatives of the emperor enormously increased their voice in politics, and they no longer needed the power of empresses dowager as was previously the case. At this stage, institution of the empress dowager had lost almost all its function as an organ of policy planning. Lastly, in the third section, the author considers the process of the loss of authority and power of empresses dowager from the reign of Emperor Huan to that of Emperor Ling. The rise of others, especially real mothers of emperors rather than legitimate mothers, accelerated the relative decline in status and political authority of the empresses dowager. Furthermore, the eunuchs were essential in order for the empresses dowager to keep their status at the court, but at this stage, the maternal relatives of emperor had already set about excluding the eunuchs who were their rivals. There was a fracture between eunuchs and the maternal relatives of emperor who both ought to advise empresses dowager, and their regencies thus lost their ability to function. As noted above, the regencies of the empresses dowager had begun to change from about the reign of Emperor An and develop into a new political system that was formed after the end of the Later Han era.

著者

八尾 隆生

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.1, pp.39-75, 2015-06

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The first half of the period from 1450 to 1680, which was called "the Age of Commerce" by Anthony Reid, corresponds to the first half of the Le era in Dai Viet (Vietnam). In scholarship on Vietnamese history, the viewpoints of historians who focus on the landmass or a single nation have been the mainstream, so the relations between the outer maritime world in the East and Southeast Asia and the foreign policy of the Le government, especially of the most prosperous reign of King Le Thanh Tong, have yet to be fully analyzed. In recent years, however, the number of studies from the viewpoint of maritime history, using the outcome of the research on ceramics trade and emphasizing the importance of the existence of the Ming empire and the Ryukyu kingdom has increased. This essay will employ the limited number of records in the Vietnamese chronicles and laws as well as information from newly introduced inscriptions to indicate the following points. According to an analysis of the foreign trade policy in the first half of the Le era and the aim of the military expansionist policy of King Thanh Tong, we see that the Le government also took administrative control of foreign trade, issuing a "sea ban" similar to the haijin policy of the Ming, though less rigorously enforced. The government, however, had to cooperate with illegal trade ships that resisted the Ming ban to export new commodities like ceramics. Ryukyu kingdom, which played an important role in the fifteenth century maritime world of Southeast Asia, did not maintain an official trade relationship with Dai Viet because the kingdom had been established as a new trade center with the aid of Ming empire and Dai Viet had continued its dispute with the Ming from the time of its founding. With respect to the military expansion policy of King Thanh Tong, we cannot deny the possibility that he sharpened his consciousness of being a "Middle Kingdom" and succeeded in exploiting commodities from small peripheral "vassal states" in the tribute system for a short time. However, it is not possible to conclude whether his policy of military expansion was closely link to the foreign trade policy because research on this point has been insufficient.

著者

會田 大輔

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.2, pp.179-224, 2015-09

著者

會田 大輔

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.2, pp.179-224, 2015-09

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Recent studies have pointed out the limits of understanding the history of the Northern and Southern to Sui-Tang dynasties solely within the framework of Chinese history, and there has been an academic tendency to reassess this period from the more comprehensive, Eurasian perspective. Along these lines, one should note that within the bureaucratic systems of the Northern Dynasties, there are elements that originate in nomadic bureaucratic systems. Kawamoto Yoshiaki has already pointed out the similarities between the inner court official position, neichaoguan 內朝官, of the early Northern Wei and the Mongolian keshig. On the other hand, the Western Wei and the Northern Zhou, the origin of Sui and Tang ruling classes, implemented the Six Ministries System based on the Rites of Zhou, and here, influence of the nomadic administrative system cannot be observed. However, Hirata Yōichirō has reconsidered the Twenty-four Armies System of the Western Wei, and has concluded that it descended from the nomadic military system. Furthermore, Hirata also pointed out that the close advisors, qinxin 親信, who served the authorities of the Western Wei and the Northern Zhou, were derived from the inner court bureaucrats of the early Northern Wei. Taking these points into account, one should consider the possibility that the Northern Zhou Six Ministries System also involved elements of the nomadic bureaucratic system. This paper attempts to explain the relationship between the Northern Zhou Six Ministries System and the nomadic bureaucratic system, by focusing on the imperial chamberlains (侍衞) of the Northern Wei, their development, duties, and those appointed to the position. The position of chamberlain in the Northern Zhou was not directly derived from the early Northern Wei inner court official position. Rather, it was based on elements such as the Rites of Zhou, and the imperial guard positions of the Western Wei. The main duties of the Northern Zhou chamberlains were as imperial guardsmen, and thus they were more limited than those of the Northern Wei inner court officials. However, the position also included aspects of the nomadic bureaucratic system, firstly in that the chiefs of the chamberlains consisted only of non-Chinese, and secondly, in that the children and siblings of meritorious subjects were appointed as chamberlains, who then advanced onto higher bureaucratic ranks. This shows that the Northern Zhou administered the Six Ministries System through a deft mix of the Rites of Zhou and the nomadic bureaucratic system. In addition, it became clear that the Northern Zhou prepared a career path starting with the chamberlain position for the children and siblings of meritorious subjects and that this was passed on as the Sui-Tang career path starting with the position of Weiguan 衞官. Such findings invoke the need to also consider nomadic influence within the Sui-Tang bureaucratic system.

