著者

永田 雄三

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.2, pp.01-010(257~266), 1970-09

著者

永田 雄三

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.3・4, pp.01-012(489~500), 1971-03

著者

西田 龍雄

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.77, no.1・2, pp.035-044, 1995-10

著者

池内 宏

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, no.1, pp.1-48, 1926-10

著者

後藤 明

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.3・4, pp.363-365, 1978-03

著者

田村晃一編

出版者

東洋文庫

巻号頁・発行日

2005

著者

津田 左右吉

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2, no.1, pp.84-89, 1912-01

著者

久保 亮輔

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.3, pp.027-035, 2017-12

著者

鶴間 和幸

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.77, no.1, pp.p1-31, 1995-10

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Simaqian the historian compiled the Xia (夏) Yin (殷) Zhou (周) Qin (秦) and Qinshihuang Benji as pre-history of the Han (漢) in order to write the Wudi (武帝) Benji as a modern history. Both Wudi and Qinshihuang's behavior patterns were similar according to Simaqian's account. As Qinshihuang's image in Qinshihuang Benji is unacceptable as the real image, the purpose of this paper is to clarify the real image of Qinshihuang by analyzing the historical background of the writing. Descriptions of Qinshihuang Benji are classified into a chronological section, the traditional section of the Warring States and a section on the legend that Simaqian himself collected from various places. There is no difference in the quantity among chronological descriptions, but Simaqian put legends, inscriptions, imperial edicts and memorials to the Throne in the section of a chronicle with emphasis. We must recognize that Qinshihuang Benji is a Qin history written from a stand-point of Simaqian, seeing how an increased description was inserted. When Simaqian was twenty years old, he visited historic sites and recorded legends of Qinshihuang. Though this trip was not intended to visit the historic sites of Qinshihuang, the route was similar to Qinshihuang's inspection tour. Simaqian attended Wudi as a government official from the second tour of the total seven tours and during these tours he saw more of Qinshihuang's ruins. Other than these experiences, he referred to a discussion on the history for destinies of Qin dynasty advocated by the bureaucrats in the beginning of the former Han, such as Jiayi (賈誼). But he had initiated an original viewpoint that the era of unified empire is distinguished from the era of Warring State Qin, for he had lived in the era of Wudi. Simaqian had drawn a conclusion to the history of the Qin Empire, dividing it into Qin Benji and Qinshihuang Benji.

著者

徳永 佳晃

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.4, pp.01-026, 2019-03

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Scholars believe that Safavid Iran (1501–1722) and Mughal India (1526–1858) emphasized their friendly relations with each other and peace was established for many years. It is typical of their good relationship that their monarchs referred to each other in diplomatic correspondence as family members since the seventeenth century. However, detailed analyses of this diplomatic practice have not been conducted. Why did these two empires continue this practice over several generations? To investigate this practice, this study analyzed the usages of terms and expressions indicative of their fictive kinship between the Safavids and the Mughals in their diplomatic correspondence of the seventeenth century. The study particularly focused on correspondence about the Qandahar dispute, which was the biggest disagreement between these two empires. This study revealed the following three points. Firstly, Abbas I (r. 1587–1629) and Jahangir (r. 1605–1627), who experienced a military confrontation regarding Qandahar in 1622, justified their operations using the discourse of kinship, thereby preventing a total breakdown of diplomatic relations between the two empires. Secondly, when confronted by the Qandahar dispute, the heirs of these two monarchs followed this diplomatic practice in an attempt to lessen the negative influence of the Qandahar problem on theit relations, Thirdly, their fictive kinship was referred to in their correspondence with the intention of fixing the relationship, while diplomatic relations generally deteriorated in the second half of the century. In sum, to maintain friendly relations between Safavid Iran and Mughal India, the countries’ monarchs used terms of fictive kinship in their diplomatic correspondence. In addition, they each used that kinship discourse to request the other to accede to their political and diplomatic demands and to explain their military actions. In conclusion, the usages of terms of fictive kinship between these two imperial houses in their diplomatic correspondence over several generations reflect their diplomatic policies used to justified pursuit of their greatest interests while preventing full-scale confrontations.

