著者

岡田 英弘

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.4, pp.464-485, 1966-03

著者

岡田 英弘

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.3, pp.301-326, 1965-12

---

From 1547 till 1628, just before its conquest by the Manchus, Inner Mongolia was divided into six Mongol states each headed by a qaγan, namely Ordos, Tümed and Qaračin to the west and Čaqar, Inner Qalqa and Qorčin to the east of the Khingan Mountains, while Outer Mongolia was under the rule of three qaγans of Outer Qalqa. The royal families of all those states save that of Qorčin had descended from Dayan qaγan, himself a descendant of Činggis qaγan. Such an important historical personage as he was, it has not yet been determined just when he lived and died. There are ten Mongol chronicles, all composed in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, that report on his reign. Three of those are found to have best preserved the historical traditions of the aforementioned states, quite independent of each other: Erdeni-yin tobči of Ordos, Altan tobči of Tümed and Ganga-yin urusqal of Čaqar. The Tümed chronicle is the most accurate in chronology up until the reign of Manduγuli qaγan who died in 1479. His successor, Dayan qaγan’'s father Bolqu ǰinong, is reported to have died in 1487 in a contemporary Chinese source, Ming Hsien-tsung Shih-lu. As for the length of Dayan qaγan’s reign, both Altan tobči and Gangga-yin urusqal give 37 years. Thus the date of his death falls in 1524, one year after the death of his eldest son Törö bolad, who is said in the Ordos chronicle to have died before the father. After Dayan qaγan’s death, his third son Bars bolad ǰinong took over the throne, according to the Čaqar chronicle for one month, but Bodi alaγ, son of Törö bolad and the rightful heir, backed by the left-wing tribes, forced him to retire. Erdeni-yin tobči reports that Bars bolad died in 1531, seven years later. All the three Mongol chronicles and a Chinese source, Ming Hsien-tsung Shih-lu, concur in asserting that Bodi alaγ qaγan died in 1547, that is, 23 years after his grandfather’s death, and this is the very number Altan tobči gives for the duration of his reign. Thus it is established that Dayan qaγan was on the Mongol throne from 1487 till 1524. As for the date of his birth, 1464 is preserved in the Ordos chronicle, most probably culled from an old genealogical work. Judged from ages of his sons and grandsons, especially that of Bodi alaγ qaγan, this date is quite reliable, while earlier birth-dates of Dayan qaγan’s predecessors are all false, often anachronistic, suggesting that he was the first one in the original family-tree whose birth-date was recorded.

著者

豊岡 康史

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.89, no.4, pp.469-476, 2008-03

著者

原 實

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, no.3・4, pp.01-07(432~438), 1994-03

著者

飯山 陽

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.87, no.4, pp.536-562, 2006-03

---

Maṣlaḥa, which is translated as public interest or common good, has been one of the major topics in the study of Islamic legal theory since the beginning of the 20th century, and today, is attracting the attention of scholars interested in “publicness,” or the nature of a community of people as a whole. However, the original meaning of maṣlaḥa is merely “interest” or “good,” and how it developed into the term for “public interest” or “public good” has not been clearly investigated. The present article discusses the legal theory of Abū al-Ḥusayn al-Baṣrī (d. 1044), a Mu‘tazili theologian and attempts to show that in his ideas we can see the germination of the usage of maṣlaḥa in the sense of public interest or public good in the Islamic world.In al-Baṣrī’s ideas, maṣlaḥa is principally used merely in its original sense of “interest,” but he divides the meaning into two types: one that receives praise from God as one of His followers, the other that does not involve praise nor blame from God. The former is almost synonymous with the legal rules derived from revealed sources of law, such as Qur’ān, Sunna, Ijmāʻ and Qiyās, and regarding them, he argues vehemently against the use of maṣlaḥa as ratio legis, for this maṣlaḥa is what we can gain through speculation and is not determined by human reason. This maṣlaḥa can be interpreted as sharī‘a, which God revealed to men as their public interest or common good.The latter meaning is used interchangeably with other Arabic words, such as naf‘ and manfa‘a, which also mean “interest” principally. He says that we are able to understand this maṣlaḥa through reason and can use it as the basis for judging something or some action to be good and permissible. The significance of his ideas about maṣlaḥa lies in these two separate usages; and the author concludes from this that this double meaning paved the way for maṣlaḥa to play a prominent role in legal theory, by providing later scholars with a hint to use maṣlaḥa as the basis of their own legal speculations.