著者

河上 麻由子

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.1, pp.1-38, 2015-06

著者

河上 麻由子

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.1, pp.1-38, 2015-06

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This paper attempts a systematic examination of essential information by which the significance of the entire Portraits of Periodical Offerings (Zhigongtu 職貢圖) can be explored by re-examining the titles (題記) and the portraits of envoys to Liang China. The first section of this paper analyzes the titles. The titles of the envoys seen in the manuscript of Portraits of Periodical Offerings, held by Nanjing Museum, and those found in the Airiyinlushuhua xulu (愛日吟廬書畫續錄) reveal that the emissaries from West and Central Asian kingdoms to the Liang dynasty included Sogdians, specifically, the Hephthalites (滑國) sent Sogdians and Bactrians as their official envoys to the Liang court. Two other manuscripts in the National Palace Museum in Taiwan show the envoy from Khotan (于闐國) carrying a pot-shaped object, which can be regarded as their gift of a glass vase (瑠璃罌) officially presented to the emperor in 519 ; accordingly, the potraits of the envoys from Karghalik (

著者

藤本 猛

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.2, pp.261-293, 2015-09

著者

藤本 猛

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.2, pp.261-293, 2015-09

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It is said that the eunuchs dominated the latter half of the Huizong reign, but the actual situation is unclear. Some records claim that their ascendancy was related to government conducted through imperial edicts written by the emperor himself (御筆). I have therefore examined the eunuch posts associated with the Xuanhedian 宣和殿, or Ruisidian 睿思殿 within the imperial court (禁中) where imperial edicts were written by the emperor himself, and also the other eunuch posts, such as the Lianfangshizhe 廉訪使者 at local governments and the Chengshouguan 承受官, established at many central government offices. Firstly as the result of an examination of the Zhi-Ruisidian 直睿思殿 and Zhi-Xuanhedian 直宣和殿, to which many higher-ranking eunuchs were appointed, we see that the establishment of these posts was a part of the reorganization of military officers carried out in 1112, and thanks to these changes, higher-ranking eunuchs could enter the Imperial Court. And then the Wenzi-waiku 文字外庫 of the Ruisidian, which was the management office of Administrative Documents in the Imperial Court, received reports to the throne, and the Shichen 使臣 who were able to write official documents that were released by emperor were stationed there. Caozu 曹組, one of these Shichen, was a famous writer of ci 詞who was discovered by Emperor Huizong himself. Zouma-chengshou 走馬承受, the predecessor of the Lianfangshizhe, had been established in frontier areas and supervised warriors. Emperor Huizong expanded their right to audit accounts of local governments and changed the name of the office. The Lianfangshizhe later became one of the Jiansi 監司. The Chengshouguan 承受官 were liaison officers between government offices and the Imperial Court, and some of them dominated the offices they held. The appearance of this post made possible the concentration of information from government offices at the Imperial Court. All these eunuch posts were established during same period and improved the capacity of the Imperial Court to administer the government. They did not advance the interests of the eunuchs, but supported the system of direct administration by Emperor Huizong.

