著者

原 實

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.89, no.3, pp.378-372, 2007-12

著者

原 実

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.3, pp.p384-398, 1980-03

著者

原 実

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, no.3, pp.p342-336, 1992-03

著者

原 実

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.4, 1962-03

著者

榎 一雄

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.1, pp.143-149, 1963-06

著者

並木 頼寿

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.62, no.3, pp.p320-358, 1981-03

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Throughout Chinese history, to defend villages from outside enemies, villagers often constructed forts around their communities. Those forts were called yü 圩, chai 寨, and so on. During the White Lotus Rebellion, the Ch'ing government encouraged fortification as a policy that was known as Chien-pi ch'ing-yeh 堅壁清野, or strengthening the walls and clearing the countryside. In the late Ch'ing and the early Republican period, there were many fortified villages in North China. The building of the forts was an influence of the Nien Rebellion in the Taiping period.The Nien Rebellion was strongly characterized by its close relationship with native villages. Nien members lived in villages fortified by yü-chai, organized their corps based on each yü-chai, and went out from yü-chai to battle against enemy forces or to plunder rich gentry property. For the Ch'ing forces, it was very difficult and dangerous to advance against areas that bristled with the yü-chai of the Nien.The Nien Rebellion has been characterized by Fu I-ling as an anti-centralization rebellion of feudal power induced by the medieval t'u-hao 土豪, or local strongmen, and he said, in contrast, with the Taiping movement, the Nien Rebellion cannot be included among peasant rebellions. One of his main arguments is that yü-chai, as the base of the Nien, were ruled by t'u-hao.But, I think, it is incorrect to think there were already many yü-chai ruled by t'u-hao in the area of the Nien before the outbreak of the rebellion. Construction of yü-chai mushroomed in response to expansion of the rebellion. This fact shows us that the organization of the Nien and the rule of t'u-hao should be distinguished. Nien members constructed forts around their communities, nevertheless they made up their own organization against the rule of t'u-hao, and their fortified villages were not equal to the fortifications constructed under gentry supervision.Thus, I think, the Nien Rebellion should be classified as a peasant rebellion, though Nien members were often deeply related by clan connections.After the suppression of the rebellion, however, the rule of t'u-hao based on yü-chai was likely to be rather strengthened in North China villages.

著者

山崎 元一

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.4, pp.87-94, 1972-03

著者

平山 久雄

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.1, pp.42-68, 1966-06

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We divide the labial and gutteral syllables with the medial /-i-/ of Ancient Chinese into three classes; (The phonemic interpretation is prof. Mineya’s. cf. Gengo Kenkyu 22/23 and 31) class A: syllables with the front vowel /a/ or /e/ and with /j/ as the palatalizing element of initials. class B: syllables with the front vowel /a/ or /e/ but without /j/. class C: syllables with the back vowel /ɑ/ or /ʌ/,There can be found in the fanch‘iehs of Ch‘iehyün a kind of selection between the resultant word and the upper ch‘ieh word concerning the classes to which they belong, i.e. the class of the resultant word A B C the class of the upper ch‘ieh words AorC BorC CAs these selections are quite precise, it is possible to use them as a criterion to decide the phonemic values of the rimes 蒸職 and 之 which remain yet unsettled. The results we have obtained are as follows; i) The rimes 蒸職 had the values of /-ieŋ, -iek, -iuek/ (class B) under the labial initials, the gutteral initials of hok’ou and the retroflex initials (正歯音二等), while under the remaining conditions they had the values of /-iʌŋ, -iʌk, -iuʌk/ as have been assumed before. ii) The rime 之 had the value of /-iʌɯ/ (the phoneme /ɯ/ is newly assumed to interpret this rime.), the phonetic value of which might be [-iěɩ] or [-iɩ].The reconstructions mentioned above are also supported by the study of fanch’iehs contained in the Tunhuang fragments of Maoshiyin (毛詩音), and by the regularity of correspondence to Archaic Chinese.

