著者

久村 因

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.2, pp.233-263, 1954-09

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Punishment by curtailing of personal liberty is said to have developed comparatively early in China. This essay, which investigates the circumstances of banishment applied by the Former Han to the feudal lords, reaches the following conclusions:1. The place of banishment was limited to the provinces of Shu 蜀 and Han-chung漢中. 2. As it was a punishment commuted by amnesty from sentence of death it was not a part of the general penal code of the Former Han dynasty.a. Additional punishments included demotion or fines.b. After judgment was given the person to be banished had the status of a free man, but this seems to have been with effect from the time of his reaching his place of banishment. Moreover, at the place of banishment he usually was prudent enough to keep behind closed doors.c. At the place of banishment, clothes, food and lodging were generally supplied by the district 縣 in which it was situated, while the sharing of the lodging appears usually to have been restricted to the children and their mother.d. After judgment had been given ordinary amnesties were not applicable.3. Thus when the abolished domains of the feudal lords were restored it was common, that the succession went to others than the real sons, which was exceptional to the law of succession under the Former Han.4. This custom ceased with the establishment of the Later Han dynasty.(Concerning the origin of this custom nothing can be said here because of lack of space)

著者

榎 一雄

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.1, pp.p76-80, 1974-06

著者

原田淑人著

出版者

東洋文庫

巻号頁・発行日

1970

著者

チベット論理学研究会 福田 洋一 木村 誠司 荒井 弘明

出版者

東洋文庫

巻号頁・発行日

1989-03

著者

古谷 清

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, no.1, pp.113-121, 1914-03

著者

田頭 賢太朗

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.4, pp.61-91, 2020-03

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This article examines the characteristic features of the Jinwuwei 金吾衞 Regiment, one of the Twelve Imperial Guards (Shi’erwei 十二衞) units in China’s Southern Command (Nanya 南衙) system from the viewpoint of its relationship to the military command authority of the Tang Period Emperors. The author’s findings are as follows. First, the Jinwuwei was integrated into the emperor’s military command and was the Imperial Guard unit that functioned to activate that authority. This special character of the Jinwuwei stems from the “yuhou” 虞候 military system of the Northern Dynasties and the Sui and Tang periods. Yuhou were the units responsible for reconnaissance and sentry duty, as well as command and leadership of forces in the field, supporting the authority of the high command by implementing its military law. The author argues that the Jinwuwei was an Imperial Guard unit acting in the role of yuhou under the command of the Tang Emperors. Secondly, the Jinwuwei, with the principle of yuhou at its core, was originally formed based on the concepts underlying the nomadic military organization of Xianbei 鮮卑, resembling the Mongolian pastoral bureaucracies of yūrtchī and bulārghūchī, demonstrating, in the author’s view, one occurrence of the nomadic elements which existed within the Sui and Tang Dynasty bureaucracies. Based on these findings, the author concludes that the military command authority of the Tang Emperors was intimately related to the Jinwuwei in the capacity of a yuhou unit, which was mobilized in order to deploy the whole Twelve Imperial Guards under the command of the Emperor. Moreover, the workings of military command authority in general—for example in the case of a special expeditionary force (hangjun 行軍) and regional military governors (jiedushi 節度使)—were similarly based on the yuhou system with its Xianbei nomadic character. From the above findings it is inferred that the Twelve Imperial Guards including the Jinwuwei retained the character of hangjun units under the Emperor’s military command.