著者

岸本 美緒

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.1・2, pp.171-200, 1976-01

---

Heng ch’an so yen is a collection of family precepts left to posterity by Chang Ying, 1638-1708, a scholar who served and was close to Emperor, K’ang-hsi. The text emphasizes the security of investment in land as compared to that in commerce and discusses the secret of making the former more profitable. The author came from one of the influential famines native to T’ung-ch’eng County, An-ch’ing Prefecture, Anhwei Province, and one of his sons, Chang T’ing-yü, 1672-1755, later became a powerful minister in the reigns of Yung-cheng and Ch’ien-lung.At the time of writing Heng ch’an so yen, it seems, Chang Ying was the owner of more than one-thousand mou of cultivated lands, and his income consisted mostly of the proceeds from the rice collected as rent from the lands and sold for cash. It is a safe guess that his yearly income from the lands, after deducting expenses necessary for reproduction and livelihood and tax duties, amounted to a sum in silver enough for purchasing more than one-hundred mou. Thus it was possible for him to expand steadily the lands he owned.In spite of such highly secure nature of the management of his lands, Chang Ying could not help warning his descendants in his precepts against the danger of their downfall through selling away the lands. It was because he had witnessed too many of such unfortunate examples, in which the sons of a landowner would fall into poverty caused by the thin profit margin on land management, or be ruined after selling away their land holdings and going into commercial activities seeking higher profit. Low profitability of investment in land was a frequent subject of discussion in Ch’ing Chinese literature. It is interesting to note that Chang Ying hardly considered it relevant to discuss the heavy tax burden and the anti-rent resistance by the tenants, two great problems in the Yangtzekiang Delta, but regarded the low profitability as mainly caused by the poor crop resulting from the landowner’s neglect of the land management and the lower price of grain in comparison to other commodities. Moreover, he felt that the two main causes of difficulty could be overcome if the landowner stopped living in town and returned to the countryside so that his lands would be put to optimum use to make him self-supporting in livelihood. Such a view of Chang Ying’s appears to reflect the economic situation at T’ung-ch’eng, where market economy had not yet penetrated the countryside at that time.

著者

斯波 義信

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.2, pp.66-70, 2018-09

著者

西 英昭

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.2, pp.33-40, 2018-09

著者

上野 雅由樹

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.88, no.2, pp.262-268, 2006-09 (Released:2018-08-22)

著者

窪添 慶文

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.88, no.3, pp.301-308, 2006-12

著者

新免 康

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.2, pp.61-63, 2017-09

著者

村上 正和

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 : 東洋文庫和文紀要 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.1, pp.1-29, 2017-06

著者

蓮田 隆志

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 : 東洋文庫和文紀要 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.2, pp.234-210, 2017-09

著者

持田 洋平

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 : 東洋文庫和文紀要 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.1, pp.31-57, 2017-06

著者

大久保 翔平

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 : 東洋文庫和文紀要 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.2, pp.147-176, 2017-09

著者

上野 愛実

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 : 東洋文庫和文紀要 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.2, pp.208-184, 2017-09

著者

柳谷 あゆみ

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 : 東洋文庫和文紀要 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.1, pp.118-91, 2017-06

著者

原田淑人著

出版者

東洋文庫

巻号頁・発行日

1970

著者

山下 将司

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.85, no.2, pp.173-203, 2003-09

---

The Xuanwumen incident (玄武門の変) which occurred in A.D. 626 involved Prince Lishimin 李世民 killing his brother Jiancheng 建成, the crown prince of the Tang 唐 dynasty, and coercing his father Liyuan 李淵, the first emperor of the dynasty, to relinquish the throne. This incident is usually regarded as either sibling rivalry or a court dispute over the title of crown prince and has been considered to have had no influence on the political structure of the dynasty. Therefore, the recent research has not taken into consideration the concerned parties in the incident. For example, there were a number of natives of Shangdong 山東 among Lishimin's retainers, particularly natives of Qiji 斉済 (Qijun 斉郡 and Jibeijun 済北郡 of the Sui 隋 period). They had been affiliated with Limi 李密, a revolutionary at the end of the Sui period. After Limi's defeat, they came to serve the Tang dynasty under Lishimin. It was Fangxuanling 房玄齢 (the right hand man of Lishimin and the ringleader of the Xuanwumen incident) who organized this group under Lishimin. Fang was a member of the Qinghefang family (清河房氏), which had been influential in the Qiji area since the 460s and had continuously produced many regional officials of the Qiji area during the Sui period. Furthermore, Limi's right hand man was also of Fang's lineage. It can be said that the natives of the Qiji area who were once active under Limi formed a strong group supporting Lishimin under the direction of Fang.Meanwhile, Emperor Liyuan began to disperse Lishimin's group and organize his retainers into the Twelve Guanzhong Armies (関中十二軍) as a countermeasure against the Turks (突厥) in A.D. 625. It was a move to transfer the central force of the Tang dynasty from his second son's retinue to his own. The Xuanwumen incident broke out when antagonism between the emperor and his son reached a climax as the result of a collision between two disparate power bases.

著者

小澤 一郎

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 : 東洋文庫和文紀要 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.95, no.3, pp.354-329, 2013-12