著者

村井 恭子

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.2, pp.225-260, 2015-09

著者

村井 恭子

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.2, pp.225-260, 2015-09

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The Hexi 河西 (around the Ordos) and the Daibei 代北 areas in the northern peripheral belt of China during the Tang dynasty were the cradles of nomadic governments established in Northern China in the 10th century, such as those of the Tangut 党項 and Shatuo 沙陀 tribes. Various conditions in those areas during the latter half of the Tang dynasty directly caused these nomadic groups to gain power. The historical circumstances that caused these nomads to extend their influence to these areas have mainly been explained from the perspective of the study of their own history. However, the Tang dynasty must have had reasons for accepting the nomadic groups. Furthermore, altered circumstances accompanying this acceptance and antipathy to it must also have existed. Therefore, this paper examines the background of the local Tang military deployed in its northern peripheral territory and its acceptance of nomadic troops as well as the regional correlation between Hexi and Daibei under Tang policies regarding the northern peripheral territory by examining the Tangut uprising and its suppression by Tang forces during the first half of 9th century. The first section clarifies the previously obscure deployment of the Tang forces and their composition in the suppression of the Tangut during the Xuanzong 宣宗 era by means of analysis of the new Wang Zai 王宰 epitaph. The core of the Tang forces were not military authorities of Jingxi-Jingbei 京西京北 districts where the Tangut revolt took place, but those of the Hedong 河東 district and some nomadic groups from Daibei, such as the Shatuo who served under the Hedong corps. The second section considers the problems that occurred among the military authorities in the northern peripheral territory, especially those of Jingxi-Jingbei districts, at that time. The military governors there had committed various injustices ; for example, they had exploited Tangut people under their rule and the guanjian 官健, the regular soldiers of their armies. They had embezzled public funds by cutting the number of guanjian. That had also caused the hollowing-out of military strength in strategic points at those districts due to lack of guanjian. These problems were the reason for the Tangut uprising as well as the composition of the Tang military forces mentioned above. The third section examines the Tang central governmentʼs ideal for the northern peripheral territory and the reality there. Behind the hollowing-out of strategic military points in the northern peripheral territory was the military governors active incorporation of nomadic troops. They placed much store particularly in the nomadic groups of Daibei. On the other hand, the Tang central government denounced those military governors who committed injustices. However, it could not in fact keep them under strict control because they had built up close ties with the eunuchs. Therefore the Tang dynasty could not help but depend on the military power of nomadic troops for defense. The nomadic groups of Daibei had substantially controlled Tangut groups based in Hexi since the Wenzong 文宗 era, and they had continued to be the central corps of the Tang military forces in the suppression of Tangut during the Xuanzong era. Such acceptance of nomadic troops required a commensurate cost. It appears that the injustices by the military governors that were related to the cost of keeping those nomadic troops and at the same time the hollowing-out of troops at strategic points both facilitated the entry of the nomadic troops into the Tang military organization.

著者

戶川 貴行

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, no.4, pp.545-576, 2015-03

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Ceremonial court music, the substance of which varied according to the period, disappeared with the collapse of dynasties. Ceremonial music, for example, embraced folk musical works during the Zhou, Han, and Southern and Northern dynasties. While maintaining the pretense of restoring rituals conducted by former dynasties, new elements were, in fact, added to ceremonial music, and consequently the music varied in response to changing times. Previous studies have indicated that such cases can be found in the Han, Northern, and Sui dynasties. Then, can we find similar cases in the Southern dynasties ? If so, what were they like concretely ? The problem of ceremonial music in the Southern dynasties must be clarified in order to show how Jiangnan governments created their new traditions in place of extinct ones, and to provide a perspective on history that differs from Yuanyuanlun 淵源論 of Chen Yinke 陳寅恪. Nevertheless, the problem has never been researched sufficiently from this viewpoint. Based on this point of view, I examine in this paper the scales of ceremonial music adopted by the Jiangnan governments through analyses on the introduction of folk music into the ceremonial music of the Liu Song dynasty, the relationship between such a policy and the scales, the derivation of the Songshichi 宋氏尺, and the length of the shadow based on it. As a result, following four points concerning the actual process of establishing the legitimacy of the Jiangnan governments. First, in addition to the turmoil at the end of the Western Jin, some in the Eastern Jin advocated that state rites should not be prepared until the Central Plains were recaptured, and consequently the ceremonial music of the Western Jin faded away and become extinct. The Liu Song, on the other hand, introduced folk music to make up for such a loss when they prepared ceremonial music. Second, there were gaps between the ceremonial music of the Western Jin and that of the Liu Song in terms of tunings as well as composition of the programs, which were linked to the introduction of folk music and adoption of the Songshichi. Third, when the Jiangnan governments tried to reconstruct ceremonial music using the same scale as that of Xun Xu 荀勖, it had to be recreated almost from scratch given the loss of the Western Jinʼs ceremonial music Yuezou 樂奏 and the musical texts Yueshu 樂書, and it required a large investment of time. Even Emperor Wu 武帝 of the Liang, who was steeped in knowledge of ceremonial music, failed to complete it over 40 years. Fourth, aiming to justify their official adoption of the Songshichi, the Liu Song declared that the Songshichi was derived from the armillary sphere 渾天儀 invented by Zhang Heng 張衡 and that the shadow of an 8 chi 尺 gnomon (based on the Songshichi) attained a length of 1 chi and 5 cun 寸 when it was measured on the summer solstice.

著者

戶川 貴行

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, no.4, pp.545-576, 2015-03

著者

山本 明志

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.2, pp.255-280, 2008-09

著者

土口 史記

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.65, no.4, pp.615-652, 2007-03