著者

深川 真樹

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.4, pp.1-29, 2020-03

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The Pupils of Academicians (Boshi-Dizi 博士弟子) System, which was instituted in 124 BCE and the Imperial Institute of Learning (Taixue 太學), the highest seat of learning in ancient China dating back to the Zhou Dynasty, have been generally regarded as comprising one unified body. However, it remains uncertain whether the former was initially integrated with the latter, because neither of the documents relating to the establishment of the Boshi-Dizi System, Emperor Wu’s (Wudi 武帝) imperial edict and Gongsun Hong’s 公孫弘 petition, mention the Taixue, and Records of the Grand Historian (Shiji 史記), a contemporary work of historiography, contains no information indicating any such initial integration. This article considers the integration of the two institutions mainly from the perspective of the history of thought, beginning with an attempt to confirm the plan and aim of the initial Boshi-Dizi System. Next the author compares them with ideas about the Taixue which existed since antiquity and shows a significant departure between the two. This is followed by the introduction of Dong Zhongshu’s 董仲舒 concept of the Taixue, raising the possibility that although the Boshi-Dizi System adopted Dong’s ideas in part, it was initially an attempt to expand the existing institutions. Then the author turns to the subject of when and how the two institutions were eventually integrated, assuming integration occurred during the reigns of Emperors Yuan and Cheng (Yuandi 元帝 and Chengdi 成帝; 49–7 BCE), which were marked by institutional reform of the Han court along the lines of Confucian ideas. The author concludes by arguing that the integration should occupy an important place in the history of the growth of Confucianism because of its primary role in the establishment a “new” Han Taixue grounded in the study of the Confucian classics.

著者

三浦 雄城

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.4, pp.31-60, 2020-03

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Along with development of the study of the Confucian classics (jingxue 經學) during the Han Period, there also appeared a related strain of mystic doctrine (chenwei 讖緯), related to the power of the emperors. The research to date on the use of chenwei-related works has indicated the possibility that although the writings on divination (tuchen 圖讖) done at the time of the enthronement of Later Han Emperor Guangwu (Guangwudi 光武帝; r. 25–57 CE) had no ideational connection to either Confucius or the Confucian classics, by the time of the fengshan 封禪 festivals of heaven and earth at Mt. Taishan 泰山, such prophetic writing was being influenced by Confucian ideas. The present article follows this research in considering exactly how Emperor Guangwu came to deal with chenwei works in connection with Confucian thought. To begin with, despite the fact that the theory that Confucius had written chenwei books to testify to the establishment and continued existence of the Han dynasty (Kong Qiu Mijing 孔丘秘經 Theory) had already appeared during the last years of the Xin Dynasty, the influence of Confucian chenwei thought was no widespread; and even after the uprising and enthronement of Emperor Guangwu, little interest was directed at the connection of chenwei to Confucianism. Rather, it was a time when the Emperor regarded chenwei as being effective in more concrete matters connected to rural life, the conquest of Hebei, etc. It was not until around the 6th year of Jianwu Era (30 CE) that Gongsun Shu 公孫述, the independent warlord of the Sichuan region, began operations to incite people by spreading the word of Confucian chenwei throughout Zhongyuan 中原. Meanwhile, beginning in the previous year, Emperor Guangwu had initiated various programs aimed at stabilizing the social crisis and chaos in the midst of military conflict through the introduction of Confucian ideas. Both movements were attempts to appeal to, agitate among and win the hearts of the people of Zhongyuan, who were by no means steadfast in loyalty to the Emperor Guangwu’s regime, by appealing to them, even if symbolically, with the then widely shared authority, i.e. Confucian ideas. The author concludes that the preconditions for these efforts, i.e. the penetration of Confucianism into Chinese society, led to the utilization of Confucian chenwei by Emperor Guangwu, through the political tensions at the beginning of the Later Han Period.

著者

檜山 幸夫

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

近代中国研究彙報 (ISSN:03877914)

巻号頁・発行日

no.40, pp.1-47, 2018

著者

箭内 亙

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, no.2, pp.197-210, 1914-07

著者

箭内 亙

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, no.2, pp.274-284, 1918-05

著者

箭内 亙

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, no.3, pp.389-395, 1911-10

著者

箭内 亙

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, no.2, pp.79-81, 1911-06

著者

箭内 亙

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, no.3, pp.368-412, 1916-10

著者

箭内 亙

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, no.2, pp.274-284, 1918-05

著者

箭内 亙

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, no.1, pp.100-104, 1911-01

著者

箭内 亙

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.1, pp.70-103, 1923-05

著者

箭内 亙

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, no.1, pp.93-111, 1920-05

著者

箭内 亙

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, no.3, pp.477, 1918-09

著者

箭内 亙

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, no.3, pp.349-383, 1920-11