著者

久村 因

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.2, pp.233-263, 1954-09

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Punishment by curtailing of personal liberty is said to have developed comparatively early in China. This essay, which investigates the circumstances of banishment applied by the Former Han to the feudal lords, reaches the following conclusions:1. The place of banishment was limited to the provinces of Shu 蜀 and Han-chung漢中. 2. As it was a punishment commuted by amnesty from sentence of death it was not a part of the general penal code of the Former Han dynasty.a. Additional punishments included demotion or fines.b. After judgment was given the person to be banished had the status of a free man, but this seems to have been with effect from the time of his reaching his place of banishment. Moreover, at the place of banishment he usually was prudent enough to keep behind closed doors.c. At the place of banishment, clothes, food and lodging were generally supplied by the district 縣 in which it was situated, while the sharing of the lodging appears usually to have been restricted to the children and their mother.d. After judgment had been given ordinary amnesties were not applicable.3. Thus when the abolished domains of the feudal lords were restored it was common, that the succession went to others than the real sons, which was exceptional to the law of succession under the Former Han.4. This custom ceased with the establishment of the Later Han dynasty.(Concerning the origin of this custom nothing can be said here because of lack of space)

著者

大沼 宜規

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋文庫書報 = The Toyo Bunko shoho, Philological report from the Toyo Bunko (ISSN:02885921)

巻号頁・発行日

no.37, pp.27-82, 2006-03

著者

原 實

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.3・4, pp.384-398, 1980-03

著者

森川 哲雄

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, no.1・2, pp.99-129, 1983-01

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In the spring of 1675, Prince Burni, head of the Inner Mongolian Chakhar tribe, rose in arms against the Manchu Ch’ing Dynasty of China, which was then afflicted by a large-scale rebellion in the south started by the so-called Three Feudatories. Taking advantage of this situation, the prince, along with some other Inner Mongolian chiefs who cooperated with him, aimed at liberating his people from the Manchu yoke and bringing back the old glory of the Chakhar Khanate. Not surprisingly, official Ch’ing sources supply only scant information as to what caused this rebellion and how it developed. At that time, the Koreans of the Yi Dynasty Joseon Kingdom, with their barely-concealed anti-Manchu feelings, were keenly interested in the behavior of Burni and his father, Abunai, and information they gathered on the two princes was included in the Veritable Records of that dynasty, Yinjo Sillog. As the Korean source tells us, the Manchu-Chakhar discord originated in the days of Prince Abunai, who had fallen out with Shun-Chih and would not visit Peking even when the emperor died. After the death of Princess Makata, his first wife, Abunai married another woman without asking for permission from the Ch’ing court and ceased to attend the New Year’s celebrations in Peking after 1663 altogether. In 1669 Emperor K’ang-hsi had him arrested and detained at Shenyang, and granted the Chakhar Principality to his son Burni. Deeply offended by the treatment of his father, the young prince prepared for a rebellion while pretending to be loyal to the Ch’ing. Although it was easily suppressed in a short time, the rebellion of Burnj was one of the most politically significant incidents in seventeenth-century Inner Mongolia

著者

西田 龍雄

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.1, pp.01-014(153~166), 1969-06

著者

山下 将司

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 : 東洋文庫和文紀要 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.93, no.4, pp.397-425, 2012-03

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Among the Chinese character epitaphs written for Sogds found to date, we find many instances of appointment to the post of commander of garrisons (junfu 軍府) under the garrison militia (fubing 府兵) system between the Northern Dynasties and early Tang periods. It is also a fact that Sogds were also involved in the formation of local militias that comprised the fighting units of the fubing system. From examples of such Sogdian involvement in military affairs, I had previously pointed out that Sogdian garrisons and army corps may be assumed to have existed at the time in question. However this is merely an assumption based on the existing epigraphy and research to date on the military institutions of the Northern Dynasties, Sui and Tang Periods, concluding that there is still no hard evidence establishing that fact, until now. That is to say, from the epitaph of Cao Yi, which was made public in 2011 in the city of Fenyang, Shanxi Province, we have evidence that a "chejifu 車騎府" of the regional garrison was set up under the "sabao 薩宝" of Jiezhou 介州during the early Tang Period, proving without a doubt the existence of a Sogdian garrison and army corps there. The garrison also joined the Taiyuan uprising led by Li Yuan 李淵in 617, and it had incorporated Sogdian armed forces since before the founding of the Tang. Moreover, when compared to the Sui period epitaph of Yu Hong 虞弘 excavated in 1999, we find that the Tang period garrison had its origins in the local army corps led by Sogdian commander Yu during the last years of the Northern Zhou, and it becomes clear that Sogdian garrisons and army corps existed in the final years of the Northern Dynasties at the latest. Then during the Zenguan 貞観 (627-49) era, as the Tang Dynasty established control, these Sogdian garrisons and army corps were disbanded. In consequence, Sogdian ruling class returned to their former occupations such as commerce, and others became peasants of the Tang Dynasty.