著者

河野 六郎

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.1・2, pp.201-208, 1979-12

著者

山崎 元一

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.3, pp.347-399, 1966-12

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The present article is the re-examination of the two legends closely connected with the Mahinda legend which the author examined in his last article in this journal (“The Mahinda Legend, A Critical Study”, Toyo Gakuho, XLVIII-2). In the present article, he asserts that: 1. Moggaliputta-Tissa, who was attributed to the teacher of Mahinda, must have been one of a famous thera (a senior monk) belonging to the Buddhist monk community of Avanti (including Sanchi and Ujjeni), since his name was found inscribed on two relic-caskets which were unearthed from two sûpas around Sanchi. 2. The legend of the sending of the missionaries to various countries may not be based on the historical facts but must be a fabrication of the Ceylonese monks, who divided the outlying lands of India into nine parts and where the famous missionaries were known, they picked up their names (such as Majjhantika, Mahādeva, Majjhima), and where such missionaries were unknown, they created fictional names to fill the blank in the legend (such as Rakkhita, Dammarakkhita, Mahârakkhita, Mahâdhammarakkhita.) They also put these missionaries under the command of Moggaliputta-tissa to give this famous thera the honour of organizing the great missionary work. 3. For the monks of Ceylon, who insisted on the orthodoxy of their school, it might have been necessary to put the legend of the Third Council before the legend of the Converting of Different Countries. In this process, they altered the place of Moggaliputta’s activities from Avanti to Pâtariputra, capital of Maghada. He was made, also, the president of the Council and the spiritual teacher of Asoka. 4. The early Ceylonese Buddhism developed under the direct influence of the Buddhism of Western India especially that of Avanti. Later Ceylonese monks needed to prove the authenticity of their religion and made such legends as above-examined ones to assert that their Buddhism was introduced directly from the home of Buddhism, i. e. Magadha. The author’s opinion will be endorsed by the fact that the similar change of places is also found in the legends of Vijaya, the founder of Ceylon, and Mahinda.

著者

山根 幸夫

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

近代中国研究彙報 = Kindai Chugoku Kenkyu Iho (ISSN:03877914)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, pp.117-128, 1996

著者

井上 亘

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.95, no.4, pp.1-28, 2014-03

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This article presents the results of an empirical study of the word "Riben"日本(Jpn: Nippon; hi-no-moto)appearing in the epitaph of Ni Jun 禰軍 (613-678), a native of the Korean kingdom of Baekje, discovered in 2011 in Xi'an, the site of the Tang Dynasty capital of Chang'an. In this epitaph, which extols Ni's most prominent achievements, there is an item concerning his success in persuading a foreign "would-be emperor" to subject himself as a tributary of the Tang Dynasty, and the word "Riben" appears at the beginning of the item. Researchers to date have been of the opinion that the name of the Japanese archipelago kingdom of "Nippon" was formulated by the Asuka-Kiyomihara Ryo 飛鳥浄御原令 code enacted between 681-687, and firmly established in the Taiho Ryo 大宝令 code of 701; however, due to the fact that Ni Jun died in the year 678, it is now necessary to reconsider this assumption. The historian Tono Haruyuki has argued that the "Riben" in the epitaph of Ni Jun is not the name of a specific kingdom, but rather a term indicating the Far East, in general, and the territory of Baekje, in particular. The author of this paper attempts to refute such an idea by a detailed study of the text of the epitaph, leading him to the conclusion that "Riben" does in fact refer to the Japanese reading of "hi-no-moto ひのもと" for the Chinese characters日本 and surely indicates the archipelago kingdom.

著者

津田 左右吉

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, no.2, pp.257-272, 1916-05

著者

荒井 悠太

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 : 東洋文庫和文紀要 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, no.1, pp.88-64, 2020-06

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In this article, the author reappraises the significance of non-kin ties according to 'ilm al-'umrān al-basharī (the science of human civilization), advocated by Arab historian Ibn Khaldūn in the Muqaddima, an introduction and volume I of his historical work, the Kitāb al-'Ibar. Ibn Khaldūn's dynastic theory, which constitutes the substance of his science of human civilization, has been regarded as a product of his political experience in Maghrib society, giving him insights into its organization, and is considered to be "tribal" in character. However, after reading through Ibn Khaldūn's historical narrative, the author has found that the phenomenon of a transition from kin to non-kin ties in dominant groups is also laid out as a critical dynastic phenomenon, bringing into doubt the conventional interpretation that the theory is no more than "tribal." Thus the author examines Ibn Khaldūn's Kitāb al-'Ibar, focusing on a kind of his notions of social ties, 'aṣabīya bil-walā' (solidarity based on clientage), in order to clarify the function of non-kin ties in his dynastic theory and historical narrative. Chapter I outlines Ibn Khaldūn's historical narrative up to the Abbasid era according to his historical perspective. Chapter II examines Ibn Khaldūn's method of applying his own dynastic theory to the Mamluk sultanate, which has been considered not to conform to his "tribal" dynastic theory because its dominant group, mamluks, are intrinsically non-kin and non-tribal. In conclusion, the author argues that while Ibn Khaldūn's dynastic theory emphasizes the significance of kin and tribal ties as applied to historical dynasties in general, his historical narrative reflects the principles of transitions from kin and tribal to non-kin, which takes place in the character of social relationships in dominant groups.