著者

土肥義和編

出版者

東洋文庫

巻号頁・発行日

2009

著者

松尾 有里子

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.80, no.1, pp.103-110, 1998-06

著者

髙村 武幸

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.91, no.1, pp.1-34, 2009-06

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Within the study of the history of the Han Dynasty, a subject that relies on excavated historical sources, official documents constitute the main body of primary sources, particularly in the study of government administration. Correspondence, on the other hand, which exists in lesser quantity than official documents, has in the past been considered to be unrelated to administration and the legal system, and consequently, very little research has been done to date on the subject. However, as indicated in even some of the related research to date, there are examples of connections of correspondence to the activities of the government bureaucracy. Hence, this paper examines a selection of correspondence from the Juyan and the Dunhuang Han wooden documents (居延・敦煌漢簡) containing content related to the public sector and considers how correspondence should be placed within the stud of documents related to Han Dynasty administration.There is a surprisingly large and varied amount of correspondence related to many different aspects of public affairs. A survey of the correspondence reveals that documents known as guanji (官記) and fuji (府記), previously thought to be forms of official document, are in fact fundamentally forms of correspondence. It also becomes clear that there are missives that, despite having a correspondence format and style, performed the same function as public records submitted from higher to lower (下行) and lower to higher (上行) organizations. Thus, “official correspondence” was widely used in administrative settings, in the same manner as documents.In most instances, “official correspondence” was used to handle matters that had not yet reached the stage of official document production, or to deal with problematic matters that would be inappropriate for official documents. This correspondence was written in the simple, private writing style of the time and was used when there were matters that needed to be resolved in a “private or secret” fashion. By adroitly dividing their affairs between formal official declarations and private correspondence, Han Dynasty bureaucrats were able to nimbly and organically manage the administrative matters of state.The author concludes that research on this type of dual “document administration” should be turned to the content of government-related correspondence and how this body of documentation functioned, in order to gain a better understanding of the real state of Han Dynasty affairs. Furthermore, the viewpoint taken in this article will hopefully prove effective in studying the large body of correspondence found among the excavated materials related to the late Eastern Han, Wei and Jin Dynasties.

著者

平松 明日香

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.98, no.3, pp.1-28, 2016-12

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In the research to date on the Later Han Dynasty, the Dowager Empress Deng’s (鄧太后) regency has been characterized as an era in which eunuchs rose to power at Court. However, alliances between eunuch and imperial in-laws in such practices as influence peddling for court appointments (選挙請託) became ingrained during the era of Emperor An’s (安帝) direct rule and the regency of Dowager Empress Yan (閻太后). As this period has not been duly noted due to its short duration, the author of this article examines it by focusing on imperial in-laws, eunuchs and literati bureaucrats, in an attempt to explain the reasons for the rise of the eunuchs at that time.The author begins with an investigation of two imperial in-law clans, the Gengs (耿) and the Yans (閻), discussing their family pedigrees, court appointments and influence they exercised at Court. The article then moves to the main question of the rise of the eunuchs and its various causes. To begin with, criticism of the governance during the regency of Dowager Empress Deng and the infiltration of the Deng Clan into the bureaucracy are discussed as factors. The author concludes the eunuchs in this period first gained influence at Court through the drafting and transfer of documents, before forming their affiliations with court in-laws. Then, regarding the political participation of eunuchs under the direct imperial rule of Emperor An, the author raises examples in order to show the motivation behind the Emperor and his in-laws coming to regard the eunuchs as indispensable.This is followed by an examination of the literati bureaucrats in office during the reign of Emperor An and the regency of Empress Dowager Yan. First, the author confirms the fact that a certain number of Deng Clan bureaucrats managed to retain their appointments during the reign of Emperor An, then shows that the Emperor resisted this move by summoning bureaucrats opposed to the Deng Clan to his side, as evidenced by the large anti-Deng character of the Office of Palace Writers (Shangshu 尚書). Finally, the author shows that this trend continued even during Empress Dowager Yan’s regency, when reaction arose to the deposing of the Heir Apparent, and the Yan Clan was unsuccessful in building friendly relations with bureaucrats, bringing about even heavier dependence upon the eunuchs. The author concludes that accelerated participation by the eunuchs in politics during the reign of Emperor An and the regency of Empress Dowager Yan marked an important era of transition in the history of the Later Han Dynasty.