著者

佐藤 克己 桑原 哲也 富澤 芳亜

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

近代中国研究彙報 (ISSN:03877914)

巻号頁・発行日

no.42, pp.47-78, 2020

著者

八木 啓俊

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, no.2, pp.1-28, 2020-09-17

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Due to a dearth of historiographical sources, the analysis of local potentates under the Timurid Dynasty (1370–1507) has been lacking. In the present article, the author takes up the case of one of those potentates, the Mar'ashīs, who set up a Sayyid political regime in the region of Mazandaran on the Caspian Sea in present day northern Iran and compares it with the Badakhshān regime, based on the Timurid chronicles and a local histoty entitled, Tārīkh-i Tabaristān wa Rūyān wa Māzandarān. After his conquest of Māzandarān, Tīmūr (r. 1370–1402) appointed two military figures based in Khurāsān as the governors (dārūgha) of Sārī and Āmul. However, since both dārūghas continued to maintain relations with their bases, Tīmūr attempted to limit their power by demanding military service and political hostages. When the dārūghas rebelled, the Timurids switched to indirect control over Mazandaran through the Mar'ashīs. With the establishment of the 'Alī Sārī regime in 1411/12, the Timurids ordered the Mar'ashīs to submit taxes, although at that point in time Māzandarān was still attempting to recover from the Timurid invasion and thus in no financial position to take on additional tax burdens. After the death of 'Alī Sārī in 1418, the Timurids took advantage of the resulting conflict and division among the Mar'ashīs to raise silk taxes through the promises of local rule to the highest bidder, who turned out to be Murtad ̣ ā. Then provisions pertaining to the taxation of Māzandarān were determined, and these rules would be followed by all succeeding amirs of the Timurid Dynasty. While the Timurid authorities did grant the Mar'ashīs a certain amount of autonomy regarding the administration of their regime and religious affairs, tax collection never wavered on the crucial economic resource of Māzandarān silk. In his comparison of Māzandarān and Badakhshān governance, the author finds similarities between the two concerning frequency of taxation, destinations of taxation, dispatch of tax collectors and military service, while noting a difference in the political status enjoyed by the two regimes at the Timurid court, stemming from the fact of the Badakhshan regime being formed later than the Mar'ashīs', thus resulting in the former's lower status.

著者

渡邊 美樹

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, no.3, pp.63-94, 2020-12-17

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In the research to date on the history of the Liao Dynasty, the reign of Emperor Shengzong 聖宗 (982–1031) is regarded as the turning point in the Dynasty's tribal system, based on the facts that Shengzong 1) reorganized the six nomadic tribes under the leadership of Xiwang 奚王 that had existed since the founding of the Dynasty and 2) formed subjects not of Qidan 契丹 ethnic origin—the Ordo 斡魯朶 people and imperial slaves—into tribes. Since there is no record of any new tribal formation in the Liaoshi 遼史 histories from that time on, Shengzong's reign is regarded as marking the completion of the Dynasty's tribal system. Referred to in the Liaoshi as "Shengzong's thirty-four tribes" (Shengzong Sanshisibu 聖宗三十四部), the research to date has inferred that this tribal collectivity was formed for the specific purposes of firmly establishing a centralized system of governance and expanding the tribal defense forces on the borders, despite the fact that no attempt have yet been made to ascertain the circumstances under which each individual tribe was formed. In order to fill this gap, the present article examines from which tribe each of Shengzong's thirty-four tribes originated through a careful survey of the background and motivation for each tribe's formation. What this survey reveals is the possibility of classifying the thirty-four tribes into two distinct groups: those people already under the Liao rule prior to Shengzong's reign and those people organized on the occasion of the acquisition of human resources in the expeditions during Shengzong's reign. Furthermore, the purposes behind formation varied from tribe to tribe: for example, compensating for population scarcities, accounting for war captives, the restoration of order on the frontier, and appeasing groups of people to submit to Dynasty rule. In other words, Shengzong's thirty-four tribes were not formed collectively under a consolidated policy of political centralization and border defense, but rather formed separately and incrementally in the process of the Liao Dynasty attempting to solve domestic and foreign problems that had arisen during Shengzong's reign. Despite the fact that the research to date has viewed the Liao tribal system as depicted in the Liaoshi as a self-evident conclusion and has avoided any discussion other than the aims of creating the system as a whole, the author concludes that tracing the circumstances of formation tribe-by-tribe casts doubt on the argument of the research to date that Shengzong conceived his own master plan when reorganizing the tribal system. In the future, only careful examination of conditions evolving over time promises to reveal the actual raison d'etre of the tribes formed under the Liao Dynasty.

著者

土肥 歩

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 : 東洋文庫和文紀要 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, no.1, pp.1-29, 2020-06

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The civil disturbances caused by secret societies and discharged military veterans of Guangxi Province from the end of the 19th century into the beginning of the 20th century were further exacerbated by natural disasters, especially the flood and famine from 1901 to 1903. Although much research has paid special attention to these Guangxi civil disturbances to date, the aspect of relief efforts by foreign Protestant missionary societies has not been sufficiently covered. For this reason, the present article attempts to clarify whether or not the disaster relief activities, which were carried out by the Christian and Missionary Alliance (CMA) in Guangxi Province, and by Robert McWade, a Consul General of the United States at Guangzhou, affected the civil disturbances. The author begins by summarizing the actual conditions surrounding the disturbances based on the research to date and the available primary sources, in order to confirm a relationship between civil disturbances and the Renyin Disasters. Next, he describes the famine relief efforts conducted in 1903 by the missionaries of the CMA and McWade's "American Relief Expedition" funded by private voluntary contributions from the United States; then sums up the influence exerted by relief efforts on the evangelical activities of the CMA in Guangxi Province, in general, while focusing specifically on the relationship between famine relief, touted as "humanitarian service" in the US, and the simultaneous efforts by the Cen Chunxuan, the Viceroy of Liangguang to suppress rebellion. The above investigation has led the author to the following two discoveries. First, regarding the relationship between disaster relief and Protestant evangelical activities, as already shown in the existing research, the contribution of the humanitarian efforts carried out by the missionaries of the CMA and diplomats in the midst of the Renyin Disasters can be confirmed. On the other hand, it is also clear that the evangelical efforts conducted by McWade's "Expedition" met with every possible impediment because of the oppositions on the part of local elites. Secondly, due to the intervention of Chinese authorities, the relief campaign was incorporated into the counterinsurgency operations. In more general terms, the author's results demonstrate the necessity of further studying the relationships between internationally organized relief campaigns and intervention in such efforts by Chinese local authorities.

著者

伊藤 光成

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, no.3, pp.1-29, 2020-12-17

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The Cao Wei 曹魏 Dynasty was a polity that faced a contradiction between its standing as a bona-fide Chinese dynasty and the reality of the Three Dynasties Period triumvirate. This article examines the idea of an international order envisioned by the Dynasty's founder Emperor Wen 文帝 (Cao Pi 曹丕) and the background to its conceptualization. To begin with, throughout the Later Han Period the relationship between that Dynasty and the peoples on its periphery had changed. In the north, the decline of the Xiongnu 匈奴 saw the rise of the Wuwan 烏丸 and the Xianbei 鮮卑; in the east, there was the establishment of tributary relations with the "Eastern barbarians" (Dongyi 東夷); and in the west, there was a rupture in relations with the kingdoms of the West (Xiyu 西域). Under such circumstances, newly enthroned Emperor Wen decided to follow the precedents set by the diplomacy practiced by an idealized Han Dynasty, focusing on the eras when that Dynasty was most influential in each of the three peripheral regions. Accordingly, in the north, an equestrian nomadic hierarchical order was established placing the emirs of the Wuwan and Xianbei under the Chanyu 單于 of the Xiongnu, as during the reign of Later Han Emperor Shun 順帝; in the east, a system of receiving tribute was set up by giving special treatment to the Gongsun 公孫 Clan regime in Liaodong, which exerted strong influence on such "Eastern barbarian" tribes as the Fuyu 夫餘, in the tradition of Later Han Emperor Guangwu 光武帝; and in the west, Former Han Emperor Yuan's 元帝 Wuji Xiaowei 戊己校尉 military order was reinstituted and Han Dynasty accomplishments in the region compiled, together with efforts to stabilize relations with the region through special treatment of the oasis city state of Jushi Houbuguo 車師後部國, which had caused the original break with the region during the Xin and Later Han Periods. It was in this way that Emperor Wen devoted himself to inheriting the "Han Dynasty international order," although his policies were often at odds with reality. Consequently, it is difficult to conclude that such diplomacy functioned effectively in the midst of uncertainty on all sides of the periphery. That being said, even if not fully in sync with the realities of the situation, there is no doubt that Emperor Wen attempted to gain legitimacy and authority for his Dynasty by assuming a posture of being the successor to the powerful Han Dynasty.

著者

護 雅夫

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.1, pp.p217-222, 1976-01